Multigenerational conflicts and new immigrants: An Indo-American experience

Pettys, Gregory L

ABSTRACT

Indo-Americans are one the fastest growing immigrant groups in the United States. Unlike earlier immigrant groups, this growing immigrant group has access to technologies which make communication with family in India more practical. With this comes both maintenance of family ties as well as multigenerational conflicts. These conflicts were explored through in-depth interviews with thirty IndoAmerican families, including eleven grandparents residing in India. Major conflicts, the role of grandparents, and coping strategies used by these families are reported. The findings of this article have heuristic value for counselors in working with all the emerging ethnic groups in the United States.

The current climate in the United States for new immigrants is a dramatic shift from only a couple of decades ago. Current advances in technology mean new immigrants to the United States have easier and more affordable access to the peoples and culture of their homeland. Concurrent with these advances, American society has undergone changes that influence the immigration experience. First, changes in immigration laws have drastically altered the demographics of the United States. Second, there has been a move away from theories of anglo-conformity and the "melting pot" to a theory of pluralism. This movement coincides with an ethnic revival, or celebration of diversity (Smith, 1981). While these changes bring society a dramatic step forward in understanding ethnic identity, they have also added unexpected challenges and conflicts for new immigrants.

This article explores various multigenerational conflicts that affect immigrants and their children. Specifically, it examines the IndoAmerican' family and the multigenerational conflicts the family encounters while trying to acculturate to the United States and reformulate a new cultural identity. Knowing the interactive processes by which identity shifts and is maintained will help sensitize workers to the areas needing assessment and intervention when working with Indo-American families. Indo-American youth are particularly vulnerable to feeling lost in both Indian and American cultures and need support as they struggle with their identity.

To explore identity conflicts encountered by Indo-Americans, an in-depth ethnographic study was conducted. Traditional cultures, such as in India, place importance not only on the immediate family, but also on the extended family. Therefore, to capture the process by which Indo-Americans struggle to maintain their identity and at the same time become American, this study explored that process across three generations - adolescents, their parents, and their grandparents who are still residing in India.

By the turn of the twentieth century, the United States had become a country of immigrants, primarily with peoples from Western Europe. In 1964, Europeans accounted for 42.1% of recent immigrants, with Asians comprising a mere 7.15% of the immigrants (U.S. Bureau of Census, 1965). In 1965, the United States made significant changes to its immigration law by abolishing national quotas and establishing equal annual quotas from each country. An immigration preference system was established privileging certain family members of immigrants, including their brothers and sisters. Immigrants, therefore, can sponsor relatives from India to immigrate to the United States. Another preference group was made for individuals who met an occupational need. According to Glazer (1988) no one anticipated the effects the 1965 Act would have on immigration. Rather than merely opening the door to more Europeans, the major immigrant groups shifted to Asia and Latin America.

At present, the fastest growing minority groups are among those with roots in Asian countries. In the past decade, Korea and India have experienced the most dramatic increase. The 1990 Census report accounts for a total IndoAmerican population of 815,447, of which 75% are foreign born (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1993a; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1993b.) Asian Indian immigrants come to the United States with diverse backgrounds based on their state of origin, age, gender, education, and occupational background (Fong & Mokuau, 1994) their stage in the family life cycle (Helweg, 1987), and the social climate, both in India and the United States, at the time of immigration.

The initial Indo-American population arriving after 1965 comprised mainly professionals and students (Balgopal, 1995). These professional immigrants helped support the development of the "model minority" myth among Asians (Marger, 1989; Takaki, 1989). As these individuals established themselves, they began sponsoring relatives to come to the United States as well, but often these relatives were individuals who could not immigrate under the professional preference. Because of this trend, as the 1990 census shows, the Indo-American population is becoming more economically diverse as increasing numbers of blue-collar relatives are being sponsored by Indo-Americans. The results are dramatic; the percentage of Indo-American families living below the poverty level increased from 3.6% for those immigrating prior to 1980 to 11.5% for those immigrating after 1980 (U.S. Bureau of Census, 1993a).

The immigrant groups now coming to the United States bring with them vastly different values and customs as well as diverse racial, ethnic, and religious backgrounds. This change occurred during a move away from the melting pot theory of adaptation, which holds that both the host society and the immigrants blend, or melt, to become one universal culture (Smith, 1981). Many of the current minority groups in the United States have shown that they are not culturally assimilated into American culture. Therefore, cultural pluralism is considered a better explanation of minority groups' adaptation to the United States. Milton Gordon (1961), proposed that cultural pluralism requires the maintenance of an ethnic sub-society in which the ethnic groups can realize their values and identities. Pluralism assumes the development among various ethnic groups of a bi-cultural identity (de Anda, 1984). Therefore, some immigrant groups are able to avoid assimilating culturally into American society, or becoming "Americanized," and instead hold onto their own values and cultural identities. Gordon also notes that behavioral assimilation differs from structural assimilation, which gives minority groups access to legal, social, occupational, civic, and service organizations equal to that of other groups. Immigrant groups, therefore, often strive for cultural pluralism and structural assimilation.

Greater emphasis on immigrant groups to maintain their cultural heritage and traditional values while struggling to gain structural assimilation into American society creates new conflicts. Not all cultural differences are accepted and treated equally. There is a subtle message that while diversity is accepted, there are still acceptable and unacceptable forms of diversity. Immigrants, therefore, receive contradictory or double messages to "retain, but assimilate." In other words, proudly display your diversity (as a symbolic gesture), but assimilate into the mainstream (talk like, think like, and act like an American). These double messages create confusion not only for immigrants but also for their children. Children of these new immigrants receive the double message at home of: "Be Indian at home but be an American outside." In pursuing this goal, children often feel they do not fit in with either culture. Indo-Americans try to incorporate the best of both worlds. However, there are no models for immigrants to follow. Most of the current narratives by which immigrants operate suggest it is not possible to be American and still maintain one's own culture. In many ways, the new immigrants appear to be forging new territory.

Acculturation and Identity Formation

As Indo-Americans come to the United States, they are quickly immersed into a culture vastly different from India. In this western culture, identity is based on individual characteristics; autonomy and individuation are the governing developmental tasks of individuals. This confrontation between opposing value systems can produce degrees of conflict and stress as the immigrant family attempts to acculturate and adapt to the new environment. These conflicts can include intrapersonal conflicts (Berry & Kim, 1988; Roland, 1988), interpersonal and familial conflicts (Balgopal, 1986, 1988; Hines, Garcia-Preto, McGolderick, Almeida, & Weltman, 1992; Kakar, 1982; Kurian, 19986; Kurian & Srivastava, 1983; Ramu, 1987), and societal conflicts (Crystal, 1989; Gould, 1988; Hurh & Kim, 1989; Kim, 1973; Marger, 1989; Takaki, 1989), as well as multigenerational conflicts.

Acculturation refers to cultural change processes that occur as a result of continuous, face-to-face contact between two diverse cultural groups. The process of adaptation assumes at least minimal changes in identity within the immigrant group, and often times the process produces significant changes. Identity changes can range from adding some features of the new culture (such as dietary habits), re-definitions of old group boundaries (such as caste boundaries, or meanings), the emergence of a new "ethnic" group (such as Indo-American), or changes in symbols and meanings used to define one's cultural identity (such as gender roles, clothing, or religious traditions). Current research suggests that these changes can have a negative impact on both physical health (Kleinman, 1986) and mental health (Mumford, Whitehouse, & Choudry, 1992).

Gans (1979) is more pessimistic that the current celebration of diversity will result in ethnic groups that are more symbolic than substantive. By the third generation, he believes, immigrant families maintain membership to an ethnic group without any behavioral consequence. Primarily, Gans believes the conflicts associated with acculturation and pluralism will be too great to produce anything more than symbolic ethnicity. But Gans did not anticipate the effects of current technology on cultural identity formation. Advances in telecommunication, personal and internetwork computing, video production and dissemination, and even travel have shrunk the world and made access to one's homeland and culture not only more accessible but more affordable.

Asian Indian Culture

In general, Indo-Americans come from vastly different traditions, values, and world views. While they are a large and diverse group, they do share one attribute; they tend to come from a collectivist culture (Triandis, 1994). Triandis (1994) defines collectivism as those cultures that organize their subjective experiences, values, and behavioral mores around one or more collectives, such as the family, the caste, the religious group, or the country. Identity, then, is defined by group membership and internalization of group values rather than individual independence.

Asian Indian culture is strongly influenced by Hinduism. Self is defined as atman, as an extension of the cosmic absolute or Brahman. An individual is seen as part of a collective whole, and identity is viewed in terms of the group. Karma emphasizes that one's current life is the result of past lives and deeds and that one's future destiny depends on either actions, devotion, and/or intelligence gained in this life.

Social duties are prescribed by dharma. Dharma is a concept extensively discussed in the Bhagavad Gita (the holy book of the Hindus). Is is loosely translated as "duty" in English, but incorporates both issues of prescribed roles of family members across the life cycle, and loyalty to the family (especially to the children and aging parents). According to Ranganathananda (1971) "Dharma is social ethics; it is the integrating principle between man and man in society" (p. 361) .... "Dharma in human life, is an eternal value, it cannot be molded and shaped to suit human convenience" (p. 273). Dharma is the ultimate law of all things in Hinduism that governs "correct" behavior. Dharma for a woman is to be a devoted daughter, wife, and mother; for the male it is to be the provider and protector of the family.

There is clear reciprocity between karma and dharma, especially as related to parent-child interactions. For example, parents are obligated to assume sole responsibility for their children, even during adult life. This includes education and arranging marriage. Children are obligated to give unconditional respect to parents and to take care of them when they are aged. Fulfilling one's duty in this life means a release from the cycle of rebirths.

Multigenerational relationships emphasize collectivism and familycenteredness rather than the western values of privacy and individualism (Hines, et al., 1992). Identity is defined by group membership rather than by individual accomplishment. Individual attachments are seen as temporary and therefore an illusion (maya), which distracts from the reality of Brahman and the accomplishment of one's dharma. Being materialistic is therefore viewed as non-Indian.

The process of immigration and adaptation to U.S. society produces conflicts and changes in traditional Hindu culture, and much of the early research on immigrants and identity formation processes pre-date the current cultural pluralism movement. Very little literature outlines the current struggles faced by Indo-Americans during this particular cultural moment (Fong & Mokuau, 1994; Segal, 1991). Studies on Indo-Americans generally focus on intrapersonal conflicts of the immigrant with various aspects of their culture: language (Sridhar, 1988), family values (Helweg & Helweg, 1990), religion (Fenton, 1988), caste identity (Subramaniam, 1978), food (Gupta, 1975), dress, cultural events and festivals, arts (music, dance, movies) and participation in ethnic organizations (Dasgupta, 1989; Fisher, 1980; Kurian & Srivastava, 1983; Takaki, 1989). Few studies have explored intergenerational issues with IndoAmericans (Dhruvarajan, 1988; Hines, et al., 1992; Kurian, 1986; Sodowsky, & Carey, 1987).

Since the Indo-American group is not homogeneous, and it is difficult to generalize to a pan-Indian culture, a specific group of IndoAmericans from the southern state of Tamil Nadu was selected for this study. This Tamilian-American sample was used to explore the roles members from multiple generations play in the process of maintaining and reformulating identities and how they cope and adapt to multigenerational conflicts that emerge due to immigration.

Methodology

Similar to other new immigrant groups, research on IndoAmericans has focused primarily on a single generational group rather than across generations. Among Indian immigrants, the family in India continues to play an important role with both these immigrants and their children.

Through family visits to India or grandparents' extended visits to the United States, the children continue to have contact with their grandparents. This study fills a gap in which identity development is analyzed intergenerationally across three generations. This serves two purposes: first, it analyzes IndoAmerican identity within the family context, and second, it allows for a cross-check (triangulation2) of the data from each generation.

This study explores the developing multigenerational themes of how the Indo-American identity is being shaped after immigration to the United States. The three specific questions asked in this study were: 1) What are the majormultigenerational conflicts for parents and their children? 2) What is the role of grandparents in these conflicts? 3) What are the major coping and adaptation mechanisms for multigenerational conflicts?

To understand and capture the conflicts between retaining one's own identity and at the same time becoming Americanized, an ethnographic approach was used. More specifically, Interpretive Interactionism was employed. Interpretive interactionism, as developed by Denzin (Denzin, 1989a; Denzin, 1989b; Denzin, 1992), seeks to capture the emotions and values of the subjects within the research process. This naturalistic inquiry forces the researcher to capture the experiences of these immigrants in their own natural setting. To accomplish this, Denzin proposes eight steps from asking the question, through exploration of the phenomenon in its natural setting and the development of interpretations.

The sample for this study involved thrity Indo-American families living in a large midwestern urban community. As indicated earlier, to maintain consistency in cultural background, the families chosen were all from the same region of India - the state of Tamil Nadu. Families were selected by using non-probability techniques (purposive3 and snowballing). Families selected needed to have resided in the United States for more than five years to ensure some familiarity with U.S. culture. Because of the multigenerational nature of this study, families had to have at least one adolescent/ young adult between the ages of thirteen and twenty-one. Adolescents were sought because, according to Erikson (1968), identity conflict does not occur until adolescence. The upper age limit of twenty-one was used in the sample because research suggests that some minority adolescents go through identity conflicts later in life than non-minority youth in the United States (Phinney, 1989; Phinney, & Alipuria, 1990).

The majority of families who participated in this study were professionals belonging to the chettiar, or business caste, groups that were in the middle- to uppermiddle-income bracket. Concerted efforts to recruit working-class families were not too successful. Except for two Christian families, participating families were Hindus.

The main source of data collection was through interviews using a non-structured, open interview following an interview guide. Interviews were conducted in the participant's home, with each interview lasting about one-and-ahalf to two hours, and often included observation of family interactions. Interviews were usually conducted separately with the parents (first-generation immigrants) and their children. However, as this research topic was timely and generated much interest, often both adolescents and parents desired to talk with the whole family present, resulting in dialogue between participants.

Among the thirty families, eleven had grandparents still residing in India who were willing to share their assessment of their grandchildren. To meet with these families, one intense month of field study in Tamil Nadu, India was undertaken. This included visits to two major south Indian cities, Chennai (Madras) and Madurai, in which extensive meetings with grandparents and other extended family were held. Most of the time, at least one grandparent was able to communicate in English, otherwise an interpreter was used. These families were traditional Indian families who allowed the researcher to interview them and observe their social and familial interactions. Interviewing family members over three generations provided understanding of how these different generational groups perceive Indian identity and the emerging conflicts that ensue between them.

After the field trip to India, follow-up visits were made to the parents and their children in the United States. This was done to better understand the emerging trends and themes related to multigenerational conflicts among this population group. Finally, individual focus groups were conducted for women, men, young men, and young women participants to further develop interpretations.

Data was collected through a number of strategies and settings: 1) formal home visits with interview, 2) informal home visits during holidays and special events, 3) group social/cultural organizations (Tamil Sangam), 4) observation of and participation in temple worship (in the United States and India), 5) educational settings in which young adults were studying, 6) field trip to India, and 7) focus groups with difficult constituencies (i.e. young men, young women, adult males, and adult females). Data collection included interviews, participant observation, participation, and informal interactions with participants.

Analysis entailed evaluating each interview - what Denzin (1989a, 1989b) terms "bracketing" - and looking for patterns. These separate patterns were put together to form a coherent story, and then interpreted in terms of the social context (what Denzin terms "contextualization"). Tentative interpretations were shared in separate focus groups of men, women, and adolescents for feedback. This feedback was then used for the final interpretations.

The conclusions drawn from this study are clearly those of a small sample, thus limiting their generalizability. The sample consisted mainly of middle- and upper-middle-class Indo-Americans, and therefore does not represent the voice of lower-income groups who struggle for economic security. Also, this study focused in non-Brahman families, which have slightly different identity issues than Brahman families. In addition, the families recruited were from South India, which tends to be more conservative than other Indian regions.

Sample Characteristics

Ages of parents ranged from thirty-two to fifty-nine years (M = 45.3 years). While both men and women were encouraged to participate, often the women deferred to their husband to answer questions. The women responded that they felt insecure to answer the questions properly. Such feelings were possibly caused by the researcher's gender and the fact that the interviews were set up as a research project (thus adding a sense that answers needed to be precise and correct). The length of time families had spent in the United States ranged from eight to thirty-two years (M = 21.4 years).

Forty-four children and young adults were interviewed, with ages ranging from thirteen to twentyone years (M = 15.7 years). The sample included twenty-three boys and twenty-one girls. The children in the family were generally interviewed together whenever possible, usually within the home. On a few occasions parents joined in the conversation. This, however, did not seem to affect the children's openness, rather, they appeared more open when their parents were present.

The total sample of grandparents interviewed included seven men and nine women. The ages ranged from sixty-two to eighty-seven years (M = 71 years). Additional family members were also involved during the interviews in India, including brothers, sisters, and their children. Many of these families live in modified joint family arrangements (meaning at least one child and his/her family living with the parents). Interviews in India consisted of five in the city of Chennai and three in the city of Madurai.

Findings

Each of the families interviewed reported active involvement with their extended family members who live in the United States as well as those in India. Contact included telephone calls, visits, use of family videos, letters and in some cases electronic communication through the internet. The ability to maintain contact with extended family is reported to be a great source of support throughout the family life cycle. Sustained contact with extended family, and especially with those in India, helps the immigrant family maintain its family values, language, and religion, each of which was identified by both adolescents and parents as a main indicator of Indian identity.

The ability of the Indo-Americans to maintain contact with family in India makes this new group of immigrants different from previous immigrant groups. Family from India can and does play an important role in family life in the United States. The new technological advances that make communication between the two countries easier also makes western culture more accessible in India. Therefore, grandparents are quite knowledgeable of the United States, sometimes more so than people in the United States. All of these factors make a unique environment for immigrant family relations.

Sustained multigenerational contact among Indo-American immigrants also produces conflicts that need to be addressed within the family to help future generations successfully retain their Indian identity. This section outlines the major multigenerational conflicts that emerged, as well as the coping and adaptation strategies developed by Indo-American families.

Major Multigenerational Conflicts

Struggles for identity occur across at least three generations for Indo-Americans. Table 1 outlines the major multigenerational conflicts identified by participants as affecting identity development. Each conflict includes sample struggles or concerns unique to each generation. The major conflicts that emerged include conflicts surrounding: 1) gender roles, 2) respect versus assertiveness, 3) power shifts between the generations, 4) unique life cycle issues for these immigrants, 5) triangulation between the three generations, 6) Westernization, 7) the social context of immigration, and 8) being a sojourner or an immigrant. Each of these issues will be explored briefly.

Gender Roles

For the most part, the women in this sample seemed reticent to discuss gender conflicts. Most responded as one woman did: "The women's movement began in India with Gandhi and Periyar (a social reformer from Tamil Nadu) before it did in the United States, so the idea of equality for women is not new to us." Often Hindu goddesses were cited as examples of the respect and dignity afforded to women in Tamil culture. Religion continues to play an important role in prescribing gender roles in each generation.

Some women did discuss conflicts within the Indian community between women who work outside the home and those who work within the home. For most of these women, the conflict between working outside the home or in the home was real and had eternal implications related to dharma.

A few of the older women stated that the husband is the head of the house and that they have no problem with this, often smiling and revealing that they still have a good deal of power and influence in the home. This respect for the husband is consistent with their socialization and embodied in the Tamil saying: "A husband may be a rock or a blade of grass, but he is still your husband." While Indian and Hindu culture have examples of respect for women ("Pativratya"), it is not clear if this translates into equality and respect within the family (Dhuvarajan, 1988).

The young women did address gender inequalities that have produced conflict for them. Young women were more likely than young men to report restrictions on dating and early curfews. When questioned about this seeming inequality in treatment, the young men often agreed that they are more likely to "get away with stuff" than their sisters. Mothers also agreed, stating they are more protective of their daughters. Grandparents who were more educated, and familiar with American culture and gender role differences, reported little difficulties with gender role changes of their children. However, daughters' parents did not question their son-in-law's motives, stating it was not their place. Any services provided to IndoAmericans would need to address their definition of gender roles, emerging conflicts, and the impact of multiple generations. Gender roles are closely linked to issues of dharma, which must be sorted through by each family.

Respect Versus Assertiveness

The issue of respect was cited by several young women as a source of both gender role conflict and parent-child conflict. Respect is often cited by parents as a primary Indian family value, and they believe children in the United States are not generally taught to respect their elders. One male respondent, however, cautioned that "respect" actually means "fear." Others, on the other hand, suggest respect means obedience to the family and culture (Hines, et al., 1992).

Indo-American parents stated that an American advantage is the emphasis placed on assertiveness. Most parents stated they wanted their children, both daughters and sons, to be assertive in order to succeed in the United States. But, as one father noted, "My daughter is now assertive to me, which looks like disrespect. I don't know how to be assertive - I was never taught - so I often give in to my children's wishes." This typifies the struggle parents face as they encourage their children's new skills to help them compete in the United States. It also typifies the difficulty of trying to be American outside the home and Indian in the home. Often parents are not as insightful as this parent and assertive behavior is labeled "disrespectful" and therefore anti-Indian. Young women feel particularly vulnerable to this designation, as parents tend to be more tolerant of male assertiveness. Grandparents also appear impatient with disrespect from the younger generation, sometimes using this as evidence that one can not raise Indian children in America.

Power Shifts

Immigrating to the United States carries prestige and status that is felt not only by the immigrating family members but by the extended family in India as well. Part of the status gained by the immigrating family members is increased freedom and power. Brothers in India explain that many allowances are granted to the family member in America which they themselves are not granted by virtue of being in India. This can produce resentment among siblings. In addition, the children in America receive increased power and status through their access to money and resources that may be shared with the family in India. Often electronics and video equipment can be purchased more easily in the United States and sent to India. As well, immigrant children may purchase a home in India for their parents to live in, provide for a car, and so on. Shifts in the traditional patriarchal power may produce guilt, or abuses, by the adult children. Counselors need to explore these shifts in the context of dharma, and karma. Those working with Indo-Americans need to examine issues of loyalty to parents and family. Grandparents can be empowered by helping children explore ways to continue to maintain respect for their parents in light of the power shifts.

Life Cycle Conflicts

One prominent theme that emerged was a progression of conflicts and issues corresponding to the family life cycle. For parents, the progression of identity conflicts included: 1 ) They immigrate to the United States at a young age prior to learning the meanings and rituals of their culture. 2) They begin pursuing their careers and trying to adapt to United States culture. 3) As their career becomes stabilized their Indian culture begins to play a more important role in their lives. They may begin studying more about Hinduism and Tamil culture. 4) They begin feeling guilty for not passing enough of their culture on to their children. 5) They then begin more earnestly to involve their children in Tamil cultural activities. This process can be intensified by the death of a family member (parent or child) or by one's children preparing to leave home.

The general progression among Indo-American youth toward identity entails: 1) an initial development of dual identities (i.e., Indian at home, American at school); 2) this is maintained until there is a conflict between the two identities; 3) when there are conflicts, children tend to become sensitive to cultural differences and either, a) blame their parents for being "too" Indian (for example criticizing parents for strict dating rules), b) blame Americans (or American culture) for not accepting their differences, such as criticizing Americans for being insensitive to their religious beliefs, or c) integrate the two cultures, such as resolving a dietary conflict by eating meat only outside the home, and maintaining a vegetarian diet at home; 4) parents tend to prioritize those values which may and may not be negotiated; 5) gradually, as they mature, the children begin to accept more of the Indian customs and an Indian identity becomes more important, often as a result of leaving home. Workers need to adapt the normal family life cycle to fit within the Indo-American family's culture, stage in the acculturation process, and the progression of cultural identity conflicts.

Triangulation and Grandparents

Grandparents in India also play a role in the development of a cultural identity among immigrants. Most grandparents were supportive of their children going to the United States. It seems to be an element of prestige among friends to have a child in the United States, representing status and hope of financial gain. But as grandparents age, they begin to worry that their children will remain in the United States, particularly as the grandchildren grow and make decisions to pursue education in the United States or marry an American. Although grandparents continue to have influence over their children and grandchildren in the United States, the children's financial success tends to shift the balance of power within the family.

All of the grandparents interviewed stated that they are in constant and regular contact with their children. As the grandparents age, they become more concerned about how they will be cared for in their advanced years. They also are concerned about how their children will be cared for should the grandchildren become totally Americanized and neglect them.

Often grandparents were more accepting of their grandchildren's acculturation than were the parents. Grandparents want the grandchildren to understand and respect their Indian heritage, but at the same time they believe that the only way to succeed in America is to "move" with the Americans. Grandparents expect their own adult children, however, to continue to maintain their Indian traditions and culture. The conflict is therefore more focused between them and their adult children rather than the grandchildren. However, the grandchildren at times feel caught in the middle of these conflicts, even at times used by parents to prove to grandparents that they are still Indian. Since grandparents are in constant contact with the family in America (via telephone or visits), they are able to stay informed on the children's activities. Therefore, parents maypressure some children to attend the temple, learn Tamil, and participate in association activities as a symbol to grandparents that Indian culture is still important to the family.

Frequent contact with grandparents affords the grandchildren of the opportunity to learn more about their family, history, and culture (including religious beliefs and customs). Since the parents surveyed typically left India at a relatively young age prior to gaining an understanding of these aspects of their heritage, grandparents play an important role in bridging the gap and ensuring that this knowledge is not lost after immigration to the United States. Maintaining these multigenerational bonds of loyalty also helps children and grandchildren fulfill their dharma.

Parents also tend to find themselves caught between two diverse generations represented by their parents in India and their own children. Parents fear disapproval from their own parents for leaving India and migrating to the United States. This pressure can be alleviated somewhat if they are able to assure parents that their move to the United States will mean more economic opportunities for the entire family, along with the reassurance that they will maintain the language and culture.

Immigrants often feel guilty for leaving India and family, and maintenance of an Indian identity becomes one way of resolving this guilt. The more they can show their parents that they have not forgotten their roots, the less they have to justify their reasons for leaving. When even their children respect Indian traditions and values, new immigrants are able to prove they have succeeded both in maintaining their culture and instilling its values into their children. Grandparents then believe it is still possible for the family to return to India (for a visit or permanently), since the grandchildren have learned their language, maintained the family rituals and beliefs, and are committed to Indian values. As counselors help Indo-Americans explore triangulation issues, they need to be sensitive to how interventions will affect power shifts and conflicts in dharma and karma.

Westernization

Much has been written on the process of Westernization in India by traditionalizing various foreign innovations and adapting these into Indian culture (Rudolph, & Rudolph, 1967;Singer, 1972; Srinivas,1966). This adaptive process has been used to explain the durability in Indian culture. Immigration accelerates this adaptive process. Central to each generation's struggle for identity is an understanding of what it means to be an "American." This includes coming to terms with one's own biases and misunderstandings about Americans and western culture. It also means trying to maintain a balance between western culture and Indian culture.

Indo-Americans are constantly faced with negotiating which aspects of American culture to assimilate and which aspects to avoid. This is most obvious when discussing behaviors; more subtle are the underlying values of the two cultures. Often parents negotiate by taking a pragmatic approach, analyzing the original intent of the Indian tradition, then deciding if they want to maintain, modify, or discard the tradition. Families may maintain a vegetarian diet at home while allowing a non-vegetarian diet outside. Families may celebrate Christmas but describe the holiday in commercial terms. Children may respect their caste group affiliation but define it as a club and deemphasize its history of discrimination and exclusion. Also inherent in westernization is the risk of becoming materialistic and being caught-up in maya. Counselors need to help families in crisis explore ways of westernizing aspects of Indian culture while confronting how materialism may be viewed by others in the family.

Social context of immigration The acculturation process of immigrants is heavily influenced by the social climate in India prior to immigration, as well as the U.S. climate. Most respondents defined India and Indian culture in terms of the norms, values, or social-political movements of the 1960s and 1970s prior to their immigration.

Many of the adolescents, grandparents, and siblings in India, reported on the tendency of the first generation to fixate on a specific social-cultural moment as a definition of their identity. Often family members in India move on to other social-political issues. Immigrants believe that their compatriots' lack of zeal for those same social-political issues is evidence that people in India were "taking their culture for granted!"

Children of immigrants observe the social movements in place currently in India and contrast those with their parents views of Indian norms and become confused. Adolescents, for example, see that their cousins in India have relatively more freedom to date, choose a spouse, or choose a career; this realization produces conflict as to what is essentially Indian. An adolescent's frequent complaint to parents is "that was the way things used to be, but things are different today in India." Therefore, Indian culture may be defined differently by parents and adolescents. Understanding the Indian climate from which the IndoAmerican family has immigrated will aid in understanding their definition of Indian culture.

Likewise, the U.S. climate at the time of immigration provides a profound impact on how immigrants interact with the environment. For example, most of the families interviewed reported on the civil disturbances in the 1960s and 1970s when they arrived in the United States. They understood this as similar to the types of racial and political turmoil occurring at the time in South India. Seeing themselves as sojourners and not permanent participants in U.S. culture, they chose to remain distant to the conflicts. One man reported that the subtle message was "do not make waves or 'this' (conflict, overt discrimination) could happen to you." The message received was if Indo-Americans hoped to be successful they would do well by staying out of the limelight and "not making waves." Much of the conflict in the United States is kept away from family in India for fear that they will worry or may question the wisdom in immigrating to and residing in the United States. When assessing the family's Indian values, workers need to understand the social context of immigration and how it defines their identity.

Sojourners or Immigrants

The Tamil immigrant history is a story of children leaving family and country in search of money or resources that could be saved and brought back home to help meet the family needs. These sojourners left for long periods of time, but, knowing where home and duty was, always returned when their journey was over. Immigrants in this study also reported leaving home with the promise that once their journey was over, they would return home to care for their parents and family. Once in the United States however, their own children develop roots and do not want to return to India. This can produce conflicts between duty to their parents and duty to their children.

Many of the parents interviewed reported that once their children are grown, they plan to return to India. However, their children do not believe they really intend to return. Rather, such promises are seen as a way of appeasing grandparents and helping immigrants feel they are fulfilling their duty. Often this conflict is resolved by sending money home to India to help care for their aging parents or by helping parents immigrate to the United States if that is an option. Counselors will need to explore how ambivalence over immigration affects children, parents, and grandparents.

Coping and

Adaptation Strategies

The major conflicts facing parents have more to do with their children than with themselves, i.e., how much do they require of their children to hold on to their culture: arranged marriages? language? religion? On what should they be flexible, and to what should they hold firm? On the one hand, they do not want to be so rigid as to cause undue distress; on the other hand, they do not want their children to drop out of school, end up in unhappy relationships, or become totally Americanized.

Conflicts center around how many of the family values will be maintained. These conflicts can range from diet to dating; from struggles for individuality and independence to struggles to belong to the collective group; from being "too" Indian to being "too" American; and from balancing respect and obedience and at the same time assertiveness and asking questions. First-generation IndoAmericans represent an ongoing experiment with the flexibility of Indian culture. Continual compromise and negotiation is essential to find the right balance between the old and new worlds.

Compromises are generally based on logic as well as tradition. Focus is given to the original intent of the tradition. For example, study participants believe that arranged marriages were originally intended to promote family unity (since families "marry" rather than just individuals). Once understood, the intentions are then analyzed for current relevance. If the family decides an intention remains important, then alternative ways of meeting those same conditions are sought. In the example of arranged marriages, a family may choose a modified arrangement in which several possible spouses are selected from which the young adult may choose.

For Asian Indian youth, the major conflicts in identity formation deal with issues between their peer groups, and their parents. Oftentimes, to cope with such conflict, they avoid close friendships, instead immersing themselves in their education. Others are able to become active in Indian association functions and develop supportive friendships there.

The conflicts involved in shifting one's Indian identity include guilt over abandoning the timehonored ways of one's ancestors. There is also a concern of appearing materialistic or as having "sold out" to American culture. Then there is also the fear that becoming more American could cause family disruption (divorce, lack of support) or will be seen as evidence of failure. Also at risk is losing one's "inner soul," which inherited from a rich Indian heritage - is a soul carved out by discipline, duty, and devotion.

On the other hand, maintaining one's Indian identity also has its risks, as it can lead to becoming marginalized by American society (which means fewer employment opportunities, few social groups, and a lack of voice in the political system). This can lead to the painful process of justifying one's behavior and customs to the nonIndian. Since family is more important than the individual, the other risk in maintaining an Indian identity is that the children will be out of place, unable to compete in American society. For example, by developing an Indian accent, they may always be treated differently.

Maintaining one's Indian identity can also reinforce divisions and undermine the development of a universal identity and unity. Therefore, Indian culture is emphasized not as better than another culture but as an important strand within the worldwide web of cultures.

Most Indo-American families seem to be searching for a middleground orientation that falls between collectivistic India and individualistic America. Most described it as a "family orientation" with decreased emphasis on caste and community identity; one that is a compromise between the two deferring cultures. This movement includes an emphasis on assertiveness, egalitarian roles, and some individual independence (such as modified arranged marriages) but maintains an internalization of group values. Supporters of this orientation often cite Tamil and Hindu scripture and tradition as support for flexibility amid cultural changes. Thus a move toward "familialism" is justified on the basis of Hindu tradition. Many of the grandparents supported this move, stating "they are in America now; it is not fair to expect our grandchildren to do the same as we do in India." Such a move continues to emphasize their dharma while becoming flexible in the face of westernization.

Conclusion

While any move or transition is naturally stressful on a family, immigration produces additional intrapersonal, interpersonal, multigenerational, and societal conflicts. These conflicts will be manifested in situations such as marital conflict, domestic violence, behavioral problems among children, chemical abuse, and emotional distress. Most of these problems are viewed as identity issues that arise during the acculturation process.

One form of acculturation stress comes in the form of multigenerational conflicts. Understanding these conflicts requires knowledge of the family's role in an Asian Indian culture that defines its own identity as collectivist. Most of the families in this study reported a desire to find a middle ground (identified in this paper as a family orientation).

The family plays a major role among Indo-Americans in defining both the identity and the dharma for each member. Therefore, those providing service to Indo-American clients need to understand the important influence and role of the family, including the extended family that may still reside in India. Due to increased technology, the family in India continues to play a major role in the immigrants' life. The multigenerational family may be a source of important resources and strength as well as a source of conflicts.

This finding suggests several implications for assessment. The following issues need attention to gain an adequate assessment of multigenerational conflicts:

How long has the family been in the United States?

What does being Indian mean to family members? How traditional (abiding by Indian values) are they? What is the role and status of women in the family?

What is the social context of immigration?

Where is the family in respect to the progression of cultural identity conflicts?

What dharma conflicts are manifested in the family?

Interventions need to focus on Indo-American youth who are particularly vulnerable to feeling lost in both Indian and American cultures and will need support as they struggle with their identities. Empowering the family to openly discuss issues will aid each generation in making explicit their conflicts and will help them to abide by their dharma. Social workers and counselors can help families westernize important aspects of Indian culture without losing the essential meaning and intent of the tradition. Counselors also need to explore issues of loyalty and duty within the family, along with issues of power within the family.

In addition to the family resources for counseling, there are a number of Indo-American social service agencies that deal with issues of domestic violence, adolescent problems, and other mental health issues. There are also a various associations and organizations through Indian temples that may be contacted for information and referral sources. Connecting IndoAmericans to cultural or religious community groups can provide an important resource for both adults and youth. Such associations provide an important reference group with familiar backgrounds, role models for youth of leading IndoAmericans, and support networks which can perform the duties of the extended family.

This sample had many economic and psychological resources to help with adaptation and coping. This group appears to be creating a new immigrant narrative which suggests bi-culturalism is possible. As the Indo-American community becomes more diverse, these findings will provide a useful model for exploring conflicts and suggesting strategies for adaptation for those in crisis.

1. Indo-American will be used to refer to immigrants who come from the Indian subcontinent or who possess an Indian identity. This group is also referred to as South Asian, East Indian, or Asian Indian. Indo-American is used to emphasize this group's pride in being both American and Indian.

2. Triangulation refers to the use of multiple observers, methods, interpretive points of view, and levels and forms of empirical materials in the construction of interpretations (Denzin, 1989b).

3. Based on researchers' judgment and the purpose of the study, atypical cases that provided diversity of opinion and experience were sought.

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Original manuscript received: October 10,1997 Final revision received: February 2, 1998 Accepted: December 2,1997

Gregory L Pettys is assistant professor, School of Social work Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah. Pallassana R. Balgopal is professor, School of Social Work University of Illinois at UrbanaChampaign, Urbana, Illinois.

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