A dangerous liaison

LLOYD GEORGE: War Leader by John Grigg (Penguin, pounds 25)

THIS is the fourth volume of John Grigg's superb biography of Lloyd George.

He died just before he could finish it, but an excellent " afterword" is contributed by Dr Margaret MacMillan, Lloyd George's greatgranddaughter. The book is therefore the fullest account we shall ever have of Lloyd George's career as a wartime Prime Minister whose achievement is only rivalled, though not surpassed, by Churchill's.

It is a fascinating story and is told with panache, vigour, clarity and impartiality by a great biographer.

Presumably, if he had lived, he would have completed the saga with a volume on Lloyd George's postwar coalition government and the rather sad twilight of his extraordinary career. The latter would only merit a few pages, but the years from 1918 to 1922 are well worth a detailed study, even though they do not show Lloyd George at his best. Perhaps someone (why not Margaret MacMillan?) will finish the story.

The latest volume, though by no means uncritical, brings out as never before the brilliance of Lloyd George's finest hour, his astonishing energy, drive and versatility. Grigg is always scrupulously fair to Asquith, but leaves no doubt that his replacement by Lloyd George, however dubious the intrigues involved, was just as necessary as Neville Chamberlain's by Churchill in 1940.

The contrast is that Chamberlain was ready to serve under his successor, thus avoiding a split in the party, whereas Asquith firmly refused. His reasons can be variously assessed, but the result was to shatter his party's unity for a political generation. The Conservatives preserved theirs and became "the party of government" for the next 80 years.

The test of a biographer of Lloyd George for this period is how he deals with the bitter conflict between the Prime Minister and the heads of the Army about war strategy. There is also a separate and less important struggle with the Admiralty about the U-boat campaign.

Lloyd George won this and pushed out Jellicoe, the main obstructer, but he never managed to oust Haig. He got rid of one of Haig's main supporters, the chief of the general staff, Sir William Robertson, substituting for him that questionable character, Sir Henry Wilson. But Haig remained and the tragedy of Passchendaele rolled on.

Despite the Prime Minister's doubt and distrust, he dared not sack a popular idol. His and Haig's conduct remain controversial to this day. The story of these conflicts and other episodes, such as the Maurice debate, has never been better or more fairly told. The student of these years can save himself a lot of unnecessary reading if he confines himself to Grigg.

Lloyd George was indefatigable in his efforts, and retained an extraordinary optimism even when affairs looked their darkest. He was a master of diplomacy and intrigue.

The end justified almost any means, and naturally he made many unforgiving enemies. He was sustained by Bonar Law, who was both leader of the Conservative Party and of the House of Commons - a cool, cautious figure who was intensely loyal but did not hesitate to throw cold water on some of the more fantastic Time bomb: many knew of Lloyd George's liaison with his secretary, but if news had got out - as it would today - his political career would have been in ruins ideas of his ebullient colleague. Their temperaments could not have been more different. But the partnership worked admirably, partly perhaps because both came from outside the political "establishment".

UNDER all this activity, there was for Lloyd George a potential time bomb ticking. It never exploded but he must have known the risk.

For he was leading a double sex life between his wife and his secretary, Frances Stevenson. She was his mistress from 1911 onwards. It was a love affair so passionate that he extracted a promise that if he died first she would "follow" him unless they had any children. Many people knew about his liaison, and if it had reached the public, as it certainly would have today, he would have been politically ruined, given the mores of the time. But the media were more discreet then and the affair was never revealed in his lifetime. One can only admire him for his sheer nerve.

It is inevitable to compare the wartime premierships of Lloyd George and Churchill, and the performances of their respective biographers. Both were marvellous speakers, and could rally the nation at a time of crisis in superb language. Both infused energy and a sense of purpose into the war machine, and were not content just to give orders but determined to see them carried out.

Both had ideas which were sometimes brilliant but occasionally dotty, and had to be restrained by more cautious advisers. But Churchill had two great advantages. His parliamentary majority was rock solid, whereas Lloyd George had to face a House of Commons which was far less united and required constant management. Churchill's other "plus" was that he had a degree of war experience denied to Lloyd George or any of his colleagues.

As for their biographers, Lloyd George is the luckier. The difference between Grigg's percipient and critical approach, and the ponderous multivolume chronicle by Randolph Churchill and Martin Gilbert, is immense.

One is a work of literature, the other a work of reference.

Lord Blake has edited Haig's papers (1952) and written the life of Bonar Law, The Unknown Prime Minister (1955).

Copyright 2002
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