摘要:Objectives. We examined patterns of pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions and associated environmental characteristics in Denver, Colorado. Methods. We integrated publicly available data on motor vehicle collisions, liquor licenses, land use, and sociodemographic characteristics to analyze spatial patterns and other characteristics of collisions involving pedestrians. We developed both linear and spatially weighted regression models of these collisions. Results. Spatial analysis revealed global clustering of pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions with concentrations in downtown, in a contiguous neighborhood, and along major arterial streets. Walking to work, population density, and liquor license outlet density all contributed significantly to both linear and spatial models of collisions involving pedestrians and were each significantly associated with these collisions. Conclusions. These models, constructed with data from Denver, identified conditions that likely contribute to patterns of pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions. Should these models be verified elsewhere, they will have implications for future research directions, public policy to enhance pedestrian safety, and public health programs aimed at decreasing unintentional injury from pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions and promoting walking as a routine physical activity. In response to the rising prevalence of obesity, diabetes, and other chronic diseases in the United States, public health campaigns promote walking among adults for pleasure, exercise, and everyday errands; children are encouraged to walk to and from school. 1 , 2 Walking, however, can be a risky activity. Pedestrians are up to 9 times as likely as those traveling in cars to be killed per kilometer traveled. 3 , 4 Both walking and bicycling are more dangerous than motor vehicle travel in the United States per kilometer traveled. 5 Clearly, safety and perceptions of safety should be important components of campaigns to promote and increase pedestrian activity. Pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions are not, however, random events—either geographically or demographically. Among more developed countries, the United States has among the highest rates of pedestrian accidents per kilometer traveled 5 , 6 and incidents of pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions. 7 Cities in the south and west of the United States tend to have the highest rates of pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions per 100 000 population 8 and per capita when calculations are controlled for the amount people walk in a given metro area. 9 , 10 Geographic concentrations of pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions within cities have been reported in the United States 11 , 12 and elsewhere. 13 , 14 For example, pedestrian and bicyclist accidents among children in Montreal, Quebec, are concentrated in just a handful of census tracts, and incidence is markedly lower in higher-income census tracts. 13 In Mexico City, Mexico, where pedestrians account for the majority of all fatalities involving a motor vehicle, pedestrian fatalities are concentrated around 6 intersections. 14 Certain population groups are also disproportionately affected by pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions. In the United States, Blacks account for more than 20% of all pedestrian fatalities, despite making up only about 12% of the total population. 9 In a study in Atlanta, Georgia, the pedestrian fatality rate per 100 000 for Hispanics was 6 times as high and for non-Hispanic Blacks twice as high as for non-Hispanic Whites. 15 Reports from Los Angeles, California, 16 and Washington, DC, 17 found a higher number of pedestrian fatalities among Latinos than would be expected from their proportion of these cities’ populations. To date, much of the work on pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions has used the national Fatality Accident Reporting System database. 8 – 10 Although these data provide useful insights into pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions, they record only pedestrian fatalities , which tend to occur in certain types of collisions (e.g., high velocity, head-on impact). 18 Published studies estimate pedestrian injuries to be 13 19 to 16 20 times as common as fatalities. Exploratory work indicated that fewer than 5% of pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions in Denver, Colorado, resulted in a pedestrian fatality (A. K. S. K., unpublished data, 2004). Similarly, 2005 data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System suggest that pedestrian fatalities account for fewer than 5% of all pedestrian injuries, calculated by comparing pedestrian fatalities from all causes (6074) with pedestrian injuries from all causes (165 512). 21 These findings highlight the importance of comprehensive examinations of all types of pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions, not just those that result in fatalities. Therefore, we incorporated data from all pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions (fatality, injury, and other) on public roadways in Denver and integrated this information with several other data sources for environmental characteristics. We sought to examine pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions comprehensively and to explore the association between pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions and environmental characteristics by analyzing publicly available data. We captured all reported pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions during the study period, not just those resulting in fatalities. To assess whether some areas of the city presented a greater risk to pedestrians than others, we analyzed spatial patterns of pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions. We integrated data on pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions with data on liquor licenses, land use, and sociodemographic characteristics to investigate 2 main questions about pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions within the City and County of Denver (hereafter, Denver): What are the spatial patterns of pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions? What is the relationship between pedestrian–motor vehicle collisions and environmental characteristics by census tract?