2 Samuel.

Adam, Klaus-peter

2 Samuel. By ANTONY F. CAMPBELL, S.J. The Forms of the Old Testament Literature, vol. 8. Grand Rapids, Michigan: WILLIAM B. EERDMANS PUBLISHING CO., 2005, Pp. xiv + 242. $50 (paper).

This is the second volume of a commentary, the first dealing with 1 Samuel already published in 2003 as FOTL 7. The methodology of the commentary series and its application to the books of Samuel is explained in detail in the introduction (pp. 7-13; see also FOTL 7, 1-21). The volume contains a preface (pp. xi-xiv), a glossary (pp. 224-42), and an afterword reflecting on the Bible's basic role (pp. 233-41). Although this commentary series focuses particularly on the structure of each text studied, and thus on a synchronic reading, in a summary of the material of the second book of Samuel (chapter 12, pp. 211-23; cf. FOTL 7, chapter 10, 295-339) the author raises the question of the historical origins of the book and their implications for the narratives. Campbell's long-standing and meticulous study of the material derives from a profound knowledge of his topic and leads him to three basic distinctions concerning 2 Samuel.

The first is his hypothesis on the sources of 2 Samuel. He has reexamined L. Rost's 1926 hypothesis of a Succession Narrative (2 Sam 6:20-23; 2 Sam 9-20; 1 Kings 1-2) as a basic literary unit. The author rejects this idea (and, likewise, the idea of a "History of David's Rise") and instead posits a source he calls "Stories of David's Middle Years," spanning 2 Sam 11-20 (pp. 97 110, 214-20; cf. FOTL 7, 318-19). Tentatively, the author suggests precursors to the current narratives, trusting in the reliability of oral transmission of narratives. (For example, according to him, the narrative of David and Bathsheba is a possible invention of story-tellers, handed down from a sergeant in the royal guard to a palace serving-girl, pp. 121-22). Otherwise, the question of precisely which extant literary units might have had precursors remains open.

Campbell dates the bulk of the material on David's middle years in 2 Samuel 11-20 to the beginning of the so-called Northern Kingdom of Israel under king Jeroboam in the late tenth century, and thus leaves enough time from David's reign for the story-tellers to have become critical towards this national ideal of Judah (pp. 108, 122, 135, 165). The author takes the narratives from 2 Sam 11-20 to be originally independent narratives that are now so tightly woven together that they have lost their independence (pp. 101-2). They stem from powerful and literate Judean families with an interest in contemporaneous social power (p. 179). However, it remains open to debate as to whether 2 Sam 11-20 was written in a single creative effort or whether it has been consistently reworked. Campbell assumes that the narratives might have been handed down from Judean counsellors at the royal court to counsellors in the neighboring kingdom of Israel in order to prepare them for their duties (p. 180). Within 2 Samuel 11-20, chapters 11-12, 13-14; 15-19; 20 form "irreducible" sub-units (p. 138); this is especially important in the case of Absalom's revolt (2 Samuel 15-19). By contrast, 2 Samuel 20 stems from circles close to David himself (p. 171).

A second important idea regarding the literary growth of 2 Samuel is Campbell's postulating of a prophetic record spanning from 1 Sam 1:1-1 Kings 11, written by prophetic circles connected to Elisha and building on earlier traditions (e.g., the story of David's rise and the Elijah stories), and concluding by bringing Jehu's coup under the legitimate authority of major prophetic figures (i.e., Samuel in association with Saul and David, Ahijah with Jeroboam, and Elijah with Ahab) (pp. 220-21; see also FOTL 7, 319-31). This prophetic record was written a century after the events took place and is featured from the beginning of 1 Samuel through 2 Samuel 8.

The third underlying assumption to Campbell's analysis of 2 Samuel is the so-called Josianic Deuteronomistic History, stretching from Deuteronomy through 2 Kings, written in the late seventh century, and describing David as a model figure. It adds details to the second book of Samuel (2 Sam 1:10a-11; 5:4-5), emphasizing in 2 Sam 7 the issue of Israel's rest before his opponents and the building of a temple for "my (= God's) name," as well as the unconditional promise of the establishment of Solomon's throne "forever" (verses 1b. 11a. 13). The bulk of the material of 2 Samuel thus rests on sources from the tenth century, to which were added prophetic elements from the ninth century and deuteronomistic material from the seventh century. The appendix in 2 Sam 21-24 (p. 187) stems from another source.

The various sections of the commentary treating structure, textual issues, discussion, genre, setting, and meaning provide many details. The shaping of the commentary conforms to the requirements of FOTL and focuses on the text's structure. The author's intimate knowledge of the crucial issues concerning the books of Samuel and scholarly attempts to deal with them may best be observed in the sections labelled "discussions." These make the commentary a most helpful guide through the current scholarly debate on 2 Samuel.

It is especially helpful that Campbell explains his understanding of the nature of the books of Samuel as "theological writing" as opposed to "historiography" (pp. 7-10). Even though this claim, which may have been influenced by the author's previous studies on the prophetic nature of the books of Samuel, is most interesting, I wonder why he makes this claim. If one supposes, as does Campbell, that most of the material of 2 Samuel stems from the Davidic kingdom, this should, to my mind, lead to a different conclusion. The intention of the historiography of 2 Samuel may indeed differ a great deal from that of comparable Greek literature or contemporary ancient Near Eastern historical texts, as has been discussed at length in twentieth-century scholarship. Its strong links to the Judean court, however, indicate that it was by no means restricted to a merely theological purpose. In particular, the old sources which the author singles out had a clear historiographic intention; for example, the report on the revolt of Israel against Judah under Absalom reveals a clear pro-Davidic bias (Tendenz). This report expresses the glory of the Davidic king as the founder of a dynasty and was thus of great historical interest to his successors.

The author rightly claims that the books of Samuel consist largely of theological writing, but this does not prevent them from functioning as historical writings as well. The conceptual framework of a theistic attitude (i.e., that the story tellers of ancient Judah could describe the history of Judah only as the history of the interaction of the Davidic kings with YHWH) has close parallels throughout ancient Near Eastern historiography.

KLAUS-PETER ADAM UNIVERSITAT MARBURG