Pervasive entertainment, ubiquitous entertainment.

Bosshart, Louis ; Hellmuller, Lea

1. Introduction

"Never before in history has so much entertainment been so readily accessible to so many people for so much of their leisure time" (Singhal & Rogers, 2002, p. 119). Media entertainment, now decentralized and omnipresent in our lives, has transformed our society into a hedonist one. We have more technical opportunities to enjoy entertainment, but we also see that entertainment has grown and affects more and more diverse areas such as sports, politics, information, and education. As long ago as 1985 Postman pointed out that television made entertainment itself the natural format for the representation of all experience. Following his prophecy, public discourse had already begun to degenerate into entertainment. The main suspect was television that like King Midas had the talent to convert everything it came in touch with into something particular. King Midas received the gift that whatever he touched immediately converted into gold. The gift carried a price and a problem--he could not eat the bread that had become gold when he took it in his hand. Television--and its viewers--on the other hand suffer from the gift that whatever television deals with becomes entertainment. As a consequence of this inevitable conversion, politics, religion, news, sports, education, and economy become appendices of show business as soon as television looks after them. Postman (1985) wrote in a highly descriptive way and did not take into account much empirical research arising from the large field of social sciences. Some 24 years later one must admit the accuracy of his description of the symptoms, both then and now. We will discuss the degree of accuracy of his diagnosis in regard to the consequences of such a development later in this essay.

The trend to present "all subject matter as entertaining" stems from a changed manner of processing information by individual recipients. More precisely, the individual experience controls or determines entertainment, not the product. Wolf (1999) sees an enormous appetite for entertainment content, something to connect people emotionally with products, something to provide human beings with information in a stimulating way. Entertainment has become the unifying force of modern commerce as pervasive as currency.

Based on the assumptions that entertainment affects people deeply and that humans have a need for living in a hedonist society, this review will focus on how entertainment has achieved a ubiquitous presence in our everyday lives. It explores the omnipresence of entertainment and describes the symbiotic relationship between entertainment and information, entertainment and sports, entertainment and politics, entertainment and charity, and other similar relations. It describes the way media entertainment has deformed our (media) society into a hedonist society and vice versa, and it discusses the positive and negative aspects of the pervasive entertainment phenomena.

2. Theoretical Approach: Infotainment

A. Entertainment

We define entertainment, in its broadest sense, as any situation or activity from which a person derives pleasure. Entertainment appears mostly in situations where recipients receive exogenous stimuli in a large ly passive way (Brock & Livingston, 2004, p. 257). Based on empirical and theoretical research, we describe the experience of being entertained or of enjoying entertainment in the following way (Bosshart & Maccom, 1998, p. 4):

* Psychological relaxation (restful, refreshing, light, and/or distracting)

* Change and diversion (varied, diverse)

* Stimulation (dynamic, interesting, exciting, and/or thrilling)

* Fun (merry, amusing, funny)

* Atmosphere (beautiful, good, pleasant, and/or comfortable)

* Joy (happy, cheerful)

These experiences are indeed pleasant and positive ones, distinct from everyday routines and boredom. Entertainment in the sense of the Latin word tenere means to keep somebody steady, busy, or amused. In today's words entertainment serves the improvement of mood states or, more neutrally, acts as an effective mood management tool.

Stimulation seems to provide the most important motive for entertainment-seeking individuals. Their main goal is to reach or maintain an ideal level of arousal or an optimal level of activation. Different genres offer stimuli of different strengths to people with different entertainment needs. While some people eagerly want to get an arousal kick out of entertainment stimuli, others tend to want to lower their excitation level, and still other people try to maintain their existing state of satisfaction. Entertainment allows regulating different states of excitation.

In order to examine the ubiquitous phenomenon of entertainment we have to look at two sides: at the pleasurable experiences and at the stimuli those experiences use to create pleasure. Despite the fact that many things can be entertaining for many people, some things are not entertaining at all.

After all, entertainment is pleasure, and that means experiencing pleasure by witnessing or being exposed to something! Taking up the terminology used by Thomas Aquinas in his reflections on the passions and following Hausmanninger's "Outlines of a Constructive Theory of Entertainment" (1993, p. 34), we categorize pleasure as consisting of four sub-categories, as shown in Table 1.

Since delectationes sensibiles et emotionales mostly come together in psychosomatic reactions, we can break the above categorization down in three subsystems based on the human systems:

Physical System materiality, existence
 (being there)

 personality (emotions
Psychological System and cognitions), (being
 thus)

Social System sociality, coexistence,
 society (being with)

It may appear schematic to associate with the subsystems of the human system the genres and concepts of entertainment (its constituents and functions). Such associations serve only as preliminary examples to an analysis of further dimensions.

Taking the associations that go with the term entertainment, taking the main constituents of entertainment, and taking the basic elements of the definitions of what (probably) constitutes entertainment, the basic factors of the term "entertainment" show the following profile:

* Factor 1: "assessment." Items: pleasant, agreeable, good, beautiful, enjoyable

* Factor 2: "potential." Items: light, restful, easy, not demanding, not compulsory

* Factor 3: "activity." Items: stimulating, dynamic, alive, exciting, thrilling, spontaneous, varied

So entertainment has basically active (stimulation, suspense), tension reducing (relaxation, diversity), and positive (joy, pleasure) components. Put negatively, entertainment is not demanding, not unpleasant, not monotonous, and not boring. People also experience entertainment as something that compares more positively to any other alternatives.

Constructed to the idiosyncrasies of various human systems, entertainment thus appears as a ubiquitous every-day phenomenon that crosses public and private spheres, past experiences and future concepts, and real actions and fictional models. If one considers the maintenance of a comfortable equilibrium of excitement as an important function of entertainment, then one must also say that the extent of the need for entertainment varies individually. It varies with the age, gender, education, intelligence, psychological state, social situation, and so on of each individual. Various factors make different grades of need, satisfied by different offers and reception patterns. Interaction between the supply and the receiver situation brings about an extraordinarily large number of possibilities, sometimes even in contradictory ways. But people have this in common: They are imperfect beings, looking for absoluteness.

On the basis of the imperfect human system and its needs, we can construct multidimensional fields of tension in which we can position entertainment as a human reality. On the whole, and as a summary of the argument so far, the main dimensions (and oppositions) constituting entertainment appear in Table 2.

We can understand entertainment as a working out of a balance (or a homeostatic state) between dichotomous options--between hope and fear, freedom and limits, play and serious behavior. In this sense, entertainment serves as a survival kit for daily life that makes it livable; it serves as a vehicle in finding a fit with the environment. Entertainment reduces the gap between reality and utopia (in our minds); it allows us to live with contradictions, inconsistencies, and inadequacies; and it offers venues for self-directed self-experiences, self-enhancement as well as self-fulfillment or self-realization. From this point of view, entertainment sustains humans. It reduces the accidental nature of life by offering exemplary (or perhaps even absolute) models. The essential goal of human entertainment therefore may be to establish or sustain balances between different fields or states of existential tensions, primarily maintaining a balance between reality and utopia. Two of the taken-for-granted descriptions of entertainment, as "escape" and as "wish-fulfillment," point to its central thrust, namely utopianism.

Entertainment offers the image of 'something better' to escape into, or something we want deeply that our day-to-day lives don't provide. Alternatives, hopes, wishes-these are the stuff of utopia, the sense that things could be better, that something other than what is can be imagined and maybe realized. (Dyer, 1992, p. 18)

B. Information

Information, on the other hand, is a difference that makes a difference. This definition of the concept of information elaborated by Gregory Bateson (1981) and promulgated by Niklas Luhmann (1996, p. 100) contains in a few words the main elements of information: news, relevance, correctness. News means that information must enlarge our body of knowledge or, the other way round, must reduce uncertainty. In information theory information is a measure of uncertainty or entropy in a situation. We understand "situation" as a system of circumstances (factors) in a given time. Our everyday life constantly moves from one situation to another, all linked together. The history of humankind describes how people tried to remove unpredictability and uncertainty from their lives. People did it by accumulating personal and social experiences, that is, by learning. People did it with the help of laws (rules that regulate or channel the behavior of members of a social body), cultures (value systems and beliefs that structure society), and religions (to cover the area between reality and transcendence) that make sense. Fortunetellers say that they remove uncertainty from the future. In every situation people try to overcome uncertainty, to gain insight, to get as many things as possible under control, to solve problems and to make a good living.

Information has utility not only for what we think, feel, and do. It should also apply to our lives. This utility-principle of information highlights its relevance. The news-, utility-, and relevance-potential of information to reduce uncertainty, to solve problems, to answer questions can only be put in concrete form as long as the information is correct.

For ages public and academic discourse strictly separated entertainment and information. People dissociated themselves from simple, vulgar amusements; scholars judged entertainment as not worth academic research. But things have changed in the meantime. Now we understand that we cannot separate information and entertainment, that they both form a profound and intimate, amalgamated, integrated whole. And we now recognize that mass mediated entertainment matters as much as information. This goes not only for the producers and the product but also for the audience. Dehm and Storll (2003, p. 429) established a list of the main motives for watching television, that is, experiences people look for when they watch television.

* Emotions (fun, relaxation, tension, diversion)

* Orientation (inspiration, new information, opportunity to learn, topics to discuss)

* Compensation (calm, reassurance, distraction)

* Social event (feelings of belongingness, sharing an interest)

C. Infotainment

It does not take much time or energy to realize that these motives form a symbiosis, with the components of information and entertainment. About 20 years ago the term to denote that symbiosis appeared in popular culture: "infotainment." This refers to media products that inform people as well as entertain them. Content and form combine elements of information and entertainment. Despite the recency of the neologism, "infotainment," the phenomenon as such has ancient roots. Aristotle wrote in the 22nd chapter of his Poetics (1966, pp. 67) that good language is clear but not ordinary. For Aristotle the language becomes important where actions, persons, or ideas cannot alone absorb the attention of the audience and yield to stimulating elements. Aristotle points out the main issues: the proportions of the mixture, the interaction between information and entertainment, form and content. For Quintus Horatius Flaccus (De arte poetica, verses 333 [pounds sterling]) literature has the two main goals of instruction and delight: "aut prodesse volunt auf delectare poetae ant simul et mcunda et idonea dicere vitae" (Poetry shall instruct and please, create communication pleasures and combine what is agreeable and useful for our life).

Infotainment, then, seems quite normal in different processes of human communication. It means the transfer of information in a pleasant way. Infotainment means the combination of stimulating information (cognition) and arousing entertainment (emotion). We all find it more agreeable to listen to a witty speaker than to a boring one. Good teachers know when they have to insert a joke to keep the attention of the students.

We see the success of infotainment in how it pervades nearly every area of public life. Here is a list of the main combinations, which shows that nearly everything can entertain:

Advertainment (advertising and entertainment)

Branded Entertainment

Charitainment (Charity and entertainment)

Computainment (computer entertainment)

Crititainment (criticism and entertainment)

Digitainment (digital entertainment)

Docutainment (documentary and entertainment)

Edutainment (education and entertainment)

Evangelitainment (evangelism/religion and entertainment)

Infotainment (Information and entertainment)

Internetainment (Internet entertainment)

Iuristainment (law and entertainment)

Militainment (military and entertainment)

Newstainment (news and entertaintment)

Politainment / Confrontainment (politics and entertainment)

Preventainment (prevention/health care and entertainment)

Scientainment (Science and entertainment)

Sportainment (sports and entertainment)

As noted earlier, the phenomenon of amalgating information with entertainment or vice versa has occurred for centuries. The changing environment of the media demonstrates that media functions still package bundles of interacting variables. (See Figure l.)

This figure presents our view of an ongoing blurring of boundaries between information and entertainment. It further shows the difficulty of distinguishing between information and entertainment. The following sections in this review provide an overview of the main combinations of entertainment and information.

[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]

An intense examination of this topic also shows that we cannot exclude one form of entertainment from another. For example, war results from a political conflict which, if presented in an entertaining form, we can described as either militainment or politainment or even infotainment depending on the way a news report frames the story. Therefore we must keep in mind that each of the forms distinguished in this overview influences the others and interconnects with the others. Entertainment is pervasive in every area of public and private life. The following examples shall give an impression of what infotainment in selected spheres can mean.

3. Advertainment: Advertising and Entertainment

A synonym for Advertainment, Branded Entertainment, means the promotion of a brand. This promotion features the brand as a protagonist in an entertaining context. In Advertainment or Branded Entertainment formats, producers integrate brands in a narrative, making it essential for the further development of the plot (Schmalz, 2007, p. 125). Advertainment and Branded Entertainment offer constructions of lifestyles in which brands appear smoothly embedded in attractive, inconspicuous, symbolic, fictional worlds; they help to create social cohesion as well as homogenous peer groups, that is, clearly defined target audiences. Such a mise en scene aims to catch the attention of a well defined audience. Branded entertainment combines two goals. It wants to entertain an audience and it wants to position a brand in a sphere covered by mass media, that is, in strong channels of mass distribution. Branded Entertainment, then, means neither product placement, nor sponsoring, nor public relations. Branded Entertainment claims to create an added value for the brand, the medium, and the consumers who pay attention to a new format as long as they are informed, amused, and entertained. These consumers encounter the brand via movies, music, fashion, lifestyle magazines, or different genres in the field of popular culture (see Fowles, 1996).

Advertainment and Branded entertainment catch the attention of audiences, that is, of consumers. The fight for that very rare economic good became necessary because contemporary, developed, and industrialized societies suffer from a tremendous information overload. So, as long as the target audience pays attention to the commercial message, it gets the benefit of amusement and entertainment. Positive commercial messages are well received, understood, and stored as long as they show up with the entertaining stimulus of activation. Advertisers can accomplish this with an arousal kick, with an aesthetically sophisticated appearance, with emotional stimulation, with romantic, erotic or sexual attributes, with humor, or with intellectual wit. Advertainment and Branded entertainment demand a tight cooperation of advertisers and entertainers. Kretchmer puts it this way:

 The successful union of advertising and broadcasting
 that began in the 1920s generated an
 industry where advertising flourishes as entertainment,
 with lavish budgets, impressive talents,
 and its own version of the Emmy and Oscar
 awards. At the same time, from the culture and
 celebrity of salesmanship to the pervasive aura
 of product consciousness to the staccato, fragmented
 style that echoes clusters of commercials,
 entertainment has become advertising.
 (2004,p.43)

And in the words of Moss, shopping can also be seen as an "entertainment experience" (2007). The main goal of branded entertainment is consumerism. It indicates an attitude that seeks to influence people by creating a consumer friendly atmosphere.

4. Charitainment: Charity and Entertainment, Celebrity Advocacy

TIME magazine nominated 2005 as the year of charitainment (Pomewozik, 2005). At that moment, the symbiotic relationship between charity and enter tainment became clearer than ever before. Celebrities received huge attention in the entertainment media because of their charity activities. Bono and Bob Geldof organized the Live Aid concerts. "So effective was the mass action that it announced the arrival of rock stars and other celebrities in global politics" (Cashmore, 2006, p. 219). Actress and Oscar winner Angelina Jolie spoke about Sierra Leone and child soldiers on benefit dinners; Sharon Stone and Tom Hanks asked the world to join the fight against AIDS; George Clooney, Michael Douglas, and Charlize Theron committed themselves as UN Messengers of Peace. The question in this content is: "If celebrities can sell material goods as part of public relations or endorsement campaigns, can they not expand on their status and sell ideas in a sense of commitment on an issues-specific basis?" (Cooper, 2008, p. 10).

The huge amount of donations from celebrities today expands every year. As reported in People magazine, The Giving Back Fund compiled a list of celebrities who made the largest personal public donations to charity in 2006. Talk master Oprah Winfrey heads the table. She donated or pledged over $58,300,000 to different groups (www.givingback.org). It seems as if fame is a superpower that allows celebrities to save the world with money. And this leads to these interesting questions about the phenomenon: Why does it draw the rest of the world's attention? Why do people and celebrities donate money to people they don't even know? Different scientific approaches offer explanations. This section tries to answer the following questions: Which needs do people want to satisfy by witnessing such events in front of the TV screen? What feelings moderate the state of being entertained while at the same time being exposed to scenes of widespread poverty?

First, charitainment actions offer a platform for, and visualization of, the specific needs of poor people. Visibility becomes the watchword for today's organizations, because people are overnewsed; entertainment media try to catch the public's attention with celebrity's filters. Those have an affective impact because the personalized messages involve emotions which trigger empathy through what people witness. Empathy functions as a motor that mobilizes the public to donate because people identify with ill or poor people's basic requirements. The process of identification and empathy can help in satisfying needs. Here we call attention to Maslow's needs pyramid, which he developed to explain why people manifest different needs at different times and how different needs build on each other. He invented the hierarchy of human needs (1943, 1954) which posited physiological needs such as survival at the bottom of the pyramid, followed by needs for safety, belongingness and love, esteem, and self-actualization. Once people have experienced the satisfaction of one level of need, they tend to understand how other people must feel if they experience the same stage in their life. Therefore one develops an empathic understanding of how people must feel if they suffer from hunger. Koltko-Rivera (2006) argues that the inclusion of self-transcendence beyond self-actualization in Maslow's hierarchy also allows for a richer conceptualization of the meaning-of-life worldview dimension. It includes the forming of a sense of the purpose of life (p. 310). In other words, if people watch the Live Aid concerts for example, it can motivate them to achieve a better sense of altruism. This occurs because, first, they suffer with starving people as they know how it must feel and, second, they experience self-transcendence as a motivational step beyond self-actualization when they realize that there is a broader global sense-of-life than self-actualization and self-achievement.

Logically, the charity event might serve as a reputation-building strategy, and the ethical question also concerns the perspective of the celebrities and the needs which they want to satisfy with their appearance. Are they really driven by altruism or are they only interested in connecting the image of their own personality in the minds of the public to the image of a social worker who cares about poverty? Keep in mind that such an event holds great interest for TV stations and other organizations involved because of the money that circulates. One could argue that it is a "win-win-win-win situation" because TV stations gain audience (first win), celebrities gain attention combined with a positive event (second win), the audience members gain entertainment and new perspectives (third win) and global-problems gain public consideration (fourth win). However, this does not mean that only money can solve problems.

History has taught us that giving money to a poor country can make them dependent on the donor country and that local people will not develop a sense of personal contribution as long as they suffer from dependency and its benefits. However, experiencing empathy and identification provokes specific feelings toward justice in the world. It highlights the fact that people spend too much time on trivia and ignore matters of life and death to other people. It relativitizes daily life and places it in a broader perspective (Poniewozik, 2005). Guilt, an emotional state, occurs when individuals violate their own understanding of what they should do. It can therefore have a great effect on charitable donation. Basil, Ridgway, and Basil (2006) show that a sense of responsibility mediates the effect of guilt on charitable donations. The presence of others also enhances the sense of responsibility to behave prosocially. This sense of responsibility then leads to a larger charitable donation (pp. 1035-1054).

To summarize, Maslow's pyramid of needs provides an apt explanation of the effect of charitainment. The charitainment event affects the viewers on an emotional level and can influence the way one identifies with people and explains why one develops empathy towards them. Celebrities can work as role models and hence provoke prosocial behavior, which in turn can lead to larger charitable donations. The theory explains what motivates people to integrate a better understanding of the "meaning-of-life" into their worldview in an altruistic way. Finally, the perception of the needs of other people is moderated by feelings of guilt, responsibility, mercy, and mindfulness-the factors responsible for the effectiveness of charitainment.

5. Edutainment: Education and Entertainment

Education constitutes a fundamental duty for national governments. Because it offers the promise of upward mobility at a time when inequalities of income have continued to grow, many regard education as a stable factor for a nation: Buckingham and Scanlon see it as "responsible for the moral regulation of children, for keeping idle hands busy, and preventing the possibility of delinquency" (2005, p. 1). Furthermore, the lifelong learning credo and the growing emphasis on qualifications in the work place have developed into new sites for education and its power. This growing education industry provides an instance of the privatization of the provision of education. It raises the fear that only parents who already have greater economic capital can buy the same education for their children, thus achieving an educational advantage for their children. Because obtaining a good education matters so much, parents also often ask how they and the schools can provide the most effective education.

The idea that enjoyment can contribute to the effectiveness of a student's intrinsic motivation has a long history. Since 1990 interest has surged in developing edutainment software to provide an effective learning situation while allowing the students to have fun. However, the actual idea that enjoyment contributes to meaningful learning goes back at least to the Montessori School and to the concept of "flow," in which the existence of intrinsic motivation plays a crucial role. Rathunde and Csikszentmihalyi explain flow in this way: The concept of "flow," an intrinsically motivated, task-focused state is characterized by full concentration, a change in the awareness of time (time passing quickly), feelings of clarity and control, a merging of action and awareness, and a lack of self-consciousness (2005, p. 62). They argue that the experience of "flow" proves a key factor in education and provides one mechanism to achieve success and happiness in life. Maria Montessori (1876-1952), for example, promoted schools that combined discipline and freedom. And it was precisely "this kind of experience that unites immediate enjoyment with concentrated work" (Rathunde & Csikszentmihalyi, 2005, p. 76).

This section develops the idea of the hybridization of entertainment and education. First, we will outline the concept of edutainment, mainly used as a technical term that refers to edutainment software (for example computer programs) to provide fun for brains. Second, we will explore in greater depth the strategy of entertainment-education campaigns that groups have specifically used to increase audience members' knowledge on educational and health issues. This concept holds particular importance because it includes communication theories which explain the process of how a popular culture product can have an enduring effect on peoples' educational efforts.

A. Edutainment Media

Edutainment refers to a hybridization of education and entertainment. It includes visual material and a narrative or game-like format that provides a learning process (Buckingham & Scanlon, 2005, p. 46). It attracts the attention of the learners by engaging their emotions (Okan, 2003, p. 255) and raises learners' expectations that they will find learning enjoyable and fun.

Edutainment materials contribute to a change in the theoretical concepts of the learning process: from a knowledge-acquisition view of learning to a knowledge-construction view (Okan, 2003, p. 256). Moreover, Salomon and Almog (1998) have added an interpersonal view of learning to the knowledge construction view in which social interaction serves a variety of crucial functions. They assert that cognitive and emotional effort decisively contributes to meaningful learning. Interactivity, provided by edutainment software for example, is the new magic word that should guarantee children's engagement. Typically, this consists of limited interactivity, clicking away at the interface or completing multiple-choice tests (Buckingham & Scalon, 2005, p. 51).

Edutainment material can contribute to the students' motivation to learn and explore topics in greater depth. While motivation depends on a complex mix of intrinsic and extrinsic factors, intrinsic motivation tends to hold the key to meaningful learning: intrinsically motivated students work harder and persist longer (Okan, 2003, p. 259). Intrinsic motivation arises from many sources in a school setting, such as a variety of resources and solutions, so motivating learners involves more than just adding entertainment value or buying learning software. Students have to be engaged in the material and motivated to learn more about a specific topic. Not every learning process can be flavored with fun. Studying for a university degree might be an experience devoid of fun, because students have to persist in the learning process and can not choose to study only when they experience intrinsic motivation.

The question arises that if authorities wish to implement the co-existence of education and entertainment within the learning environment, how much "edu" and how much "tainment" should they include (Okan, 2003, p. 262)? The argument favors the software that engages students in learning rather than playing with the software. Hence, Okan concludes her essay with the logical implication of the absolute necessity of educational and parental critical awareness of a deeper understanding of the role of entertainment software (p. 263). The consequences of these developments just described and the new awareness of these resources provide a further instance of the growing importance of commercial involvement in education.

B. Entertainment-Education: Create Favorable Attitudes

The theory of entertainment-education describes another approach to the hybridization of education and entertainment. Here, entertainment-education is the process of purposely designing and implementing a media message to both entertain and educate, in order to increase audience members' knowledge about an educational issue, create favorable attitudes, shift social norms, and change overt behavior (Singhal & Rogers, 2004, p. 5). The term refers to prosocial messages embedded into popular entertainment media content (Moyer-Gusfl, 2008, p. 408). The difference between edutainment and the entertainment-education concept is that while edutainment procures knowledge and information, entertainment-education goes one step further by trying to achieve a behavior change (Lampert, 2007, p. 70).

Entertainment-education interventions contribute to the process of directed social change, which can occur at different levels-at the level of an individual, a community, or a society. These interventions try to contribute to social change in two ways. They can influence the awareness, attitudes, and behavior toward a socially desirable end, and they can serve as a social mobilizer.

The first recognizable entertainment-education interventions occurred on radio with The Archers in 1951 and on television with Simplemente Maria in 1969. At that time theorizing about entertainment-education started; Miguel Sabido, first deconstructed those programs in order to understand the theoretical foundation of entertainment-education (Singhal & Rogers, 2002, p. 117). Since then, programmers have implemented over 200 entertainment-education interventions, mainly for health-related educational issues, and mostly broadcast as radio or television soap operas. The entertainment-education strategy has been widely invented and recreated by media professionals in various countries. In the initial era of entertainment-education, two main organizations drove the international diffusion of entertainment-education projects: Population Communications International, a non-governmental organization headquartered in New York City, and Johns Hopkins University's Center for Communication Programs. Today numerous other organizations have become involved in utilizing and diffusing the entertainment-education strategy. Notable instance include the work of the Soul City Institute for Health and Development Communication in South Africa, Media for Development Trust in Zimbabwe, and Africa Radio Drama Association in Nigeria. The large-scale program, Soul City in South Africa, for example, has used entertainment-education programming to influence attitudes toward HIV prevention, condom use, awareness of domestic violence, and rape prevention (Usdin et al., 2004, pp. 153-174).

Theoretical Background. Why do scholars think that entertaining health messages have an influence on people's attitude and values? Sood, Menard, and Witte (2004) offer a review on the theory behind entertainment-education and point out a rapidly growing theoretically rich body of research (pp. 117-149). Entertainment-education does not itself refer to a theory of communication, but rather to a strategy used to disseminate ideas to achieve behavioral and social change. The theories behind the strategy represent a diverse field. They range from logical positivistic perspectives to critical theory and humanistic perspectives (p. 119). Researchers use the social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1979, 2001) and the elaboration likelihood model (Petty & Cacioppo, 1986) to explain the entertainment-education message processing of soap operas or similar programming (p. 407). Sabido drew on Bandura's work to understand the theoretical basis of the telenovela Simplemente Maria in Mexico (Sood, Menard, & Witte, 2004, p. 117) and to transfer it into a strategic tool to explain education-entertainment programming.

Bandura's social cognitive theory contends that people indirectly learn values, cognitive skills, and new styles of behavior by observing models. Media messages more likely influence outcome expectation and self-efficacy when they feature successful characters with whom people identify or whom they find attractive. People do not choose to engage in every behavior they learn. They must be motivated to enact the behavior.

Outcome expectations and self efficiency form core factors in terms of motivation. Outcome expectations refer to the perceptions of the consequences that result from the witnessed behavior. Viewers therefore more likely imitate a behavior from a model who receives a reward for the behavior, whereas punished behavior is negatively reinforced. Bandura refers to the observer's confidence in his or her ability to enact the behavior as the self efficiency concept. This core belief provides the foundation of human agency (Bandura, 2001, p. 207). Seeing similar others solving a problem or accomplish a challenging health behavior change will increase one's own self efficacy regarding this behavior (Moyer-Guse, 2008, p. 412). Program producers can then expect entertainment-education to influence individuals' beliefs and attitudes in distinctive ways and depending on the individual's readiness to change. Slater and Rouner (2002) argue that the procession of narratives, experienced when watching an entertainment-education episode, to a great extent precludes counterarguing with persuasive content in the narratives. To explain the strong impact of persuasive content in narratives, they detail a model based upon the elaboration likelihood model (ELM) (p. 174), which they term the extended elaboration likelihood model (extended ELM). This model holds that viewers engaged in the dramatic elements of an entertainment program remain in a state of less critical, more immersive engagement (Moyer-Gus&, 2008, 413). This theory posits that the narrative format can increase transportation into or involvement with a story, reduce counterarguing as discussed above, and thus increase persuasion.

Conventional ELM differs from extended ELM in that engagement and absorption in the narrative (also known as narrative involvement) and identification with characters replace issue involvement with the persuasive topic (Slater & Rouner, 2002, p. 177). According to Slater and Rouner, viewers experience absorption when they vicariously experience the characters' emotions and personality. Parasocial interaction or identification, in the sense of experienced similarity, occurs in a situation where an individual feels similar to another person. This phenomenon serves as a partial mediator of the effects of absorption in the narrative. The concept of identification describes a complex construct: for example, believing oneself similar to a character is not the same as liking a character (Slater & Rouner, 2002, p. 182). But the idea is the same--engagement in the storyline. We need still more research to understand the processing of persuasive narratives. One key problem here lies in the quite different uses of several distinct concepts, such as identification, similarity, and parasocial interaction.

Resistance to, and Critiques of, Entertainment-Education Interventions. Dutta, one of the few scholars who has indicated the absence of a critical approach toward entertainment-education interventions, points out, "Whereas most E-E scholars emphasize questions of effectiveness, a minimal attention is paid to questions of ideologies and values that drive the campaign" (2006, p. 221). Producers justify most interventions by the claim of altruism where Western countries have implemented interventions in Third World spaces. Dutta points out that "a value-based analysis demonstrates that the communicative practices at entertainment-education campaigns privileges the dominant power structure and excludes subaltern voices and propagating their marginalization" (p. 229). This critique is often forgotten, with more attention paid to production and to reception resistances. Nevertheless, an exploration of the motives, values, ideologies, and funding that lead entertainment-education campaigns is important and fundamental. Scholars should question the production side, which involves ethical and cultural values that lead to a specific type of campaign. Because intercultural communication research shows that cultural variation in people's background influences their communication behavior, it would be interesting to investigate how media professionals and researchers combine their own culture with the production. To what extent do they reflect on the fact that these conceptual filters influence their communicating with another culture or with strangers in general? These conceptual filters fall into four categories: cultural, sociocultural, psychocultural, and environmental. Those filters also explain how the target group members interpret messages encoded by strangers (the production companies), what predictions they make or what interpretations they place on the message (Gudykunst & Kim, 2003, p. 49), and how these can lead to resistance.

Because of cultural differences, no responsible leader of an entertainment-education project would consider an intervention without devoting budget resources to research. Such research is crucial in the case of a campaign because of the difficulty in ensuring that the audience members interpret the educational meaning in the way intended by the professionals. Advanced research can thus prevent resistance against an entertainment-educational campaign (Singhal, Cody, Rogers, & Sabido, 2004, p. 436).

On the message production side, strong resistance to the initiation of entertainment-education interventions exists. Most commercial broadcasters fear charting what they perceive as unknown territories. They fear that audience and advertisers will turn away if they perceive a radio or television program as playing too much of an educational role. Such resistance operates particularly in more media-saturated commercial broadcasting environments where the total audience is more fragmented (Sherry, 2002, pp. 206-224). As a matter of fact, Bouman (2005), one of a few scholars who has investigated the entertainment-education collaboration process between health communication experts and creative people, highlights the difficulties and possibilities (p. 47). She and other scholars argue for more research and theoretical investigation into entertainment-education production processes, including how projects are funded, partnered, produced, researched, and broadcast (Bouman, 2005; Singhal & Rogers, 2002, p. 124).

Resistance also operates at the message-reception end of the process as audience members selectively expose themselves to entertainment-education messages. They selectively recall them and selectively use them for purposes they value (Singhal & Rogers, 2002, p. 125). Therefore, theoretical investigations of entertainment-education now focus not only on what effects those programs have, but also try to understand more fully how and why entertainment-education has such an effect. Researchers increasingly focus on how audience members negotiate the message content, especially as the message reception environment hinders or enables the impact of the entertainment-education messages. Growing evidence suggests that interpersonal communication of entertainment-education message content, received by audience individuals from a mass media channel, can greatly magnify its effects on behavior change (p. 15).

Finally, we note that the Internet has opened new possibilities to entertainment-education interventions. It offers the individualization of a communication message to audience members, and thus there exist new ways to conduct research about resistance or cultural values, and to air entertainment-education soap operas through this specific channel (Singhal & Rogers, 2002, p. 132). But on the other hand, Singhal & Rogers argue that individuals who tend to have the greatest need for health and other types of information do not have access to the Internet; these researchers favor the Internet as one part of a campaign in which audience members can interact online with their favorite shows' producers and stars, but not as campaign itself (p. 133).

6. Evangelitainment. Religion and Entertainment

Religion deals, as do entertainment products, with eschatology, fears and hopes, anxiety and wishes, conflict and harmony, good and bad, egoism and altruism. Religion as well as entertainment shows long-lasting or even timeless values; they both create meaningful meaning. They both show attractive and perfect states of worlds ("paradises"), of individuals ("almighty supermen and -women"), and of people living in harmony, after years of troubles, conflicts, and defeats.

Religions and entertainment form and develop rituals (symbolic performances, rites of separation and unification), community-building symbols of identification, and similar patterns of behavior (see also Biernatzki, 1998, pp. 14ff). What is the difference between being a fan or supporter of a club or a movie-star and a follower of a religious person or a believer? People can find themselves in a "family" with people who share the same beliefs, assumptions, values, likes, ideas, skills, and ideals. People find pleasure and comfort in the experience of identifying themselves with good and strong characters, in seeing justice done, and in gaining a sense of community. A key question emerges here: Do people make or not make a religious construction of the meaning--for them--of entertaining stimuli or events? Are experiences mediated by the entertainment media the same as those that come from religious experiences (see Clark, 2002)? One might be tempted to say "yes"--Entertainment and religions know icons, parades, processions, shrines, rituals, good characters (saints and heroes), and basic themes of human existence. They deal with the same myths and archetypes. The Catholic religion adopted profane symbols, introduced rock- and folklore Masses and dances into its liturgy. Popular culture on the other hand has adopted religious symbols. But--and this matters--entertainment covers the gap between reality and utopia whereas religion covers the gap between reality and transcendence! That gap spreads too wide for entertainment to bridge. Human beings have to live with their weakness and contradiction. Entertainment may reduce the gap between reality and utopia. Entertainment points beyond the everyday reality of men and women. Religion goes beyond it.

The closest relationship between information and entertainment in the field of evangelitainment probably consists of the act of preaching (Postman, 1985, Ch. 8). Televangelists use several polished entertainment methods to seek out viewers in order to spread religious messages to a greater audience. They portray a high degree of sincerity in their preaching and they try to create a community. Surface level tactics include great vocal inflection and dramatic deliveries of sermons, the use of symbolism and analogies in scripture so that viewers can relate teachings to their own lives, peaceful music to calm audiences, and the integration of humor to put viewers at ease with teaching, i.e. edutainment! Evangelitainment combines escape motives of the viewers with entertainment, involvement, and the expression of faith. Televangelism works with dramatic effects, talk show formats, dramatic shows, aesthetic beauty, verbal pictures, fast pacing, and straight forward solutions. The programs satisfy the anxieties and fears of the viewers by providing clear authority on moral dilemmas. The most common theme in televangelical programs is known as the "successful people" syndrome. This compares quite favorably with the most frequent themes in the fictional media entertainment-love, success, and security! In the words of televangelists, wealth provides a clear proof of God's blessing.

After reviewing the contributions to Religion as Entertainment, its editor, C. K. Robertson, draws the conclusion that "there is a connection between religion and entertainment in America that deserves to be explored" (2002, p. 1). In an analysis of the rhetorical skills of the great 18th century American preacher Jonathan Edwards, Rusk comes to the following conclusion:

 His language constantly returns to the pleasures
 and enjoyments of true happiness. The notion
 of pleasure and enjoyment is an essential consideration
 in the evaluation of entertainment.
 (2002,p.23)

Television evangelists have learned this lesson well.

7. Militainment: Military and Entertainment The term militainment includes four major areas: entertaining elements in the reporting on wars (war as a monumental show), war as fighting actions in popular war movies, war as a background for docu-dramas or docu-soaps, and war as a video game. Militainment brings together armed forces, conflict (a news value), and media entertainment. One can say that such a combination in reality defines a successful cooperation or even a tight symbiosis.

Commentators have described the Second Gulf War as an open war, open to the media and therefore open to the audience. Journalists were "embedded" with various military units, and this embedding resulted in an enhanced tendency towards identification with the troops. Journalists were told that "the idea is by making you a part of the unit, you'll be a member of the team" (Glasser, 2003, A14). From a journalistic point of view this means a loss of distance or even objectivity. Comradeship replaces critical reporting. Excitement has more news value than violence and brutality (usually edited out). Andersen quotes Peter Arnett when he reported the photogenic bombing of Baghdad: "An amazing sight, just like out of an action movie, but this is real" (Andersen, 2003, p. 23). Thussu describes the work of television journalists as "Live from the battlefield," or "the Foxification of war reporting" (2007, p. 114).

Clear differences appeared in the reporting of embedded and behind-the-lines journalists:

The embedded journalists often described the war in terms of the weakness of Iraq's army resistance, the frequency with which regular Iraqi forces deserted or surrendered, and the joy of Iraqi civilians of the demise of the Hussein regime. Stories filed by behind-the-lines journalists described the war in terms of the potential of Iraqi forces to mount significant unconventional counter-attacks, the ferocity of the Iraqi irregular forces, the adequacy of allied war planning, and the vulnerability of the Allies' long supply lines. These stories emphasized civilian anger at collateral damage, interruptions to utility infrastructure, and mistrust of American intentions. (Cooper & Kuypers, 2004, p. 169)

A nicely orchestrated example came in the mission called "Saving Private Lynch." Reporters mainly described the rescue of Jessica Lynch from a Nasiriya hospital as a daring raid. The operation as such met no resistance, but only frightened other patients. The media had their story, though: Jessica comes home! Going home or coming home are very familiar and popular motives in entertaining narratives. The story also reinforced another myth of war movies: never leave a comrade behind!

With "Profiles of Courage" CBS introduced a series that portrayed soldiers. Most "Profiles" had a highly uncritical tone and an approach near to hero worship. "Profiles from the Frontline Military Soaps" added some more nurses to the set to make the military soap more attractive for family audiences. The producer of "Profiles from the Frontline" was none other than Jerry Bruckheimer, the producer of "Black Hawk Down," a heroic account of a group of soldiers who learned the true nature of war and heroism. Heroism forms a well known entertainment element of war movies.

"American Fighter Pilot" (CBS, 2002) provides an example of a reality show-a docu-soap-that reports the demanding training of future fighter pilots. But after three episodes the network pulled the show. The movie "Top Gun" was more successful!

War games are a well known technique to train officers and troops in virtual situations. Powerful home computers have made their transfer into civil society possible. In 2002 the U.S. Army launched a war game called "America's Army" and in the same year this videogame went on the Internet. The main goal of this free game was and still is to recruit solders for the army. Similarly, "Marine Expeditionary Units" serves commercial as well as military goals. Here again we see a sign of symbiosis, this time between the military and the entertainment industry. War becomes a game. Another symbiosis, or a kind of synergy, exists between war movies and war games. The movie, "Black Hawk Down," (2002) has its parallel computer game (2003). The "special operations" discourse they promote "is remarkably similar to the schema of the 'professional Western'..., which features a band of hardened men 'doing a job' to protect a weak 'society,' relying on superior 'professional' skills, and motivated more by their loyalty towards each other than by concern for those they are protecting" (Machin & van Leeuwen, 2005, p. 136). The message is clear: a man has got to do what a man has got to do!

If war becomes the father of every progress, in the Gulf War the war has fathered:

* Embedded journalism

* Information warfare

* Human interest stories

* War as a reality-show

* Propaganda

* War soaps, docu-dramas

* Games

When digitization brings everything together, fiction and facts, games and serious actions, information and entertainment, truth and lies, propaganda and education, Hollywood and the Pentagon, Der Derian (2001) uses the term, the "Military-Industrial-Media-Entertainment Network."

Whether or not entertaining military troops falls under the category of militainment has yet to be decided. In Europe as well as in the United States rock bands, cheerleaders, movie-stars, singers, and dancers can all take on the job to entertain soldiers. Even the Swiss Army has a major who serves as the "Swiss Army Master magician" and who does conjuring tricks to fight boredom and the trauma of war.

8. Politainment: Politics and Entertainment

In the 2008 presidential election campaign, Senator Barack Obama had a lot more publicity from celebrity endorsement through entertainment media than did Senator John McCain. McCain failed to use Obama's similarity to celebrities as a campaigning argument. After he compared Obama to celebrities like Britney Spears and Paris Hilton in one of his 30-second commercials questioning Obama's leadership qualifications, Paris Hilton shot back at McCain by posting a video calling McCain a "white-haired dude" and announcing her own campaign for president (Roloff, 2008). The election campaign became an omnipresent topic in comedy shows like Saturday Night Live or The Late Show and demonstrates that the politainment phenomenon has taken center stage in the entertainment media, especially as a strategy for campaigns to attract people less interested in political events.

This phenomenon offers a new perspective for political communication scholars because they have long treated entertainment and public affairs content as immiscible. However, recent research enables an approach which includes the argument that the traditional distinction between news and entertainment content is no longer helpful. The questions appearing in recent studies concern the nature of the political messages offered through various entertainment outlets, and the ways in which the convergence of entertainment and political messages can influence the receiver (Graber, 2004; Jackson & Darrow, 2005; Kim & Vishak, 2006; Payne, Hanlon, & Twomey, 2007).

Politainment--the term refers to the symbiosis between politics and entertainment--can occur in different mediated situations. First, it refers to two differ ent kinds of relationships between politics and entertainment: on one hand, there are political reports framed by human interest angles such as the marriage between the president of France, Nicolas Sarkozy, and his wife and fashion model, Carla Bruni, for example. Second, politainment applies to entertainment products such as films with a political message (e.g., "Bowling for Columbine" by Michael Moore, 2002), music with a political content (e.g., "Dear Mister President" by Pink, 2006), and books with a political point of view (e.g., An Inconvenient Truth by Al Gore, 2006).

Scholars (Holbert, 2005, p. 438) argue that we need to study this particular type of content from a political perspective because the messages offered via entertainment outlets qualitatively differ from those offered through news. Furthermore, entertainment television, for example, engages the audience on an emotional level and treats the audience as physically present within the program. Politicians, on the other hand, serve as entertainers from the media logic of today's society. They present events focused on visualization, and they schedule activities to meet media deadlines. Kamps (2000) summarizes recent reproaches against the politainment phenomenon in his theoretical construct of the "Amerikanisierungsthese" [Americanization thesis].The German term refers to the assumption of American cultural imperialism. It critiques the transfer of popular culture into value system of other countries and further critiques the way in which the American culture controls and determines political cultures outside the U.S. The construct describes specific characteristics that political cultures around the world adapt from the American role model. The Americanization of politics occurs in the dominance of the visual in politics, in the personalization of politicians, in the de-politicization of private space, and furthermore in the dramaturgy of an election where a political election takes on the trappings of a sports contest (or "horse race'), which involves winners and losers and the emotional involvement of a fight (Rossler, 2005, p. 76).

Also, phenomenon of the involvement of testimonials and celebrities in a presidential campaign to use to one's advantages first occurred in the United States. Scholars point out that celebrity spectacle influences young voters (Baum, 2005; Besley, 2006; Jackson & Darrow, 2005; Payne, Hanlon, & Twomey, 2007), particularly with a substantial media focus on celebrities (Payne, Hanlon, & Twomey, 2007, p. 1239). Hence, in the U.S. 2004 election year but also in 2008, celebrity spectacle themes dominated much of the political rhetoric. For example, President George W. Bush used celebrity endorsements in 2004 from popular politicians such as New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani and California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger to his advantage. But, the celebrity endorsements worked predominantly on Senator John Kerry's behalf. He had the support of Spin City star Michael J. Fox and actor Aston Kutcher as well as the support of songwriter Bruce Springsteen. Kerry's liberal allies in fact got him a lot of media attention and provided a large part of his financial support (Payne, Hanlon, & Twomey, 2007, p. 1242). At the end, John Kerry lost the race and many have pondered on the real impact of celebrity. Credibility of the candidates is a major mantra. But if credibility of the source were the only important factor, no one would expect celebrities to have a huge impact. Early on, McCracken (1989) offered a very sophisticated explanation for the relationship between celebrity endorsement and the source credibility model. It is not just the celebrity who does the selling, but the appropriate interaction among celebrity, product, and audience. According to McCrackens' meaning transfer model, celebrities' effectiveness stems from the cultural meanings with which they are endowed (p. 310, p. 314).

Kim and Vishak (2006) took another more critical approach to political messages spread through entertainment media. They adopted an experimental design using 20 minute collections of real news and entertainment programs to examine the effects of media types on political information processing in evaluation of a political actor (pp. 1-29). The findings show that both news and entertainment media clearly increased accurate political information gain of all aspects, but using news media predicted more effective learning of political issues, whereas entertainment media use had the edge in forming impressions about candidates (p. 23). Thus, entertainment media provide few additive informational effects in political judgement (p. 26). But, the authors acknowledge one limit of this study: Individuals might have formed their processing goals instantly, at the time of the exposure. So, more likely, according to the uses and gratification approach, people seek different gratifications depending on the media type. If they watch talk shows, for example, they gratify their motives of entertainment seeking and passing time and thus could have greater sensitivity to impression formation. On the other hand, if they watch the news they know that it can contribute to their political knowledge; therefore, the gratification differs.

That might explain why the results on the political impact of entertainment media appeared inconsistent across different studies. As a matter of fact, news media are supposed to be more useful to learn about political issues, whereas the entertainment media shape our views about personalities and political lifestyles. As experienced with the election campaign of Barack Obama, entertainment media can serve as a very important motor or a wakeup call to engage young voters in the political systems or to raise attention for a particular political position or a presidential candidate (Jackson & Darrow, 2005; Kim & Vishak, 2006; Payne, Hanlon, & Twomey, 2007).

9. Sportainment: Sports and Entertainment

Approximately 1,652,000 people from the German part of Switzerland watched the European Soccer Cup game between Switzerland and Turkey, a market share of more than 75% (Associated Press, 2008). The euphoria in Switzerland and Austria, the site of the host cities of the European Soccer Cup 2008, shows how entertainment and sports enjoy a symbiotic relation and how sport has become an integral source of entertainment that attracts a large number of spectators. Sport plays an important part in television programming because it achieves among the highest audience ratings in its time slots. The importance of sports is strongly connected with the invention of TV as a mass medium. This invention for the first time allowed fans to root for their team in front of a screen and not in a stadium. It made sports accessible worldwide and simultaneously to a dispersed public. Sports thus become an entertaining event everyone could enjoy.

Certainly, sport does not always entertain. Fans witness boring games, not offering any spectacle at all. But, sport has the potential of entertainment because one can become personally involved--with team songs, games, gambling. Sport includes show elements, rituals, ceremonies; it provides suspense, dramas, conflict, victory, or failure. Furthermore, people identify with stars, feel with their heroes, and suffering with national teams (Beck & Bosshart, 2003, p. 4).

Enjoyment is not limited to the people in the stadium. Fans watching their favorite team on screen are equally animated if their team scores. They scream and clap. While watching their favorite team, viewers support their team by evolving empathy toward them and rooting against the opponent. Among the many researchers who have addressed entertainment from televised sports over the last 20 years (Beck & Bosshart, 2003; Raney, 2003; Zillmann, Bryant & Sapolsky, 1989), we find a useful guide in understanding how and why people are entertained by sport in the disposition theory (Raney, 2004). Raney defines it as the "affective disposition (of a viewer) toward characters and the story line outcomes associated with those characters" (p. 349). The theory posits that people develop empathy toward a character or a player they like and therefore hope for a positive outcome for this character. Enjoyment therefore works as a function of affective disposition toward a team or a character and the identification with result for the protagonist. The term, mainly used for enjoyment in dramatic entertainment, emerged in 1972, when Zillmann and Cantor (Bryant, Hezel & Zillmann, 1979, p. 52) first described how people come to appreciate jokes that disparaged, insulted, embarrassed, or degraded a person. They described the victimization either as physical, verbal, or both and as wrought by an individual, a group, or the environment (1979, pp. 52f). In the following decades, they applied the theory to different fields of research as well as used it to explain the enjoyment of sports entertainment such as in the disposition theory of sports spectatorship (Zillmann, Bryant, & Sapolsky, 1989). The theory includes the prediction that the public experiences a higher degree of enjoyment if our highly liked characters or our favorite team experience positive outcomes and the antagonist negative outcomes. We develop an emotional reaction toward a character (team), one that the researchers therefore describe as an affective disposition. Some researchers have addressed the question of how people select their favorite characters. Raney points out the non-capricious character of this decision: individuals have to morally justify the selection (Raney, 2004, p. 350). Hence, one likes characters whose actions one judges as proper and morally correct. Moreover, the choice does not remain static; one experiences a constant moral monitoring. If one develops very strong positive feelings, those also advance our empathy toward this character. Empathy therefore plays a key role in the concept. Raney (2006) points out the complexity of the factors that help produce the enjoyment of drama--namely, affect, moral evaluations, attitude maintenance strategies, and moral disengagement--and indicates that they can vary by person, gender, race, etc. (p. 365).

Different factors model the dynamics of entertainment and affect which sport has which effect on a specific audience. While soccer cups matter for a European audience, the Super Bowl is perhaps the biggest sporting event in the United States (Prabu, Horton, & German, 2008, p. 398). The leagues, teams, networks, and sponsors invest millions of dollars every year to provide that spectacle. Because of the significance of this big annual event, Prabu and his colleagues (2008) conducted one of the first studies to address entertainment from televised sports; furthermore they collected data about audience response to a Super Bowl game under natural viewing conditions (pp. 399ff). The study design captured changes in entertainment and affect during the 2006 Super Bowl. The researchers encouraged participants to watch the game with friends in natural viewing situations. They only needed to have Internet access in order to fill out the questionnaires during each commercial break.

Not surprisingly, the results show that supporters of the winning team found the game more entertaining. But the study also shows significant effects for negative affect on entertainment. In other words, negative affect correlates positively with entertainment, which means a combination of positive and negative emotions produces a more interesting, suspenseful, and entertaining game than a predictable positive outcome game does (p. 416). People find championship games therefore so enjoyable and full of suspense and emotions because they experience fear and happiness at once as they witness the fight between two equally matched teams and so cannot predict the end result.

As a modern drama on a field, sport provokes emotions on spectators who really want their favorite team to win and who want to witness the rivalries at the heart of the sporting event. But these rivalries can provoke violence on the field or off the field. Such real or perceived violence can undermine the entertainment process. Raney and Kinnally (2007) directed scholarly attention to this phenomenon in order to find out how violence can contribute to entertainment. The findings show that the influence of violence on enjoyment appears to be tempered in circumstances where the favored team loses a game to a traditional rival (p. 15). The perceived violence changes if the favorite team loses or wins. A win can increase the perceived violence. Furthermore, the more violent the spectators think game is, the more enjoyable it becomes for the viewer, as long as the favored team wins. They find the game less enjoyable when a favorite team loses; also here their perception of violence does not impact enjoyment in the least.

10. Conclusion, Discussion, Criticism

Entertainment has basically active, tension-reducing, and positive components. To sum up, without a doubt entertainment is omnipresent in our every day lives. Besides that, the phenomenon also has a great effect in influencing our daily lives. Given these factors, we must ask whether this "entertainment dose" dumbs people down or affects them in a positive way. What are the positive and negative aspects of the omnipresence of entertainment? This essay focused on entertainment stimuli, on entertaining offers, and programs. There is a wide area of research to be done to answer the question of what pervasive entertainment does to individuals, groups, and societies.

On the whole, this review argues that the entertainment euphoria holds great importance for today's society, providing something to connect people emotionally with products, something to provide human beings with information in a stimulating way. For example, an uninterested political audience can also get attracted by a political debate on entertainment media. Hence, entertainment media can provoke interests for specific areas, whereas without that information people wouldn't pay attention to those things. It can raise interest for an area such as a charity, the courts, education, politics, the military, sports, or preventative medicine in a stimulating, appealing, and effective way.

But, on the other hand, the disadvantages of an "entertainment overdose" shouldn't be omitted from this discussion. This need for entertainment can lead to a life where people only consume media products that entertain them. A society that, in the pursuit of happiness, needs to be constantly amused runs the danger of losing its role as a democratic power. We would therefore like to add some critical thoughts in regard of the nearly endless "entertainmenization" of our world.

* Entertainment provides people with mild arousals with positive stimulation. There is a real danger that people ask more and more for constantly stronger stimuli which may lead to either blunting critical sensibilities of individuals or to aggressive hyper stimulation.

* Dramatized, stage-managed, story-telling, patchwork journalism presents a distorted picture of reality. The audience will have difficulties distinguishing between real problems and blown up media events, between what is important and what is just interesting. The media lose their agenda-setting function in our societies when entertainment values become news values. Public discourse runs the risk of degenerating into public gossip where populism triumphs over due deliberation.

* A society that acquires the right to be constantly entertained takes the risk of being constantly distracted and diverted. People get used to look away from hard and awful realities. This may be of no harm during times of political stability. It is a real danger when there is a strong necessity of rational reflection.

* There is much theatrical behavior in the political arena but if one has to be telegenic to get access to a successful political career then we have reached the state of a "mediacracy," where to fit television is the first command. To name the problem from the other side: there is a danger that the media system so colonizes the political system that the rules of the media become the rules of contemporary societies. If appearances in soap operas, sit-coms, late-night shows or talk-shows are taken as evidence for quality in politics, if one has to be an actor before becoming a politician, then a loss of credibility is not too far away. No wonder that politicians are one of the least trusted professionals in the world. People are not interested in political issues anymore and become indifferent.

This essay is a list of many areas that are penetrated by elements of entertainment. This list is a kind of inventory of what is being offered in the public, especially in the mass mediated sphere. There are several critical questions to be asked in regard to possible dysfunctions of a growing "entertainmentization." The final question to ask is: What can we do?

There is a tremendous need for in depth research in the field of what has been called infotainment. With the exception of uses and gratifications as well as cultivation studies, the classical research in regards to media effects deals with pure and innocent political communication. We should know what it means when Hollywood goes to Washington, when political issues are spread out in popular movies (Bosshart, 2002). We should know the persuasive power of narratives when the counter-arguing system is out of service. And we should know more about the credibility of media celebrities who sell at the very same time coffee (Nespresso), watches (Omega), and human rights in Darfur (George Clooney).

And there is a tremendous need for enlightenment and public information about the logics of contemporary media, i.e. about how commercialization deter mines the way they work; and--even more--there is a strong need in the field of teaching media literacy at all levels of education.

Editor's Afterword

As long ago as 1985, Neil Postman highlighted the early forms of "--tainment" that Louis Bosshart and Lea Hellmuller present in this issue of COMMUNICATION RESEARCH TRENDS. Writing in Amusing Ourselves to Death. Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business, Postman expressed concern for how people in the United States (and more generally Western democracies, since those formed the audience for his research) had shifted how they received and processed information. Postman rooted his analysis in the different ways that print and visual communication work (something to which Walter Ong, S.J., had also directed attention in his summary study, Orality and Literacy. The technologizing of the word, 1982). For Postman, print promotes analytic thought, provides an opportunity for leisurely study, and engages a particular kind of epistemology--all of which lead to democratic debate and public responsibility. Western democracy grew along with the rise of literacy, a literacy made possible by the increasing output of the printing press.

Visual communication, particularly television, changed people's thought. The fleeting images themselves led people away from the kinds of sustained analysis needed for education and government. Visual media have more than a bit of the conjurer to them-distracting attention away from the switched card or false arguments. And so, Postman uses the second part of his book to criticize how entertainment (extended to a mass society) had changed four important social institutions: news, religion, government, and education. He intended the book as a warning.

The book also succeeded in grounding a fledgling field of communication study, what Postman called Media Ecology (see TRENDS, Volume 23, No. 2, 2004, for a comprehensive review essay). Postman's work asks that we pay attention to the communication environment-both the physical environment of various communication media and the symbolic environment of their content. Perhaps more importantly, he notes that, as with any ecology, we interact with the environment, changing it and being changed by it. The move from print to image matters a great deal.

Bosshart and Hellmuller's work has a related, but ultimately different, purpose. First, they try to explain how entertainment constitutes a natural element of many kinds of communication, not only the four areas noted by Postman but also areas as diverse as law, military reporting and action, and sports. This psychological or emotional link between entertainment and other parts of human cognitive and social processes has deep roots; awareness of these links appears in classical authors from Aristotle to Augustine to Aquinas. By directing us to the process, Bosshart and Hellmuller adopt a less worried attitude than Postman, suggesting that humans have dealt with the natural link between entertainment and so much else throughout most of Western culture.

Second, they catalogue many of the specific interactions of communication and entertainment and the purposes they serve. This taxonomic approach has great value for scholars. By assembling the research in these areas, they offer a road map for further research. For example, some areas such as "militainment" have received only cursory scholarly attention-basic description, for example-while others such as "edutainment" have well developed scholarly histories. To take just a single example, one handbook of research on computers and education and the entertainment components runs over 1200 pages (Jonassen, 2004). Communication scholars need to direct sustained research to all, but especially the less studied areas of "-tainment," to understand how they work and how we interact with them.

Both the reference list and the additional bibliography provide valuable starting points for further study.

Though not necessarily designed to complement their argument, several of the books reviewed in the following section of TRENDS do indeed illustrate the importance of these questions. Badaracco examines the media and religion nexus while Beckett asks what new media do to journalism. Both touch on "-tainment" in different ways. Cohen and Boyer's edited volume on religion and print in the U.S. and McNicholas' study of the Irish press and politics harken back to Postman's initial thesis of the connection between communication form and social institutions while Deacy and Ortiz bring entertainment (film) to bear on theology. Lundby presents studies of digital storytelling and Marriott looks at the entertainment in live television. Scholars do indeed take up the challenge of understanding how our contemporary media entertain and communicate.

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Louis Bosshart and Lea Hellmuller

[email protected]@unif.ch

Table 1: Categories of pleasure in entertainment

Thomas Aquinas Thomas Hausmanninger

Passiones sunt Entertainment is a pleasure of
delectationes

 The Senses:
Sensibilis The use of physical abilities; competences of using
 the body, experiencing (the display of) motor and
 sensual activity

 (Ego-) Emotions:
Emotionalis Evoking and experiencing emotions: "Mood management:
 using entertainment to full advantage" (Zillmann,
 1988, p. 147)

 Wit/knowledge:
Cognitionis Cognitive, intellectual powers, competences of being
 able to use one's wit

Reflexiva (Socio-) Emotions:
 Feel with others and feel for others: identification
 and empathy

Table 2: Dualisms of human entertainment

Reality-based extremes Utopia-based extremes
of the human system of the human system

reality imagination
chance, coincidence eschatology
risk security
seriousness play
limits, rules freedom
fears hopes
anxiety wishes
chaos structure
conflict, discord harmony, concord
obligations liberty
exhaustion energy
boredom excitement
monotony variety