Impact of Canadian postsecondary education on occupational prestige of highly educated immigrants.
Adamuti-Trache, Maria ; Anisef, Paul ; Sweet, Robert 等
OVER THE PAST two decades, the international mobility of highly
skilled workers led to large migration flows toward developed countries.
To maintain rapid economic growth and ensure social equality,
immigrant-receiving countries face unique challenges of integrating
newcomers into their societies. Canada in particular attracted large
inflows of highly educated immigrants whose economic status in the host
country does not correspond to their education and premigration work
experiences (Grant and Nadin 2007). Economic outcomes of highly educated
immigrants to Canada are poorer than in other major immigrant-receiving
countries such as the United States or Australia (Bonikowska, Hou, and
Picot 2011; Hawthorne 2007). Research also shows that recent immigrants
to Canada typically experience lower levels of economic success than
native-born workers (Reitz 2007). Underemployment is particularly vexing
to immigrant workers with high skill levels who are relegated to
low-paying jobs for which they are overqualified and where their skills
are either poorly utilized or mismatched (Gilmore 2009). Long periods of
underemployment and a gradual devaluation of the educational
qualifications and professional expertise acquired in their countries of
origin effectively frustrate the occupational aspirations of many
newcomers (Grant and Nadin 2007). More than 50 percent of the skilled
immigrants in Grant's (2005) study who experienced problems with
credentials and work experience recognition, report being disappointed,
sad, hurt, frustrated, and depressed.
Much research on immigrant settlement in Canada has occurred within
a human capital framework, with the earnings of immigrants being a
primary focus of research (Worswick 2004). Sociologists adopt a broader
approach to measuring labor market integration and develop socioeconomic
scales (e.g., Blishen index) that rank occupations on the basis of
education and income (Blishen and McRoberts 1976). Yet, some authors
argue that jobholders' long-term economic prospects are better
predicted by the social status of their occupation (Featherman and
Hauser 1976). Thus, rather than using socioeconomic scales, many
researchers opt for an "occupational prestige" ranking, which
reflect the perceived social standing individuals assign to an
occupation relative to others (Treiman 1977). While employment status
and earnings are essential ingredients for settling in a new country, we
contend that these indicators only partially capture the labor market
experiences of large numbers of highly educated immigrants, who are
determined to regain their premigration professional and social status.
The particular role that occupational prestige plays in the
settlement success of immigrants has not been extensively examined, but
preliminary work by Frank (2009) suggests its importance to their
perceived success in the labor market and society. To the extent
occupational prestige matters to immigrants' sense of employment
success and satisfaction, it is important to examine the strategies they
adopt to enhance employability and improve occupational prestige--upon
(or soon after) arrival in Canada. There is evidence that when neither
income nor occupational prestige is realized, many newcomers attempt to
enhance existing qualifications by acquiring Canadian educational
credentials: about two-thirds of newcomers to Canada in the early 2000s
had plans to pursue education or training (Statistics Canada 2005).
Research also shows that those most likely to use the Canadian
postsecondary education (PSE) system were immigrants who already had
obtained university qualifications in their countries of origin but who
were unable to find work commensurate with their qualifications
(Adamuti-Trache and Sweet 2010; Green and Green 1999).
Previous research on the relationship between educational
credentials and labor market integration has typically compared PSE
participants and nonparticipants. Yet, adult immigrants' strategies
to gain host-country credentials involve more differentiated use of the
Canadian PSE system. Highly educated immigrants choose between college
and university programs and, with respect to the latter, may either
enhance their existing qualifications or embark upon a new and different
field of study (Adamuti-Trache 2011). The labor market consequences of
different further education choices are not known, but are likely to be
considerable.
This paper examines the relationship between the PSE pathway
choices of recently arrived immigrants and the occupational prestige of
the jobs they subsequently obtained. We employ data from the
Longitudinal Survey Immigrants to Canada (LSIC) covering the period 2000
to 2004. The analysis addresses the theme of host-country human capital
accumulation by raising the general research question: For highly
educated immigrants who undertake additional education at a Canadian PSE
institution, do different PSE pathways lead to equally successful
occupational outcomes?
MAIN CONCEPTS
Immigrant Underemployment and Occupational Prestige
Many recognize that education received abroad is largely discounted
in Canada (Aydemir and Skuterud 2004; Ferrer and Riddell 2008; Thompson
2000), either overtly by maintaining barriers to recognize foreign
credentials, or covertly by disregarding the value of this education and
its outcomes (i.e., previous work experience). Highly educated
immigrants are particularly disadvantaged when the host country is not
prepared to reward education with suitable employment. Thus, higher
levels of education did not translate into a greater likelihood of
finding employment among newly arrived immigrants.
Underemployment rates are high among immigrants. In 2008, over 42
percent of foreign born workers in comparison with 28 percent of
Canadian workers were found to possess higher levels of education than
their jobs required (Gilmore 2009). Despite the increasing need for
skilled workers and the large pool of immigrants with qualifications and
work experience in occupations that require high levels of education,
recent university-educated immigrants were twice as likely as their
Canadian-born counterparts to accept jobs for which they are
overqualified (52 versus 28 percent) (Li et al. 2006). Grant and Nadin
(2007) found that 50 percent of the skilled immigrants in their study
thought it was impossible or very difficult to obtain suitable Canadian
employment. Over half of those who had paid jobs felt they were
overqualified for the jobs. When they described the "best job"
they had since arrival, many immigrants with prior occupations in the
natural or applied sciences or health were now working in social
services, education, or government-related occupations, and over half of
these jobs were teaching-assistant or research-assistant positions.
Although very few immigrants worked in sales and services in their
country of origin, after arrival in Canada, almost a quarter of
immigrants found employment in these areas, documenting the difficulty
of securing employment in their premigration occupations.
Employers' reservation in recognizing the value of premigration
credentials and work experience often leads to frustration, anger,
sadness, and disappointment among skilled immigrants (Grant 2005). From
their perspective, being underemployed is associated with earnings that
are inconsistent with prior educational qualifications as well as a loss
of occupational status.
The sociological analysis of work has long recognized the
importance of "occupational prestige" in determining
perceptions of labor market success. While earlier literature emphasized
power and privilege as a source of occupational prestige (Treiman 1977),
more recent studies reconceptualize prestige in terms of social
distinction and recognition. Zhou (2005) argues that income and
education capture the overt social distance and resource inequality
among social groups (and only imply social status differences), whereas
occupational prestige ranking follows the logic of social recognition.
Goyder and Frank (2007) draw attention to the meaning of occupational
status and the degree of status inconsistency in late modern society.
Survey data on occupational prestige in Canada show a hierarchy in which
the professions, for example, are often viewed as being more prestigious
than the trades or general menial employment. As Boyd (2008) noted,
since "occupations provide the institutional context within which
individual human capital is exercised, accumulated, and rewarded"
(p. 68), occupationally based scores capture information on "life
chances" that is not revealed by current levels of education and
earnings. Earnings and occupational prestige appear to tap into
different dimensions of employment.
Immigrant occupational downgrading is not a phenomenon unique to
Canada. McAllister (1995) explains the downgrading of job status for
Australian immigrants as a disruptive effect on their working careers
caused by the migration act itself rather than by economic experiences
in the new country. He demonstrates that the status of current job is
shaped by the first job in Australia rather than the job prior to
migration. Although immigrants improve their occupational status over
time, the initial disadvantage gap can rarely be closed. Valenta (2008)
found that recent "immigrants who had substantial human capital,
but who experienced a huge loss of status and occupational/class
misplacement in Norway, belonged to a group that was especially
frustrated" (p. 12). Similarly, Chiswick, Lee, and Miller (2003)
examine the U-shaped pattern of immigrants' occupational attainment
and note that highly educated immigrants are the most likely to see
their skills devalued in the destination country. However, educated
immigrants are likely to invest in future earnings potential in order to
acquire destination-specific skills that may impact their occupational
attainment. Likewise, foreign trained doctors in Canada "surfer
from occupational downgrading or deskilling, and are often forced to
switch careers and experience loss of social status" (Foster
2008:12).
Host-Country-Specific Human Capital: Direct and Indirect Benefits
The human capital model is the dominant paradigm employed in
research studies seeking to understand the employment success of
immigrants (Anisef et al. 2003). One of the central tenets of this
theory is that investments in education bring about financial returns
following entry into the labor market (Becker 1964). Accordingly,
education produces skills that are needed, valued, and rewarded in the
labor force. Support for human capital theory is often based on
individual level data that show that those with higher levels of
education generally have better labor market outcomes than those with
less schooling. However, returns on education are clearly dependent on
various forms of country-specific human capital (e.g., formal education,
work experience) as well as acquisition of social and cultural capital
through education (i.e., wider benefits of learning).
The most important country-specific human capital that is essential
to the labor market position of immigrants is formal education. For many
newcomers, education credentials are difficult to transfer from their
home country to their destination (Statistics Canada 2005). Rather than
investigating the factors that predict the likelihood of investments in
host-country education, research has more often focused on the labor
market outcomes of immigrants educated in the host country relative to
those educated elsewhere. Findings consistently indicate more positive
outcomes among immigrants who obtain education credentials in the
destination country or in economically similar countries (Mata 2008;
Thompson 2000). Gilmore and Le Petit (2008) examined the labor market
outcomes among immigrants according to the region in which the highest
level of education were attained. Among those with a university
education who arrived within the preceding five years, there was
substantial variation by region in which credentials were obtained.
Immigrants educated in the United States, Canada, and Europe had the
highest employment rates (77.8, 75.3, and 73.8 percent, respectively),
yet these rates were significantly lower than those of the Canadian born
(90.7 percent). On the other hand, newcomers who obtained their degrees
from Asia, Latin America, and Africa had considerably lower rates of
employment (65.5, 59.7, and 50.9 percent, respectively). While the
employment rates of immigrants who landed more than five years earlier
were considerably higher, variation by region of highest education
persists, with the lowest rates observed once again for those from Asia,
Africa, and Latin American countries.
Research also indicates that locally obtained schooling translates
into higher wages among immigrants. In a study on immigrant men in the
United States, Bratsberg and Ragan (2002) revealed that, according to
the 1990 census, male immigrants with a U.S. education earn 38 percent
more per week than their foreign-educated counterparts. The authors also
reported that returns on premigration schooling are significantly
greater for immigrants who acquire additional U.S. education than for
those who do not. In fact, findings indicated that immigrants who
complete their schooling in the United States receive returns to
education that are comparable to those of the native-born. Furthermore,
returns on postmigration schooling differed by source country in that
immigrants from less developed countries receive greater rewards from
U.S. schooling than do immigrants from developed countries (as measured
by gross domestic product per capita). In the Canadian context, origin
of foreign education contributes to earning inequalities among
immigrants (Adamuti-Trache and Sweet 2005; Fong and Cao 2009). While the
effect of country-specific human capital has been examined in relation
to employment and earnings, only few studies have focused on
occupational prestige (Frank 2009).
Participation in the host educational system implies the
acquisition of both formal and informal skills that are valued in the
labor market. Employers are better able to assess the value of locally
obtained credentials and may be more inclined to trust their legitimacy;
thus, immigrants who have made investments in country-specific education
are more likely to possess the human, social, and cultural capital
required to succeed in the host economy (Duvander 2001).
In the process of obtaining host-country education credentials,
adult immigrants gain other country-specific skills that are useful in
the host labor market. While pursuing further education and training,
immigrants have opportunities to interact with native-born students and
faculty and gain familiarity with the host society, which may not come
so easily to newcomers who do hot attend educational institutions after
arrival. Participation in extracurricular activities also permits the
formation of networks between individuals of different social, economic,
and cultural backgrounds, often referred to as "bridging
networks" (Kunz 2005). These ties enable individuals to access
resources that might otherwise be unavailable to them. In contrast, the
absence of social networks, cultural disparities in customs, values, and
attitudes, and a shortage of informal labor market skills are thought to
hinder the labor market potential of immigrants (Li 2004; Walters et al.
2007). For instance, Reitz and Sklar (1997) revealed that, when
controlling for foreign and domestic human capital, economic
assimilation tends to be poorer among immigrants whose social networks
are confined to their own ethnic group, often referred to as
"bonding networks" (Kunz 2005).
In summary, the socioeconomic impact of schooling in the host
country is both direct and indirect. In addition to increasing
one's human capital, immigrants who pursue education after arrival
acquire social and cultural capital that may ultimately prove
economically advantageous. Education acquired in the destination country
(particularly different PSE pathways) may help immigrants build social
ties outside their own ethnic networks and gain familiarity with the
labor market and improve their access to jobs with higher pay and social
standing (prestige).
DATA, VARIABLES, AND METHOD
This paper employs the LSIC Wave 3 data collected by Statistics
Canada and Citizenship and Immigration Canada. LSIC was administered to
immigrants who arrived in Canada between October 1, 2000 and September
30, 2001 and were interviewed at six months (Wave 1), two years (Wave
2), and four years (Wave 3) after landing. The approximately 7,700
respondents included in all three waves are nationally representative of
approximately 157,600 new immigrants.
The research sample of 3,000 used in this paper was defined based
on the following criteria:
1. Respondents had never lived in Canada before immigration.
2. Respondents were between 25 and 49 years of age on arrival in
Canada (i.e., people in the prime working age population, 25-44, range
extended to 49 in agreement with the Canadian immigration point system
that takes away points for applicants older than 49).
3. Respondents had a university degree obtained in their country of
origin.
As a result, the selected research sample comprises of adult
immigrants with comparable levels of education and no previous Canadian
experience. Results of the study are presented according to Statistics
Canada requirements. (1)
We focus on the occupational prestige score of immigrants'
main job four years after arrival (Wave 3), and contrast it with the
prestige scores of the occupation desired at arrival and the
premigration occupation. We assign prestige scores to occupations by
employing a scale of occupational prestige for the National Occupational
Classification (NOC) major groups developed and validated by Goyder and
Frank (2007). (2) The construction of the scale is based on national
survey data on occupational prestige in Canada collected by telephone
interviews in 2005; the survey replicates the Pineo and Porter (1967)
survey of occupational prestige collected in 1965. Goyder and Frank
(2007) obtained occupational prestige scores for 26 aggregated
occupational groups. An inspection of the ranking (Goyder and Frank
2007:69) shows that scores of professional occupations range from 69.2
(Art and Culture) to 80.9 (Health), most skilled occupations range from
62.0 (Sales and Services) to 66.8 (Business and Administrative), while
most unskilled and intermediate work in services, primary industry, or
manufacturing has prestige scores below 60. The prestige measures are
particularly useful to assess occupational attainment for migrant
workers because occupational categories are standardized while earnings
are less comparable across different social contexts. We assigned
prestige scores to the occupations reported by LSIC respondents as their
"main occupations," regardless of full-time or part-time
employment, because main occupation indicates immigrants'
perception of occupational attainment and potential growth. (3)
The design variable in our analysis is the PSE pathway chosen by
immigrants within four years after arrival. It is based on the
postsecondary institution attended and a comparison of the field of
study of the university degree obtained in the country of origin and the
current field of study. This typology has been proposed by
Adamuti-Trache (2011) to differentiate choice of further education by
the university-educated immigrant as an expression of the strategic
action of personal agency. We argue that choice of PSE institution and
field of study (for those enrolled in university) also indicates
immigrants' beliefs about the likely consequences of their behavior
(Ajzen 2002) and thus are informative of future occupational intentions.
Therefore, regardless of the completion status of the PSE credentials
pursued by highly educated immigrants (which may not be even attainable
within four years of arrival), the PSE pathways point to career
intentions and occupational aspirations of highly educated immigrants.
The four PSE pathways are (Adamuti-Trache 2011):
1. Nonparticipation--those who do not pursue PSE credentials.
2. Recycling--those who seek further job-related education and
training in the form of a credential in nonuniversity institutions
(e.g., community and career colleges, institutes, trade schools).
3. Value Added--those who enroll in university to pursue a degree
in same field of study.
4. Start Anew--those who seek a university degree in a different
field of study.
We hypothesize that sociodemographic factors (i.e., gender, age,
and visible minority status), premigration characteristics as well as
postmigration experiences are covariates that mediate the relationship
between occupational prestige scores and PSE pathways. For instance,
data show a pronounced shift in occupational distributions for immigrant
women: the overall proportion of women in management and professional
occupations declined from 82 to 40 percent after coming to Canada
(Statistics Canada 2003). Other research shows that highly educated
Chinese immigrant women are being deskilled in Canada (Man 2004), which
suggests that a decline in occupational prestige may occur at the
intersection of gender and ethnicity. Since previous analysis of LSIC
data show that women, older immigrants, and visible minorities are less
likely to pursue additional PSE in Canada (Adamuti-Trache and Sweet
2010), these immigrant groups may have fewer opportunities to restore
the occupational prestige they experienced in their source countries.
Premigration human capital factors include level of university
education (i.e., bachelor and graduate degrees), field of study (i.e.,
eight major groups), and premigration occupation. Immigrant-specific
factors are expected to affect both PSE participation (Adamuti-Trache
and Sweet 2010) and labor market performance. First, proficiency in one
of Canada's official languages is crucial to immigrant integration
(Statistics Canada 2005). The LSIC respondents self-reported their level
of competence in English and French. We selected variables that indicate
speaking ability in English or French in Wave 1 (within six months after
landing). We distinguish between respondents who self-report speaking
English or French well or very well, or English/French was their mother
tongue (Grondin 2007), and those who speak fairly well, speak poorly, or
not at all. We derive a single variable describing speaking proficiency
in one of Canada's official languages based on the English scores
for all provinces except Quebec, and the best of the English or French
scores for Quebec. Second, we take into account the immigration class
that indicates the condition under which newcomers were accepted to
Canada. Thus, we distinguish (1) the Federal Skilled Worker class either
principal applicants who pass the point system requirement and (2) their
spouses/dependents; (3) other economic immigrants admitted through
Provincial Nominee Programs or as Business class immigrants; (4) family
immigrants who are sponsored by relatives living in Canada; and (5)
refugees. Finally, we consider region of last permanent residence (eight
regions), which provides information on economic and geopolitical
differences that affect employers' view of foreign credentials and
work experience.
Occupation wanted in Wave 1 is likely to capture premigration
occupational aspirations but also reveals immigrants' response to
the first contact with the Canadian labor market; we aggregated
occupation wanted into eight major groups (i.e., trades, primary
industry, and manufacturing occupations were further collapsed due to
the small sample size). Recognition of prior work experience in Canada
is a significant indicator of barriers encountered by immigrants in
finding adequate employment. The research design employs a
three-category variable describing whether work experience (1) was never
negotiated (i.e., the immigrant never worked before arrival, or did not
find employment in Canada, or did not find work commensurate with his or
her previous education), (2) was negotiated but not accepted, or (3) was
negotiated and accepted. The analysis also includes a two-category
variable that indicates whether the immigrant experienced any problems
with foreign credentials recognition since arrival.
As noted above, the formation of social networks is an additional
dimension of the socioeconomic integration of immigrants to Canada that
may affect occupational prestige. The analysis includes two social
capital constructs. The first, or friendship network measure, is based
on whether immigrants had friends at arrival; whether they subsequently
made new friends and the extent to which this new circle of friends
consisted of co-ethnics or different ethnic groups. The second, or group
membership measure, is a three-category variable that indicates (1) no
membership, (2) membership in nonethnic organizations, or (3) membership
in ethnic (or religious/cultural) organizations.
FINDINGS
Employment and Occupational Outcomes by PSE Pathways
Within four years of arrival 46 percent of highly educated
immigrants enrolled in formal education offered by postsecondary
providers. Of particular interest are the PSE pathways chosen by
respondents--54 percent were Nonparticipants, 29 percent chose
nonuniversity education (Recycling), 8 percent went to university and
chose the same field of study (Value Added) while 9 percent started a
university program in a new field (Start Anew). Our hypothesis is that
there is a relationship between PSE pathway choices and employment and
occupational indicators four years after arrival.
As shown in Table 1, all PSE pathway groups including the
Nonparticipants improve their employment status in Canada after arrival,
with Nonparticipants most closely resembling those in the Recycling
pathway group; both groups increased their employment rate in Wave 3 to
79 percent. It is not surprising that those who pursued university
education were less likely to be employed, but it is interesting to note
that the rate of improvement in employability is highest for the two
university pathway groups, with a 31-point increase for Value Added and
a 35-point increase for the Start Anew group by Wave 3.
For those employed full-time in Wave 2 and Wave 3, median personal
incomes during the previous 12 months did not show much variability
whether immigrants engaged or not in further education. The relatively
higher incomes of immigrants pursuing university education are not
necessarily an effect of newly acquired Canadian degrees (perhaps not
completed yet) but more likely the result of more favorable situational
circumstances encountered by these immigrants. Nevertheless, in 2004 to
2005, four years after arrival to Canada, median incomes of recent
highly educated immigrants were in the range of $32,000 to $36,000.
These are significantly lower than the 2005 median income (i.e., about
$55,000) of the 25- to 44-year-old university-educated Canadians,
working full-year full-time (Statistics Canada 2006). We argue that
these economic differentials are the result of employment of immigrants
in occupations that carry less prestige in the labor market and are
therefore least rewarded financially.
As shown in Table 1, there is significant variability in employment
when comparing the three waves by PSE pathways. In Wave 2 more than half
of immigrants in the Value Added and Start Anew groups had not attained
jobs. However, by Wave 3, more than two-thirds of each PSE pathway
groups had located jobs and all groups are comparably represented in the
labor market. As a consequence, we choose to examine only Wave 3
occupational data in order to compare the prestige scores of
premigration and postmigration occupations by PSE pathway. Higher scores
indicate occupations that require higher skill levels associated with
higher levels of education.
Table 2 first contrasts Nonparticipants and all PSE pathway groups
by the average prestige scores of occupations held prior to arrival in
Canada and wanted at arrival. Although all respondents had obtained
university degrees prior to arrival, there are clear differences in
their prior occupational attainment (i.e., corresponding to jobs held in
their countries of origin). On average, the mean scores are higher for
immigrants who, after arrival, engaged in university education, which
may suggest that they possessed more human capital (or of higher
quality) to continue further education immediately after arrival. All
immigrants, regardless of their PSE pathway, tend to aspire to
equivalent or higher occupational attainment in Canada, as shown by the
scores for occupation wanted. However, the much lower prestige scores in
Wave 3 suggest that their aspirations were often not realized in the
occupations they attained within four years of arrival to Canada.
The Nonparticipant and Recycling groups tended to work in their
countries of origin at jobs with lower occupational prestige than the
two university PSE pathway groups and this pattern persists after four
years of arrival. Among PSE participants, there are distinct differences
in the prestige scores attained by Wave 3. Value Added and Start Anew
groups are employed in occupations that approximate the aspirations
voiced upon arrival. Finally, it should be noted that the prestige
scores of occupations prior to arrival and wanted at arrival indicate
that highly educated immigrants worked (and wanted to work) in
professional occupations (scores 71.8-74.2). However, within four years
of arrival and regardless of PSE pathway, immigrants worked primarily in
technical and skilled occupations (scores 65.8-71.5).
Data also show consistency between the employment income and
occupational prestige scores in Wave 3. Both measures indicate a greater
university premium particularly for the Value Added immigrants whose
income is about 13 percent higher and who enjoy a 9 percent higher
prestige scores than Nonparticipants. The evidence of an earning premium
for recent highly educated immigrants who pursue university education in
Canada is also in agreement with Allen and Vaillancourt's (2004)
findings based on the National Graduates Survey (Class of 2000) although
no comparative data on occupational prestige are available.
Modeling Occupational Prestige
In this section, we ran a linear regression model to predict Wave 3
occupational prestige scores using the predictors described in Table 3.
Since not all immigrants worked during Wave 3, the model is based on
about 87 percent of the initial research sample (N = 2,610).
There are somewhat more male (60 percent) than female respondents
(40 percent) in the sample; most immigrants are members of a visible
minority (80 percent) reflecting the non-European character of immigrant
source countries. About 34 percent of immigrants obtained a graduate
degree in their country of origin, and more than 50 percent had degrees
in natural and applied sciences, and mathematics and computer sciences.
Almost 90 percent of the highly educated immigrants are economic
immigrants (i.e., immigrated to Canada under the Federal Skilled Worker
or Provincial Nominee/Business programs). Over 60 percent of recent
immigrants came from Asia. More than three-quarters of immigrants
reported good language proficiency in one of Canada's official
languages.
We employed two linear regression models to account for the effect
of PSE pathways when controlling (or not) for sociodemographic factors,
premigration factors, and postmigrations factors on occupational
prestige scores. While the model including only the PSE pathway variable
explains 5 percent of the variability in the outcome, inclusion of all
control variables (Model 2), results in 26 percent of the variability in
occupational prestige being explained. Table 4 presents the
unstandardized coefficients and standard errors.
Model 1 shows that immigrants that chose the Start Anew and
especially the Value Added pathway experience significantly higher
occupational prestige levels as compared to Nonparticipants or Recycling
groups. Model 2 shows that the result initially obtained without control
variables holds, although slightly reduced, when control variables are
included.
The full model shows that job occupational prestige in Wave 3 is
lower for women and for visible minority immigrants, although the effect
is not statistically significant. This result does not contradict
previous findings that show that women and visible minority immigrants
are more likely to find work in occupations with lower status (see,
e.g., Chui 2011; Chui and Maheux 2011). Differences could be less
pronounced in our sample, which comprises highly educated immigrants
who, regardless of gender and race/ethnicity, experience barriers to
access to professions within four years of arrival. There is also a
pronounced negative effect of age on the occupational prestige
scale--immigrants over 40 years of age are found in occupations that are
about two points lower than those in the reference group.
Premigration factors appear to have impact on occupational
prestige. Lack of proficiency in one official language is negatively
related with occupational prestige but the effect is not statistically
significant. Compared to the reference category group (i.e., skilled
workers principal applicants), only the provincial nominees group
displays slightly higher occupational prestige although the effect is
not statistically significant; all other immigration categories
experienced lower occupational prestige than the reference group of
skilled workers principal applicants. By way of illustration, family
immigrants are likely to have jobs in occupations that are about two
points lower than those of the reference group. Immigrants' source
country origin impacts on occupational prestige in Wave 3. Thus, in
comparison with the reference group consisting of Anglophone countries,
immigrants from all other source countries score significantly lower on
occupational prestige, with immigrants coming from South Asia faring
more poorly than immigrants from other source countries, relative to the
reference category, and this effect is statistically significant.
Prior level of education matters: having a graduate degree raises
the average occupational prestige score by about two points. The
premigration field of study matters as well with immigrants with
university degrees in health, mathematics and computer sciences, and
engineering obtaining jobs with significantly higher occupational
prestige in comparison with the reference category.
The analysis of postmigration factors shows that variables
describing immigrant work aspirations and interaction with the Canadian
labor market are more relevant to attainment than social interactions.
When we explored the influence of occupation preferences as expressed
upon arrival in Canada, we found that those who are interested in
health, social sciences, natural and applied sciences, and social
sciences occupations experienced significantly higher occupational
prestige (compared to immigrants who could not state any occupation).
However, those who chose trade, primary industry and manufacturing,
sales and services, art, culture, recreation, and sport experienced
lower occupational prestige in Wave 3, some of these differences being
statistically significant. Occupational prestige in Wave 3 is positively
related with having work experience in one's previous country of
origin negotiated and recognized--those who succeed are likely to score
about four points higher on occupational prestige than those in the
reference category. Finally, experiencing foreign credential recognition
problems has a significant negative effect on occupational prestige
scores.
None of the social network indicators show statistically
significant effects on occupational prestige, although all have a
positive effect. Membership in nonethnic organizations, having friends
at arrival and making new friends who are not in the same ethnic group
lead to a modest increase in occupational prestige. Although
"bridging networks" are expected to enable immigrants to
access resources that might otherwise be unavailable to them (Kunz
2005), social capital appears to have a minimal effect on finding jobs
with higher occupational prestige. Rather than discount the impact of
"bridging networks," we suggest that four years in the host
country may be insufficient for forming social networks that result in
finding more prestigious jobs. Alternatively, the impact of bridging
social capital among highly educated immigrants in locating more
prestigious jobs may be overestimated. It should be noted that the
measure of social capital utilized in this study differentiates social
networks by ethnicity rather than occupational-related characteristics.
Other research using LSIC data shows a positive effect of social
networks on wages particularly for immigrants with lower levels of
education and for minority newcomers (Xue 2008). However, highly
educated immigrants experience more rigorous competition for prestigious
jobs, and data show they cannot establish effective social networks
within a short time of arrival.
In summary, the analysis of occupational prestige in Table 4
provides strong support for the effect of most human capital factors
used in the model. Thus, prior level of education, field of study, and
PSE pathways categories are among the strongest determinants. In
addition, the work/occupation factors employed are significant, and we
emphasize the role played in the model by acceptance of prior work
experience. Meanwhile, sociodemographic factors, immigrant-specific
factors, and social network factors play a less significant role in the
model. Although the choice of an "homogeneous" research sample
(age, level of education, familiarity with Canada) is predicated on the
assumption that various groups of highly educated immigrants are
similarly situated with respect to PSE and the labor market, it is
possible that specific social structural factors (e.g., sociodemographic
and social network characteristics) could exert different impacts, if
models were separately run for each PSE pathway. (4)
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
A recent Conference Board of Canada report argues that, in order
for Canada to meet its long-term domestic labor market needs, it must
increase its annual immigration from the existing level of 250,000 to
some 360,000 (Kitagawa et al. 2008). This quota includes immigrants
recruited under the Federal Skilled Worker and Provincial Nominee
Programs but also reflects an increasing reliance on Temporary Foreign
Workers (TFW). While TFWs are generally selected on the basis of their
fit to regional job market requirements, many are highly skilled
individuals who are overqualified for the jobs offered by Canadian
employers (Lowe 2012). To the extent the TFW program includes highly
educated individuals, it reinforces the importance assigned to higher
education in the selection of immigrants under the established Federal
Skilled Worker immigration program. Consequently, we can expect that
professionally trained and educated immigrants will continue to be
attracted to Canada. Given that credential recognition remains a
significant problem in the settlement of immigrants in Canada, most will
encounter difficulties of finding work commensurate with their work
experience and educational qualifications. Our analysis clearly shows
that after four years of arrival, highly educated immigrants do not
reach the occupational prestige levels they enjoyed before migrating to
Canada. In fact, after four years in Canada, relatively few reach even
the "bottom" of the professional job scale. Our study
contributes to the literature on highly educated immigrants'
integration by drawing attention to considering occupational attainment
as an additional and important indicator of employment
"success."
Study findings show that 46 percent of recent highly educated
immigrants engage in PSE after arrival, and their choice of a particular
type of PSE has important implications for future occupational
attainment, regardless of differences in sociodemographic, premigration,
and postmigration characteristics. We argue that choice of PSE
institution and field of study by highly educated immigrants provides
valuable indicators of (future) occupational intentions and career
plans. Our results show that there is a connection between choosing to
set up higher Canadian PSE aspirations (i.e., engaging in university
studies) and advancing faster in terms of occupational attainment.
If Canada is to optimize the benefits of any increase in the number
of educated immigrants, we need to understand better the educational
strategies they use to facilitate economic integration, the motivations
underlying their PSE choices, and the educational policy measures that
would complement these efforts. Our analysis shows that about two-thirds
of those pursuing PSE are drawn to nonuniversity educational programs or
community colleges. Immigrants choose the college option for various
reasons: in order to take shorter (and less expensive) programs, to
acquire courses needed for credential recognition, as prerequisites for
university programs, to acquire familiarity with technical terms, to
upgrade their skills, or simply to obtain a Canadian credential that is
more trusted by employers. Many highly educated immigrants are
nevertheless drawn to university rather than a community college
perceiving the former as possessing greater "prestige." In
this, they are not unlike Canadian-born students (Davies and Hammack
2005).
There are personal characteristics and conditions that
differentiate those who opt to recycle and those who enroll (again) in a
university program: women, older immigrants, those with lower language
proficiency, and immigrants with prior engineering degrees are more
likely to engage in Recycling. As shown by Adamuti-Trache (2011), highly
educated immigrants who opt for Recycling are more concerned to pursue
education after arrival for job-related reasons and experience more
difficulties in having prior work experience accepted by Canadian
employers, which suggests that obtaining a Canadian credential is
primarily an adjustment strategy. Are their efforts in this direction
justified? Walters' (2003) analysis of the National Graduates
Survey would suggest that Canadian university graduates who elect to
recycle do not gain any particular labor market advantage from their
added vocational education and training. Our findings show that
immigrants who engage in a Recycling pathway are not able to benefit
relative to those who elect not to undertake further PSE. However, as
shown in Table 1, those choosing a Recycling pathway were less likely
than Nonparticipants to secure employment in Wave 2, which may help
explain their continued involvement in education and training; by Wave 3
the proportions obtaining employment were identical. Those choosing the
recycling option also attain less prestigious jobs than those who chose
to acquire further university-level education by Wave 3.
While individual preferences undoubtedly play a role in further
education decisions, the accessibility of Canadian PSE institutions and,
in particular, their responsiveness to immigrant circumstances must be
considered. Research on the response of Ontario universities and
colleges to recent immigrants reveals variations in student-support
services that may explain the appeal of community colleges to newcomers
(Grabke and Anisef 2008). Ontario colleges have many programs, centers,
and services specifically designed to help immigrants, including
sustained English as a Second Language (ESL) programs. They also offer
applied training that educates students for specific jobs and labor
sectors. This supportive approach helps immigrants find employment
opportunities quite soon after graduation. Since the occupational
attainment of highly educated immigrants who pursue college education in
Canada remains low, we suggest that further education can have an
important remedial function for these individuals.
In contrast, universities foster development of broad transferable
skills rather than specific training for employment. Some Canadian
universities do provide bridging programs and English-language
institutes for internationally educated professionals, although few
programs are specifically tailored to immigrants. The study shows that
regardless of program completion, immigrants pursuing university-related
pathways experience the highest occupational status four years after
arrival. This could be partially the effect of the higher prestige
attached to university education (Walters 2003). However, it should be
noted that immigrants who chose university studies after arrival, also
had higher occupational prestige jobs prior to arrival, suggesting that
for these recent immigrants, pursuing a Canadian degree primarily
fulfilled a validation function.
In conclusion, this study supports the idea that pursuing some form
of formal education in the host country is beneficial even for highly
educated immigrants. Providing newcomers with access to PSE and
tailoring this education to respond to their needs (e.g., effective ESL
classes, applied education courses, internship opportunities) should be
sensible means of developing the specific cultural understanding,
official language skills, and job experiences they require for
successful economic and social integration.
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MARIA ADAMUTI-TRACHE
University of Texas at Arlington
PAUL ANISEF
York University
ROBERT SWEET
Lakehead University
(1.) Statistics Canada provides a bootstrap weights file
recommended for statistical analysis, and the current analysis employs
500 bootstrap replicate weights. Results are presented according to
Statistics Canada requirements: counts are rounded to the nearest tens;
means and proportions are rounded to the nearest tenth.
(2.) Boyd (2008) recognizes Goyder and Frank's prestige-based
scale among other occupational scales that incorporate "both the
economic and subjective social opinion dimensions of occupations"
(p. 58).
(3.) LSIC occupations are classified with the Standard Occupational
Classification (SOC). We used the concordance between SOC and NOC to
match the prestige scores to LSIC occupations.
(4.) We note that previous research on PSE choices of highly
educated immigrants (Adamuti-Trache 2011) shows that age and
premigration field of study affect the choice of PSE pathways, which in
turn appear to have an effect on occupational prestige. Therefore, the
interaction effects of sociodemographic factors (e.g., age) and human
capital factors (e.g., PSE pathway, premigration field of study) may
contribute to explaining occupational prestige scores among highly
educated immigrants. The analysis of interaction is prevented by sample
size limitations in this study, but perhaps future research could
consider it.
Maria Adamuti-Trache, University of Texas at Arlington, Educational
Leadership & Policy Studies, Box 19575, 701 Planetarium Place,
Arlington, TX 76019. E-mail:
[email protected]
Table 1
Employment Outcomes by PSE Pathway Groups
Percentage employed (percent) (N = 3,000)
Value Start
Nonparticipant Recycling Added Anew
Wave 1 55 56 39 36
Wave 2 71 66 47 48
Wave 3 79 79 70 71
Median personal income ($) (last 12 months prior to the interview) *
Value Start
Nonparticipant Recycling Added Anew
Wave 2 (N = 1,670) 25,000 25,000 25,000 29,000
Wave 3 (N = 2,020) 32,000 32,000 36,000 34,970
Note: * Only those employed full-time at the time of the interview.
Table 2
Occupational Prestige of Main Job (Prior to Arrival,
Wanted, Wave 3) (Mean Scores)
Value Start
Nonparticipant Recycling Added Anew
Occupation prior to 71.8 71.9 73.4 73.1
arrival (N = 2,780)
Occupation wanted at 72.5 72.5 74.2 73.9
arrival (N = 2,200)
Wave 3 (N = 2,610) 65.8 66.0 71.5 70.2
Table 3
Descriptive Statistics for the Variables Used in the Model
(N = 2610)
Percentage/
Variable name Categories N Mean
Occupational prestige Ordinal 2,610 66.6
score (W3)
PSE pathways Non-participant 1,410 54.0
Recycling 790 30.2
Value Added 190 7.2
Start Anew 220 8.6
Gender Male 1,560 59.7
Female 1,050 40.3
Age 25-29 550 21.1
30-34 860 32.9
35-39 640 24.4
40-49 560 21.6
Visible minority No 520 20.1
Yes 2,090 79.9
Speaking official Well/Very well/Mother 1,990 76.2
language at tongue
arrival (W1)
Fairly well/ Poor/ 620 23.8
Not at all
Immigration class Skilled worker-- 1,590 61.1
Principal Applicant
Skilled workers-- 670 25.7
Spouse/Dependant
Other economic (e.g., 70 2.6
provincial
nominees)
Family 230 9.0
Other (refugees) 40 1.5
Region of last US/UK/Oceania 120 4.6
permanent residence W/N/S/Central Europe 150 5.8
Eastern Europe 270 10.3
Latin America 100 4.0
Middle East 230 9.0
E/W/SE Asia 1,040 39.7
South Asia 540 20.7
Africa 160 6.0
Level of Education Bachelor 1,730 66.4
Graduate 880 33.6
Prior field of study Humanities/Soc& 580 22.2
BehavSciences/
Unspecified
Education 80 3.0
Business 370 14.3
Physical & Life & 290 11.0
Agricultural
Sciences
Mathematics & 290 11.0
Computer Sciences
Engineering 860 32.8
Health/Fitness 150 5.7
Occupation wanted (WI) Not stated 650 24.9
Management 60 2.3
Bus/Finance/ 320 12.3
Administrative
Natural & Applied 970 37.0
Sciences
Health 160 6.3
SocScience/Education/ 210 7.9
Government/Religion
Art/Culture/ 50 2.1
Recreation/Sport
Sales/Services 100 4.0
Trade/Transportation/ 80 3.2
PrimaryInd/
Manufacturing
Prior work experience Did not work/did not 500 19.1
accepted (within try negotiate work
4 years) exp
Tried/work exp not 980 37.5
accepted
Tried /work exp 1,130 43.4
accepted
Problems with foreign No 2,420 92.6
credential recognition Yes 190 7.4
Had friends in Canada No 820 31.4
at arrival Yes 1,590 68.6
Non-ethnic friends (W3) Ordinal (0-5) 2,610 2.5
Group membership (W3) No participation 1,700 65.2
Non-ethnic 320 12.2
organizations
Ethnic organizations 590 22.5
Table 4
Occupational Prestige Scores Wave 3, Linear Regression
Models (N = 2610)
Model 1 Model 2
Std. Std.
Coefficients Err. Coefficients Err.
PSE pathways
(ref = Non-participant)
Recycling .29 .39 .37 .36
Value Added 5.71 ** .62 4.29 ** .63
Start Anew 4.46 ** .60 3.51 ** .57
Sex (ref = Male) -.46 .37
Age (ref = Age 25-29)
Age 30-34 -.83 * .45
Age 35-39 -1.11 * .47
Age 40-49 -2.12 ** .46
Visible minority -.59 .63
(ref = No VM)
Speaking official -.27 .38
language at arrival
(ref = Well & Very
well)
Immigration category
(ref = Skilled
worker-- PA)
Skilled worker-- -.93 * .42
SP/DEP
Other economic group 1.37 .83
Family immigrants -1.84 * .59
Refugees -2.31 * .99
Region of last perm
residence (ref =
US/UK/Oceania)
W/N/S/Central Europe -.39 .85
Eastern Europe -1.47 .79
Latin America -.57 .94
Middle East -.59 .77
E/W/SE Asia -.42 .69
South Asia -2.56 ** .70
Africa -1.66 * .79
Level of prior 1.71 ** .33
university education
(ref= Bachelor)
Prior field of study
(ref = Hum/Social &
Behavioural Science)
Education .14 .89
Business -.71 .49
Physical & Life & .73 .55
Agricultural Sciences
Mathematics & Computer 2.43 ** .58
Sciences
Engineering 1.27 * .46
Health/Fitness 4.22 ** .90
Occupation wanted W1
(ref = Not stated)
Management -.75 .86
Bus/Finance/ -.33 .52
Administrative
Natural & Applied 1.70 ** .45
Sciences
Health 3.29 ** .90
SocScience/Education/ 2.01 * .68
Government/Religion
Art/Culture/ -1.54 .85
Recreation/Sport
Sales/Services - 1.78 * .73
Trade/Transportation/ - 1.86 * .73
PrimaryInd/
Manufacturing
Prior work exp (ref =
not negotiated)
Negotiated & not -.28 .44
accepted
Negotiated & accepted 3.68 ** .46
Foreign credentials - 1.57 * .54
recognition (ref = No
problems)
Had friends in Canada at .38 .33
arrival (ref = No)
Diversity of circle of .14 .11
new friends made in
Wave 3 (scale 0-5)
Group membership (ref =
No participation)
Non-ethnic .87 .48
organizations
Ethnic organizations .37 .35
Constant 65.76 ** .23 64.65 ** .95
Adjusted R-square .049 .257
** P < .001; * P < .05.
