The intersectionality of postsecondary pathways: the case of high school students with special education needs.
Robson, Karen L. ; Anisef, Paul ; Brown, Robert S. 等
THE EMPHASIS ON postsecondary education (PSE) as a pathway to
economic security is not a new idea, but certainly one that is being
stressed in the discourse around improving the life chances of
individuals. Internationally? numerous scholars have examined how access
to PSE is inextricably linked to various fixed characteristics of
individuals, such as race, family socioeconomic background, and parental
education, and as such, how these predefined characteristics function to
perpetuate cycles of advantage and disadvantage. Access to PSE is
understood to be a key marker in ensuring national economic
competitiveness in a global sense, and also an indicator of equity
within a given nation (Finnie and Pavlic 2013). (1)
Increasingly, attention is being focused on another marginalized
group of students: students identified with special education needs
(SEN). Data from the 2006 Participation and Activity Limitation Survey
have revealed an increased number of youth who have been identified as
demonstrating "learning limitations." They constitute 2.5
percent of the population aged 15 and older and represent a 40 percent
increase in the number of adults identified as having learning
disabilities since 2001 (Brennan 2009). Brennan (2009) also reports that
being identified with a learning disability not surprisingly--affects
education choices. Findings from Human Resources and Social Development
Canada (2006) show many discrepancies in educational outcomes for those
with and without disabilities. For example, in 2006 around 8 percent of
individuals identified with disabilities had bachelor's degrees
compared to nearly double that (15 percent) of people without
disabilities. These findings are consistent with others from the United
States and Canada, which report relatively small numbers of students
with SEN transitioning to PSE (Ferguson 2008; Mackenzie 2009; McCloskey
et al. 2011; Newman, Davies, and Marder 2003; OECD 2003; Pumfrey 2008;
Shaw, Madaus, and Banerjee 2009).
With an augmented focus on increasing the numbers of youth
accessing PSE--as illustrated in strategies such as in Ontario where
provincial government targets have been set to 70 percent PSE attainment
for all adults by 2020 (Ontario Ministry of Finance 2011)--understanding
what helps and what hinders access to PSE for students with SEN has
become an urgent priority. While a breadth of knowledge exists that
focuses on the success of students with SEN, once they reach university
and college (for a detailed review, see Boyko and Chaplin 2012), there
is a dearth of literature on what factors enhance or hinder access to
PSE for such students. This paper addresses this important gap in the
literature. In this exploratory study, we ask what factors impact on PSE
access for students identified with SEN and how do these compare to
students without SEN? We will explore these questions using 2006 data on
17-year-old students in the Toronto District School Board (TDSB).
Special Education Needs, the Life-Course Perspective, and
Intersectionality
As a currently constructed parallel system within the realm of
public education, the merits, purpose, and function of special education
have been hotly debated (Mitchell 2010). The educational profiles of
students identified with SEN have been well researched at the school
level (K-12) and a growing number of studies have been conducted at the
PSE level.
Students who are supported by special education services throughout
their tenure in school may experience diminished opportunities to engage
in both the school culture, their studies, or with their peers. The
proportion of students taught within congregated (segregated) special
education classrooms, where there is often a reduced curriculum and lack
of access to peers and school participation (Mitchell 2010), varies
dramatically across public boards in Ontario (Brown et al. 2013).
Although not all students identified with SEN receive segregated
support, the very distinction of difference can lead to increased
experiences of exclusion.
Given the differential treatment that SEN students may experience,
a life-course orientation is employed in this study. Berger and Motte
(2007) emphasize the utility of the life-course perspective in capturing
the complexities of the journey to PSE and in better understanding the
access, persistence, and completion barriers that face many individuals
and groups (see also Seabrook and Avison 2012). Specifically, they
emphasize two points: (1) factors that determine PSE access (and
completion) lie in the individual's life circumstances and are
already present in early childhood; and (2) social factors such as
socioeconomic status interact with individual characteristics and do so
in different ways throughout the life course. This conceptual framework
recognizes the importance of three essential ingredients in examining
life-course transitions and trajectories--time, social structures (e.g.,
gender, social class, disability status, ethnic and racial minorities,
school-level factors), and personal agency (e.g., educational choices,
student engagement). Structure and agency work together in helping shape
the life course. When examining PSE transitions through a life-course
lens, it is important to view the individual as an agent who constructs
a personal pathway within the larger context of social, cultural, and
economic forces.
While the life-course orientation underscores the importance of
accounting for the individual and combined effects of social structure
and personal agency, studies that have been conducted to date rarely
examine the impact of multiple social factors (e.g., ethno-racial
status, gender, immigrant status, social class) and their intersections
on life-course outcomes (McCall 2005). By way of illustration, prior
studies have rarely considered how race/ethnicity and gender jointly
differentiate PSE pathways; instead they have examined race/ethnicity or
gender as if they were separate dimensions of social stratification
(Warner and Brown 2011). By contrast, an intersectionality approach
systematically examines the interactive influences of race/ethnicity and
gender on social mobility across the life course (Mullings and Schulz
2006). That is, an intersectionality approach begins with the premise
that forms of oppression (e.g., racism, sexism) overlap, and thus posits
that the consequences of race/ethnicity and gender cannot be understood
sufficiently by studying these phenomena separately. We use both the
life-course approach and intersectionality to conceptualize how the PSE
pathways of SEN students are influenced by broad social forces and
choices (2) made by individuals.
Determinants of Transition to PSE
The predictors of transition to PSE in Canada have been documented
in detail by De Brouker (2005) and Cheung (2007). A significant
predictor of youth going on to PSE is the financial status of their
family. In fact, young people from high-income families are two to three
times more likely to go to university than those from low-income
families. In terms of college, however, there are almost no differences
in enrollments between high- and low-income students. However, there are
other important factors--some that appear to be more influential than
family income--that act to shape the PSE trajectories of young people in
Canada. Much has been made of single parent status in the past, but both
reviews cited above indicate that family structure is largely a proxy
for family income, and that once controlled for, youth from
single-parent households are no less likely to transition to PSE that
youth from two-parent families.
As noted in De Brouker's (2005) review, parental education has
been found to be more strongly tied to PSE transition in Canada than
family income. In other words, regardless of family income, parents who
themselves have PSE are more likely to have children that go on to PSE
than are parents who do not have PSE. Finnie et al. (2008, 2010) also
found that it was parental education that had an influence on other
strong predictors of going on to PSE, such as high school grades,
attitude toward education, and educational aspirations. Similarly,
parental expectations have also been shown to be an important factor in
predicting post high school choices, as youth who perceived that their
parents expected them to go on with their schooling were significantly
more likely to do so than those who did not have such a perception
(Barr-Telford et al. 2003).
Inextricably tied to expectations and grades is program of study
(i.e., streaming or academic tracks established in secondary school),
which has also been found to be a predictor of PSE transition, with
students in applied streams less likely to go on to PSE than students in
academic streams. In terms of gender, female students are more likely to
pursue PSE than male students (King and Warren 2006) while racialized
students--particularly first- and second-generation immigrants--have
higher rates of transitioning to PSE, have higher educational
aspirations, and are more likely to have parents who have PSE and high
educational expectations for their children than nonracialized students
(Krahn and Taylor 2005).
SEN and the Predictors of PSE Transition
In this section, we review studies that explore how the factors
that are identified as predictors of PSE transitions are associated with
the presence of SEN identification. On the surface, barriers to PSE
access facing students with disabilities or SEN include limited
secondary academic preparation and completion, extensive financial
expenses connected to specialized supports, limited employment
opportunities, as well as inaccessible infrastructure and instruction
styles (Kirby 2009). However, more implicit barriers are embedded within
the construction of impairment and disability, which could lead to
reduced student engagement, further marginalization from education
opportunities, and a reduction of postsecondary access.
Historically, special education classes have long experienced an
overrepresentation of racial minorities and male students as well as
students from lower-income households, particularly among students
identified with higher incidences of exceptionalities or impairment
(Artiles et al. 2010). Thus, low family income is associated with both a
decreased likelihood of transitioning to PSE (university in particular)
and an increased likelihood of being identified with SEN.
As mentioned above, females are more likely than males to go on to
PSE. Across North America, gender also appears to be an important factor
in the identification of students with SEN. In a number of studies, boys
were found to be significantly overrepresented among SEN students (Brown
and Parekh 2010; Oswald et al. 2003; Wilkinson 2008). Thus, males are
both more likely to be identified with SEN and less likely, regardless
of SEN status, to go on to PSE.
In terms of race, data from the United States demonstrate notable
overrepresentation of racial minorities within exceptionality
categories, particularly within higher incidence categories associated
with reduced intellectual capabilities (De Valenzuela et al. 2006; Skiba
et al. 2006). Toronto-based research has also uncovered notable
incidences of disproportionate representation in special education
including an overrepresentation of both white and black students across
SEN categories (Brown and Parekh 2010).
In addition to incidences of disproportionate representation of
race in special education, similar concerns have been raised regarding
the increased proportion of students identified with SEN that are raised
in lower-income households (Halfon et al. 2012). As some researchers
have suggested, children reared in poverty often experience greater
referrals to special education and SEN identifications.
Therefore, students identified with SEN are more likely to be
represented among groups that already have a lower likelihood of
transitioning to PSE, suggesting that their SEN status may act as an
additional "invisible" barrier that is separate, but
inextricably linked to being identified as having SEN. In the following
section, we test this hypothesis.
DATA AND METHOD
The data employed in this study are derived from a survey (often
called the "Student Census") administered from November 6 to
10, 2006, in all TDSB secondary schools and all Grades 7 and 8 in
elementary schools. A total of 289 Toronto schools were involved. After
all the data were processed and verified, a student census database was
created consisting of 34,219 students in Grades 7 and 8 and 71,222
students in Grades 9 to 12. The use of Board enrollment figures of
October 31, 2006, revealed a high response rate of 92 percent for Grades
7 and 8 and 81 percent for Grades 9 to 12. The response rate for
17-year-olds, in particular, was 74 percent. Student surveys were
administered in classrooms and gathered information on who the students
were and how they felt about their school and personal lives. To ensure
student confidentiality, teachers were instructed to ask their students
to leave their identification numbers, but to black out their names
before placing their completed surveys in a return box at the front of
the classroom. While the survey was confidential, it was not anonymous.
Student identification numbers were linked to other centrally available
data sources, such as the TDSB student information system, standardized
test results from the Ontario Education Quality and Accountability
Office (EQAO), and student report cards. Access to data was granted
through the TDSB research department to which one of the authors
belongs.
The specific subset of data employed for these analyses is based on
14,048 seventeen-year-old students that were surveyed in the census
conducted in Fall 2006. These students were age-appropriate for Grade
12, the age in which most Ontario students start their transition to
PSE. Added to these data were other pieces of information: data from the
Fall 2006 Student Census completed by Grades 9-to-12 students in the
TDSB on a range of socioeconomic, demographic, and attitudinal variables
(see Brown 2009); data from the 2001 Canadian Federal Census on
household income (matched by postal code to the Census Dissemination
Area of around 300 households); (3) and data on postsecondary
applications and confirmations as supplied to the TDSB by the Ontario
University Applications Centre (OUAC) and Ontario College Applications
Centre (OCAS). (4) Because it has been found that students will apply
over multiple years (see Sweet et al. 2010), OUAC and OCAS information
from the 2007, 2008, and 2009 application cycles were also merged with
the data set.
Dependent Variable--College and University Confirmations
This limited cohort study allows us to examine the PSE pathways of
17-year-olds over three years in the TDSB (to the end of 2009). We
examined the following three possible pathways: (1) confirmed an offer
of admission to an Ontario university; (2) confirmed an offer of
admission to an Ontario college; or (3) neither of these two options.
(5) Just over half of the sample (50.7 percent) confirmed university
acceptance, while 15.2 percent confirmed college acceptance. (6) The
term "confirmed acceptance" applies to the situation where a
student has applied to a college or university, been accepted, and has
accepted the offer. It is more substantial than a simple acceptance at a
university or college--it implies the additional intentionality of the
student to actually attend.
Independent Variables
Our choice of independent variables reflects both our research
questions and the factors that previous literature have identified as
critical in understanding the PSE pathways of youth in Canada. Our focus
is on how the factors of determining PSE choices may differ according to
SEN status. Special education is intended to address the academic needs
of students deemed as exceptional or who have been identified by
educators as having "special needs that require supports beyond
those ordinarily received in the school setting" (Ontario Ministry
of Education 2013). Students' special educational needs can be met
through accommodations and/or program modifications. In Ontario, there
are two main categories of SEN: (1) students who have an Individual
Education Plan (IEP) without undergoing a formal identification process,
and (2) those who have 1 of 12 exceptionalities, designated through an
Identification, Placement, and Review Committee procedure involving
diagnostic assessments, usually administered by a school or external
psychologist. The operationalization used in this study uses the EQAO
definition of SEN that excludes students identified as Gifted: that is,
those students with an active exceptionality or an active IEP. (7)
The proportion of students with SEN (excluding gifted) in 2012 to
2013 is estimated as comprising 15 percent of the TDSB population, but
the proportion has increased over time. In 2006 to 2007, the proportion
was 13 percent, but differed somewhat from grade to grade. Most new
exceptionalities and IEPs are assigned in elementary school, and so as
new students entered high school they were much less likely to be
identified as SEN (Brown 2010). The proportion of students with SEN who
were 17 years of age was consequently at 12 percent, below the overall
TDSB average. Moreover, the students who completed the Census were also
less likely to be students with SEN, further reducing the proportion to
10 percent.
As mentioned above, the financial status of the family has often
been touted as a major defining factor of the decisions young people
make about PSE. It has also been found, however, that parental education
can be even more of an influence on PSE trajectories (Davies, Maldonado,
and Zarifa 2014). Therefore, we include both measures in the analysis.
In the case of the economic status of the family, we use median
neighborhood family income data from the 2001 Canadian census. These
figures are by no means perfect, but do give us an idea of the family
socioeconomic status based on the general neighborhood income
characteristics. Any conclusions about the relationship between family
income and PSE in this analysis must be drawn with extreme caution given
these data limitations as the TDSB do not hold data on the actual
incomes of individual families. In terms of parental education, the
students were asked about the highest educational attainment of their
parents. The data were recoded into a single variable to capture the
highest level of education of either parent with possible response
categories being "high school," "college,"
"university," and "don't know." The variable
was dummy-coded so that 1 was equal to university or college (i.e., any
PSE).
In terms of student characteristics, high school grades were
measured from Grade 11 marks in percentages that were obtained from the
administrative database. Attitude toward education was measured with a
single Likert-type item stating "I enjoy school" with the
response categories of "all of the time," "often,"
"sometimes," "rarely," and "never" and was
reverse-coded so that higher numbers were associated with greater
enjoyment of school. While educational aspirations held by the student
as well as the student's perception of parental educational
aspirations were identified earlier as being important determinants of
PSE, the items measuring these variables in the data set were limited to
those students that completed "Form B," that is, half the data
set. (8) Including these variables would have diminished our sample by
half and, more crucially, our subset of SEN students by half. Therefore,
the inclusion of these specific variables was not undertaken. However,
information on the academic stream of students in Grade 9 was available.
A variable measuring academic and applied streams in Grade 9 was
included in the analysis and was coded so that 1 was equal to being in
the applied stream and 0 was equal to the academic stream.
Sex of student was measured using a variable in which males were
coded 1 and females were coded 0. Immigrant generational status of the
student was derived from information on students' regions of birth
and where their parents were born. First-generation students were those
who were born outside of Canada (as were their parents),
second-generation students were born in Canada but had one parent born
outside Canada, and third-generation students had both parents born in
Canada (Anisef et al. 2010). As race has been found to be associated
with diagnosis of SEN, we have retained the original coding of the
variable in the data, which distinguishes the following groups
(self-identified): White, Black, East Asian, South Asian, Southeast
Asian, Latin American, Middle Eastern, Mixed, and Other. We also control
for school size as measured through a series of categories: [less than
or equal to] 100,101 to 200, 201 to 500, 501 to 1,000,1,001 to
1,200,1,201 to 1,400, and >1,400.
Analytic Strategy
The first set of analyses is purely descriptive and also provides
comparative information on the mean scores of students with and without
SEN on the variables used in the multivariate analyses. These simple
mean differences will highlight any discrepancies between students
identified with SEN and others that exist in terms of their personal and
family characteristics.
The second part of the analysis will employ random intercept models
(a type of multilevel model), predicting college and university
confirmations. Multilevel models are particularly fitting for examining
research questions that inherently involve nested (or clustered) data.
Our research questions focus on the effect of SEN status on the
university and college confirmations of students within the TDSB, a
question that necessitates the examination of "school
effects." Students are "nested" within different schools
and as such, a data structure like this one violates the ordinary least
squares regression assumption of uncorrelated errors. Students within
the same schools share many possible unobserved characteristics that
influence their postsecondary trajectories. Multilevel modeling
techniques allow us to adjust the model for such nested features and
allow each individual school to have its own intercept. Such models also
allow us to examine variance that is attributable to both individual and
school levels.
Because the dependent variable is polytomous in nature, multinomial
logistic regression models with random intercepts for school identifiers
are used. The models were estimated in Stata 13 using the gllamm
procedure. It should be noted that there are 100 different schools in
the data set and that students identified with SEN are represented at
all but three of these schools. Model-building occurred in five distinct
stages as follows: the null (empty model), the bivariate model (with SEN
status), the model with the remainder of independent variables of
interest, the model that adds school size, and a final model with
exploratory interaction terms.
In the final model, we add interaction terms between SEN status and
other independent variables. These exploratory interactions are included
to examine if combinations of characteristics can differentially impact
upon the pathways of students identified with SEN compared to students
without SEN. Such a statistical application allows us to operationalize
different intersectional ties of students so as to examine how different
combinations of fixed characteristics can impact upon their life chances
(McCall 2005). As our research questions encompass the exploration of
the potential of differential effects of known factors that predict PSE
for students with and without SEN, interaction effects are a
statistically sound way of examining such hypotheses. A statistically
significant interaction will tell us if the effect of a particular
independent variable on our PSE outcomes of interest is significantly
different, according to SEN status. In other words, does SEN status
moderate the path between factors that impact on PSE and PSE outcomes?
Because, as the previous literature above has suggested, SEN status,
gender, and race appear to be highly linked--particularly for Black
males--we explore interaction terms between SEN status and sex and SEN
status and self-identifying as Black, as well as three-way interactions
between (1) SEN, self-identifying as Black, and being male and (2) SEN,
self-identifying as Black, and being in the applied stream. We also
explore if neighborhood income, parental PSE, and the applied stream
differentially impact upon the PSE pathways of students identified with
and without SEN.
Descriptive Results
Table 1 presents the descriptive statistics of the variables used
in the analysis by SEN status. With listwise deletion on the variables
of interest, our final sample size was 12,518. Of this total, 11,277
were students without SEN, while 1,241 (or about 10 percent) were
students with SEN. From the descriptive table it is immediately evident
that PSE pathways differ rather dramatically for students identified
with and without SEN. Of the total sample, just over half confirmed
university, but when we examine subsamples separately, we can see that
among students identified with SEN, only 16 percent confirmed
university, compared to just over 56 percent of students without SEN.
The reverse is true in the case of college confirmations: a sample
average of around 16 percent actually masks the fact that among SEN, the
college confirmation rate was about a quarter of students identified
with SEN, compared to just under 15 percent of students without SEN. And
in the case of not confirming either college or university, the sample
average is around 32 percent, but in the case of students identified
with SEN, it is closer to 60 percent, which is double that of students
without SEN.
Other differences between students identified with and without SEN
are also evident in Table 1. The parental education is higher for
students without SEN--nearly 61 percent of students without SEN have
parents with PSE compared to just over half of students identified with
SEN. Unsurprisingly, Grade 11 marks are on average 10 percentage points
lower for students identified with SEN (60 vs. 70). Students identified
with SEN report enjoying school slightly less than those without SEN.
Students identified with SEN are also much more likely to be in the
applied stream--67 percent compared to just 17 percent of students
without SEN. As discussed above, the gender imbalance of students
identified with SEN, found repeatedly in the literature, is also
replicated here. While males make up about 50 percent of the general
sample, they constitute 68 percent of the students identified with SEN.
In terms of immigration status, students identified with SEN have
characteristics that differ from the overall sample. They are less
likely to be first-generation immigrants and more likely to be second or
third generation. For example, 32 percent of SEN students are
third-generation Canadians, but only 19 percent of the overall sample is
third generation.
The literature has also suggested that SEN status is more prevalent
among Black students (particularly males). In our sample, students
self-identifying as Black comprise around 10 percent of all students,
but nearly 19 percent of students identified as having a SEN. Students
self-identifying as White also are more highly represented among
students identified as SEN--at nearly 45 percent compared to being
around 34 percent of the overall sample. Among the three Asian groups
considered in Table 1, students self-identifying as East Asian, South
Asian, and Southeast Asian are far less represented among students
identified as SEN than their respective sample proportions.
In terms of school size, more students identified with SEN were in
smaller schools (between 201-500 and 501-1000) than the overall average.
Students identified with SEN were less represented in the bigger schools
(1,001-1,200 and 1,201-1,400 students), while there was no major
difference in the biggest schools in the sample.
PSE Confirmations
Multinomial logistic regressions are somewhat complex to present in
an efficient manner. In Table 2, five separation estimations are
presented. In each model, the omitted category is "no PSE
confirmation" and therefore the columns for each model present the
results for one of the remaining categories of the dependent
variable--university confirmation and college confirmation. All
independent variables are examined as fixed, that is, no random
coefficients were included in the model. (9) All results are thus
interpreted relative to the omitted category "no PSE
confirmation." The fixed effects are presented as the first set of
variables and are presented as odds ratios. The Level 2 variance is
reported further down the table, as well as various fit statistics. It
should be noted that likelihood ratio (LR) [chi square] tests indicated
that each model was significantly improved by the inclusion of the
additional variables in each step. The reported log-likelihoods also
support our position that each set of variables led to model
improvement.
The null (empty) model reveals an intraclass correlation (ICC or
rho) of 0.142, indicating that about 14 percent of the variance in PSE
confirmations can be attributed to differences between schools. When the
SEN indicator is added in the second model, the ICC decreases to 13.0
percent, indicating that variance at the school level in PSE
confirmations slightly decreases once SEN status is taken into account.
The odds ratio for SEN status is statistically significant only in the
case of university confirmations, where SEN status reduces the
likelihood of university confirmation (relative to no PSE confirmations)
by just over 80 percent (compared to students without SEN). Once the
independent variables of interest are added in the third model, the ICC
drops to just under 7 percent, indicating that much of the variance
among schools can be accounted for through characteristics included in
the model. SEN status continues to reduce the odds of university
confirmation (relative to no PSE confirmations), although once the rest
of the variables in the model are taken into account, the reduction in
odds is around 27 percent compared to students without SEN. In this
model, students identified with SEN have a 20 percent increase in odds
in confirming college compared to students without SEN.
In general, the remaining independent variables performed as the
literature had suggested: males were less likely to go on to either form
of PSE, while both first- and second-generation immigrants were more
likely to attend both forms of PSE, relative to third-generation
Canadians. Parental education was a significant predictor of university
confirmation, but not college confirmation--students whose parents had
PSE were about 30 percent more likely to confirm university (compared to
no PSE confirmation) than students whose parents did not have PSE.
Grades were positively associated with confirming both types of PSE,
while higher neighborhood median income reduced the odds of college
confirmation and had no effect on university confirmations.
Unsurprisingly, students in the applied stream were far less likely to
confirm university than students who were in the academic stream (being
in applied had no effect on college confirmations), while enjoying
school was also associated with confirming university, but had no effect
on confirming college. In terms of race, relative to students
self-identifying as White (omitted category), self-identifying as Black
had no significant association with either college or university
confirmations. Students self-identifying as East Asian, Middle Eastern,
South Asian, and Southeast Asian were more likely to confirm university
than White students, while students self-identifying as South and
Southeast Asian were more likely to confirm college than
self-identifying White students.
In the fourth model, school size categories were added as
exploratory variables of interest, with the largest school size
(>1,400) used as the reference category. There is some suggestion
that smaller school sizes reduced the odds of confirming PSE, although
no clear pattern exists. In particular, schools with 201 to 500 students
were considerably less likely to confirm PSE than students in very large
schools. The addition of these variables did little to change the impact
of the rest of the independent variables of interest.
In the final model, exploratory interaction terms between SEN
status and other independent variables were included in the full model.
Theoretically, all interactions between SEN status and the independent
variables already examined are vehicles by which to test the exploratory
hypotheses around the differential effects of PSE determinants on
confirmation for students identified with and without SEN, but such a
model would be highly complex and overwhelming. Instead, we have chosen
to focus on interactions of fixed traits that are intimated in the
literature to have differential effects on PSE outcomes.
It is important to note that now the main effects of the composite
variables of the interaction cannot be interpreted and compared as they
were in previous models because their inclusion in interaction terms
changes the way in which main effects are interpreted. The interaction
between SEN status and parental PSE achieved statistical significance in
the case of college confirmations, suggesting that students identified
with SEN whose parents have PSE themselves are more likely to confirm
college than students identified with SEN whose parents do not have PSE.
The predicted probabilities of confirming college for students
identified with SEN whose parents have PSE was .28 compared to .20 for
students identified with SEN whose parents do not have PSE. (10) As
well, SEN status and median neighborhood income also achieved
statistical significance for both college and university confirmations,
suggesting that neighborhood characteristics matter in terms of the
likelihood of students identified with SEN confirming PSE; those in
better off neighborhoods (i.e., wealthier schools) were more likely to
confirm a place. These two findings suggest that characteristics beyond
the individual student differentially impact upon PSE confirmations
according to SEN status.
In terms of three-way interactions, it was particularly striking
that self-identifying as Black, being in academic courses, and being
male did not impact PSE confirmations differentially for students
identified with or without SEN. This result was surprising because
self-identified Black males in applied courses are overrepresented among
students identified with SEN. (11) However, the three-way combination of
self-identifying as Black, being identified as having SEN, and being in
applied courses did achieve statistical significance. In order to
understand the three-way interaction, the interaction term itself as
well as its composite (three) main effects and composite two-way
interaction must be taken into account. Such interactions imply that the
effect of [x.sub.1] x [x.sub.2] is moderated by [x.sub.3], however the
relationship cannot readily be understood from simply looking at Table
2. Graphical illustrations are more useful in such cases. Figure 1
illustrates the predicted probabilities of confirming college, taking
the three-way interaction into account. When calculated, (12) the
combination of being identified with SEN and being in the applied stream
can be seen to differentially impact upon college confirmations for
self-identified Black students. In all bars in Figure 1, self-identified
Black students have a higher probability of confirming college, except
when they are both in the applied stream and have been identified with
SEN--in which case their probability of confirming college falls below
that of students who do not self-identify as Black.
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
Canada has now reached a universal level of PSE participation, with
over 50 percent of Canadians accessing tertiary institutions (Kirby
2009) and Ontario provincial targets set at 70 percent by 2020 (Duncan
2011). Although access to PSE is increasing overall, access to
university continues to be largely inequitable, wherein members of
historically marginalized groups continue to experience exclusion (Kirby
2009). The current stratification in confirmations reveals the socially
constructed valuation embedded within postsecondary programs. The
disparity in access indicates a societal preference for university
participation over college; however, this preference is not as clear
when looking at the postsecondary pathways of students identified with
SEN.
The results of our study show that SEN status reduces the
likelihood of confirming university, but can increase the likelihood of
confirming college application, depending upon what factors are
controlled. Our descriptive statistics revealed that even before
considering PSE outcomes, various differences in students identified
with and without SEN existed. Once these differences were accounted for
through the controlling of determinants that the previous literature has
deemed to be important factors in all students' PSE outcomes, we
were able to see that SEN status did have an important impact on PSE
confirmations. We were also able to test if individual and meso-level
characteristics impacted students with and without SEN differentially
with regard to their likelihood of confirming PSE, thereby activating
intersectionality theory. Intersectionality theory understands
individuals to occupy multiple identity traits that can--in their
combination--influence opportunities and life trajectories (Collins
1990, 1998). We found that indeed these intersections of identity do
matter for PSE outcomes.
The PSE outcomes of students identified with SEN are driven by
external factors--their parents' PSE outcomes and their
neighborhood incomes serve to significantly increase the likelihood of
college confirmations for SEN students. The causal mechanism driving the
finding around parental PSE is very likely to be the PSE experience of
the parents' themselves, valuing the acquisition of higher
education, but also focusing their children's sights on the more
job-specific training that college programs tend to offer. The finding
that the wealth of neighborhoods/schools also differentially influences
the trajectories of students identified with SEN suggests that wealthier
neighborhoods and schools improve the outcomes for students identified
with SEN. The mechanisms through which this may occur is not entirely
clear, but it is quite likely that wealthier schools have superior
resources to support the learning of students identified with SEN and
that the general mentoring environment in such schools may more strongly
emphasize the pursuit of PSE, particularly going to university. It
should also be noted that neighborhood wealth may also influence the
type of SEN identification that a student receives, with students living
in wealthier neighborhoods more likely to be classified with learning
disabilities compared to mild intellectual disabilities (Parekh,
Killoran, and Crawford 2011). PSE trajectories can be quite variant
among students identified with a learning disability, but students
living in poorer neighborhoods are more likely to be classified as
having a mild intellectual disability that severely diminishes the
possibility of pursuing any form of PSE.
An inspection of the intersection of self-identifying as Black,
being identified with SEN, and being in the applied program revealed
that this combination of traits significantly decreased the probability
of college confirmation. In the TDSB data, self-identified Black
students are overrepresented among students with SEN status and students
in the applied program. Such characteristics, particularly being in the
applied program, have been highlighted in recent reports by an education
advocacy research organization in Ontario (People for Education 2014),
demonstrating that socioeconomic status of neighborhood and school is
inextricably linked to higher numbers of students in the applied stream
in schools, which is also negatively associated with the overall
achievement levels of students in those schools. In the TDSB, the
streaming process is usually determined through decisions that have been
made by Grade 8. The process of identifying SEN is also usually complete
by Grade 8. Therefore, structures in place by the end of elementary
school are closely connected to postsecondary pathways. It is perhaps no
coincidence that this combination of characteristics is strongly
associated with such an outcome. In our data, students self-identifying
as Black, who also have SEN status and who are in applied courses,
comprise a full 25 percent (IV = 204) of all self-identified Black
students in our sample. Self-identified Black students in the TDSB are
more likely to confirm college (25 percent) over university (23
percent), although "no PSE confirmation" is the largest
outcome category (52 percent) for this group. This finding demonstrates
that being identified with SEN and being in the applied stream has mixed
PSE outcomes for students, with college being the PSE choice for those
who do confirm. Having these two characteristics and also being Black
depresses the probability of college confirmation. The gap between
self-identified and non-Black students in the final bar of Figure 1
differs by 0.06 or 6 percent, which is particularly significant for a
group that is already deemed to be "high risk."
Provincial governments across Canada have unreservedly emphasized
increased PSE--particularly university--enrollments. Popular political
and media discourse has focused on affordability (in response to rising
tuitions) and on embracing different forms of technology to deliver
courses (e.g., online delivery), but little discussion has emerged
around the invisible barriers that prevent various subsections of the
population from taking part. SEN status is but one of those barriers
that currently reduces university confirmation, but increases college
confirmation, provided that various other characteristics of the student
and his/her environment are in specific permutations. "Invisible
barriers," such as parental and neighborhood characteristics, have
been demonstrated to play a significant role, although current discourse
emphasizes a meritocratic playing field. Visible barriers, such as
differential outcomes for students identified with SEN and students in
the applied stream, intersecting with race, clearly demonstrate failings
in crucial parts of the education system in Ontario.
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KAREN L. ROBSON AND PAUL ANISEF
York University
ROBERT S. BROWN
Toronto District School Board
GILLIAN PAREKH
York University
We wish to thank Nicholas Dion at the Higher Education Quality
Council of Ontario for the French translation of the abstract.
Karen L. Robson, Department of Sociology, 2060 Vari Hall, 4700
Keele Street, York University, Toronto, Ontario M3J1P3. E-mail:
[email protected]
(1) However, it should be noted that PSE is not a guarantee of high
earnings and is highly contingent upon choice of credential, with
holders of liberal arts degrees having less earnings power (Tal and
Enenajor 2013).
(2) The word "choice," as it is used within this paper,
recognizes the constrained set of choices that may be available to
individuals--we do not assume a meritocratic playing field where every
outcome is equally accessible to all.
(3.) The 2001 Census was the most recent Canadian census data
available when the data set was constructed in 2007. The 2006 Canadian
Census had not yet been publically released.
(4.) All students applying to postsecondary in Ontario do so
through one of the two institutions. It should be noted that while
academic researchers can, upon approval by the TDSB, gain access to
student Census data, only TDSB staff can analyze information containing
PSE confirmation information.
(5.) This latter category includes those who applied to
postsecondary but were not accepted by an Ontario college, those that
graduated from high school but did not apply to postsecondary over the
three years, and those who dropped out or were still in school at the
end of the three years. For the purposes of our analyses, such
individuals were similar insofar as they all shared the characteristic
of not being accepted to university or college.
(6.) Approximately 9 percent had applied to PSE and had not been
accepted, while nearly 10 percent graduated but did not apply to PSE.
Just over 15 percent had dropped out or were still in school.
(7.) In the TDSB (2012-2013), over half of students with SEN only
had an IEP (57 percent), and around a quarter (23 percent) had been
identified with a learning disability exceptionality. The remaining 10
exceptionalities accounted for 20 percent of TDSB students with SEN
(Brown et al. 2013).
(8.) Student census questionnaires had common demographic
questions, but two different sets of attitudinal questions, with some
overlap, referred to "Form A" and "Form B." Students
were randomly assigned to one of the two forms (Zheng 2009).
(9.) Our study is largely exploratory. As each random coefficient
would add an additional three parameters to our already complex model,
we have opted not to allow any coefficients to vary.
(10.) These numbers are derived from manual calculations of
predicted probabilities.
(11.) A three-way interaction between Black, gender, and academic
stream was also tested with no statistical significance.
(12.) Average probabilities were calculated by calculating
predicted values for the college confirmation outcome and then examining
the associated probabilities for individuals with specific sets of
traits. The average value of the probability of confirming college of
these subsets of cases has been reported here.
Table 1
Descriptive Statistics (N = 12,518)
Overall Without SEN With SEN
Mean Range (N = 11,277) (N = 1,241)
PSE pathways
Confirmed 0.52 0-1 0.56 0.16
university
Confirmed college 0.16 0-1 0.15 0.25
Neither 0.32 0-1 0.29 0.59
Median neighborhood 58.40 58.38 58.53
family income
(000k)
Parental education 0.66 0-1 0.61 0.51
(1 = PSE)
Grade 11 marks 69.11 0-100 70.11 60.23
Attitude toward 3.42 1-5 3.45 3.25
school
Applied (1 = yes) 0.22 0-1 0.17 0.67
Male (1 = yes) 0.50 0-1 0.50 0.68
Immigrant generation
First generation 0.43 0-1 0.45 0.23
Second generation 0.38 0-1 0.37 0.46
Third generation 0.19 0-1 0.18 0.32
or higher
Race
White 0.34 0-1 0.33 0.45
Black 0.10 0-1 0.09 0.19
East Asian 0.21 0-1 0.23 0.08
Latin American 0.02 0-1 0.02 0.02
Middle Eastern 0.04 0-1 0.05 0.04
Mixed 0.06 0-1 0.05 0.06
Other 0.01 0-1 0.08 0.03
South Asian 0.20 0-1 0.20 0.13
Southeast Asian 0.03 0-1 0.03 0.01
School size
[less than or 0.00 0-1 0.00 0.00
equal to] 100
101-200 0.01 0-1 0.01 0.02
201-500 0.02 0-1 0.02 0.10
501-1,000 0.29 0-1 0.27 0.36
1,001-1,200 0.26 0-1 0.27 0.19
1,201-1,400 0.27 0-1 0.28 0.160
1,400 0.15 0-1 0.15 0.162
PSE, postsecondary education; SEN, special education needs.
Table 2
Hierarchical Multinomial Logistic Regression Predicting Postsecondary
Confirmations (Reference = No Confirmations), N = 12,518
Odds Ratios
Null
University College
Fixed effects
SEN (1 = yes)
Male (1 = yes)
First generation
Second generation
Third generation
Parents have
postsecondary
(1 = yes)
Grade 11 marks
Median
neighborhood
income
Applied stream
(1 = yes)
Attitude toward
school
Black
East Asian
Latin American
Middle Eastern
Mixed
Other
South Asian
Southeast Asian
White
School size <100
101-200
201-500
501-1,000
1,001-1,200
1,201-1,400
>1,400
SEN x male
SEN x Black
SEN x parents PSE
SEN x applied
SEN x income
Black x applied
SEN x Black x
applied
SEN x Black x
male
Constant 1.117 *** 0.329 ***
Random effects
Level 2 variance 0.551
Model fit
LR [chi square]
ICC 0.142
Log-likelihood -11,841.97
Odds Ratios
+SEN Status
University College
Fixed effects
SEN (1 = yes) 0.193 *** 1.14
Male (1 = yes)
First generation
Second generation
Third generation
Parents have
postsecondary
(1 = yes)
Grade 11 marks
Median
neighborhood
income
Applied stream
(1 = yes)
Attitude toward
school
Black
East Asian
Latin American
Middle Eastern
Mixed
Other
South Asian
Southeast Asian
White
School size <100
101-200
201-500
501-1,000
1,001-1,200
1,201-1,400
>1,400
SEN x male
SEN x Black
SEN x parents PSE
SEN x applied
SEN x income
Black x applied
SEN x Black x
applied
SEN x Black x
male
Constant 1.370 *** 0.350 ***
Random effects
Level 2 variance 0.500
Model fit
LR [chi square] 246.42
ICC 0.130
Log-likelihood -11,562.1
Odds Ratios
+IVs
University College
Fixed effects
SEN (1 = yes) 0.726 ** 1.202 *
Male (1 = yes) 0.888 * 0.832 **
First generation 1.318 ** 1.228 *
Second generation 1.271 ** 1.449 ***
Third generation -- --
Parents have 1.306 *** 0.942
postsecondary
(1 = yes)
Grade 11 marks 1.126 *** 1.027 ***
Median 1 0.993 ***
neighborhood
income
Applied stream 0.102 *** 0.887
(1 = yes)
Attitude toward 1.083 ** 1.004
school
Black 1.17 1.126
East Asian 3.443 *** 1.183
Latin American 0.784 0.987
Middle Eastern 2.079 *** 1.243
Mixed 1.166 0.969
Other 1.019 0.786
South Asian 3.166 *** 1.698 ***
Southeast Asian 1.713 ** 1.668 **
White -- --
School size <100
101-200
201-500
501-1,000
1,001-1,200
1,201-1,400
>1,400
SEN x male
SEN x Black
SEN x parents PSE
SEN x applied
SEN x income
Black x applied
SEN x Black x
applied
SEN x Black x
male
Constant 0.001 *** 0.100 ***
Random effects
Level 2 variance 0.234
Model fit
LR [chi square] 5,663.69
ICC 0.066
Log-likelihood -8,730.2
Odds Ratios
+ School Size
University College
Fixed effects
SEN (1 = yes) 0.744 ** 1.247 *
Male (1 = yes) 0.872 * 0.819 ***
First generation 1.302 ** 1.228 *
Second generation 1.274 ** 1.464 ***
Third generation -- --
Parents have 1.299 *** 0.939
postsecondary
(1 = yes)
Grade 11 marks 1.125 *** 1.027 ***
Median 1.000 0.993 ***
neighborhood
income
Applied stream 0.105 *** 0.907
(1 = yes)
Attitude toward 1.086 ** 1.009
school
Black 1.184 1.121
East Asian 3.419 *** 1.151
Latin American 0.785 0.983
Middle Eastern 2.115 *** 1.255
Mixed 1.17 0.974
Other 1.03 0.804
South Asian 3.192 *** 1.691 ***
Southeast Asian 1.763 ** 1.690 **
White -- --
School size <100 1.114 0.325
101-200 0.553 0.412 *
201-500 0.233 *** 0.365 ***
501-1,000 0.887 1.063
1,001-1,200 1.224 1.261
1,201-1,400 1.375 1.767 *
>1,400 -- --
SEN x male
SEN x Black
SEN x parents PSE
SEN x applied
SEN x income
Black x applied
SEN x Black x
applied
SEN x Black x
male
Constant 0.002 *** 0.094 ***
Random effects
Level 2 variance 0.149
Model fit
LR [chi square] 118.02
ICC 0.043
Log-likelihood -8,670.5
Odds Ratios
+Interactions
University College
Fixed effects
SEN (1 = yes) 0.305 ** 0.354 **
Male (1 = yes) 0.866 * 0.833 **
First generation 1.292 ** 1.229 *
Second generation 1.274 ** 1.481 ***
Third generation -- --
Parents have 1.252 *** 0.862 *
postsecondary
(1 = yes)
Grade 11 marks 1.126 *** 1.027 ***
Median 0.999 0.990 ***
neighborhood
income
Applied stream 0.117 *** 0.934
(1 = yes)
Attitude toward 1.086 ** 1.011
school
Black 1.255 1.204
East Asian 3.339 *** 1.128
Latin American 0.774 0.963
Middle Eastern 2.093 *** 1.246
Mixed 1.167 0.97
Other 1.045 0.826
South Asian 3.185 *** 1.693 ***
Southeast Asian 1.723 ** 1.645 **
White -- --
School size <100 0.926 0.275
101-200 0.503 * 0.366 **
201-500 0.215 *** 0.345 ***
501-1,000 0.788 0.962
1,001-1,200 1.071 1.121
1,201-1,400 1.212 1.583 **
>1,400 -- --
SEN x male 1.076 0.815
SEN x Black 2.406 2.966
SEN x parents PSE 1.209 1.664 **
SEN x applied 0.770 1.145
SEN x income 1.013 ** 1.019 ***
Black x applied 0.626 0.921
SEN x Black x 1.096 0.276 *
applied
SEN x Black x 0.680 0.890
male
Constant 0.002 *** 0.129 ***
Random effects
Level 2 variance 0.155
Model fit
LR [chi square] 61.39
ICC 0.044
Log-likelihood -8,640.4
* p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001
ICC, intraclass correlation; IVs, independent variables; LR,
likelihood ratio; PSE, postsecondary education; SEN, special
education needs.