April 15 syndrome.
Slemrod, Joel ; Christian, Charlie ; London, Rebecca 等
I. INTRODUCTION
The popular characterization of completing and mailing individual tax
forms is that people wait until the last minute to fill out their
returns, and then rush to mail them at their nearest post office, which
has extended its hours until midnight. This phenomenon, which we call
"April 15 syndrome," has large private costs. We estimate that
for tax year 1988 the 73.2 million taxpayers claiming refunds gave up
nearly one billion dollars in interest, or an average of about $13.50
per return, due to filing the forms later than the earliest possible
time.(1) More incomprehensible from an economic standpoint, but of less
quantitative significance, are the impatient tax filers - 10.5 million
taxpayers who owed the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) money and passed
up $46 million in interest by mailing in their taxes before the filing
deadline.
In addition to these direct costs, tax returns done in haste at the
last minute may be more prone to error; to the extent they are not
caught by the IRS, this adds to the capriciousness of the tax burden.
Correcting the errors due to rushed completing of forms also adds to the
administrative costs of the IRS. Many cities and towns keep their post
offices open late for no reason other than to accommodate the severe
procrastinator. Finally, return processing is slowed by the avalanche of
returns filed in mid-April.
We present some exploratory analyses of April 15 syndrome using 1988
tax return data. After describing in section II the legal framework for
tax filing, in section III we discuss the data and present the basic
facts with which any model of filing behavior has to contend. There is a
wide distribution of filing times, and a substantial fraction of
households which, despite being owed refunds, file late, or which,
despite owing taxes, file early.
In section IV, we consider some basic models of the decision as to
when to file one's taxes. We note that the simplest model fails to
rationalize the most obvious characteristic of the data the substantial
heterogeneity of filing times. In the baseline rational model
individuals simply maximize their income less effort, which involves
either complete procrastination or prompt filing. Adding imperfect
information does not seem to eliminate the result. We are led to a model
in which individuals have a stochastic opportunity cost of doing their
taxes. This model generates a wide distribution of filing times for
returns which will get refunds and rationalizes procrastination.
However, our framework fails to generate early filing of returns with
taxes due, and we consider the issue again after our analysis of the
data.
In section V, we take the predictions of our model to the data. We
examine the various characteristics of refund and remittance returns and
perform some reduced-form regressions of the determinants of return
filing time. Most supportive of our interpretation of late filing for
refunds, there is much less procrastination for returns which are filled
out by a paid preparer, than for returns which are filed by the
taxpayer. Further, we find that the complexity of forms delays filing,
both for returns with tax due and for those with refunds. People with a
higher marginal valuation of time, proxied by higher incomes, are more
likely to file later, and the larger the refund value, the sooner the
return is expected to be filed. Returns which are completed by
professional tax preparers do not exhibit these last two
characteristics. Finally, cross-year analysis demonstrates that filing
late is habitual, suggesting that households have persistently different
values of time or propensities to procrastinate. We conclude by
speculating on the objectives and constraints which might generate early
filing by individuals with taxes due and by considering the implications
of our findings.
We believe that our investigation of the timing of tax return filing
informs us about other examples of apparently non-optimal timing of
economic behavior. Since people postpone the work of filling out tax
forms despite real monetary costs, they may well postpone seeking a
raise, comparison shopping, or switching supermarkets in response to
price changes. Such behavior would generate "sticky behavior"
leading to real rather than price adjustments in markets.
II. THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK
Individual tax returns for tax year 1988 were due on Monday, April
17, 1989.(2) For those who owed tax, the penalty for late payment was
one-half a percent of the amount unpaid per month, not to exceed 25%.
Further, interest, at roughly 11% per annum, was charged on the late
taxes and on any penalty as it accrued.(3) For a return with taxes due
that was filed late, there was an additional penalty of 5% of the amount
due for each month (or fraction) the return was late, not to exceed 25%.
For a return over 60 days late, a minimum penalty - the smaller of $100
or the amount of taxes due - became applicable. By filling out a simple
form, the due date for the forms could be extended to August 15, but all
taxes were still due on April 17. There was no penalty for filing for
refunds late, but the forms must be filed within three years of the due
date in order to claim the refund.
In order to avoid a penalty, estimated tax payments plus withholding
had to equal the minimum of 90% of the current year's tax liability
and 100% of the previous year's tax liability. The penalty for
underpayment or late payment of estimated tax was calculated for three
separate periods. For the first period (4/15/88 to 9/30/88), the penalty
was 10% of the difference between the tax liability and the taxes paid,
times the number of days in period 1, divided by 360. For periods two
and three, (10/1/88 to 12/31/88 and 1/1/89 to 4/15/89, respectively) the
rate was 11% per annum. If there was an underpayment in period one and a
full payment in period two, a portion of the period-two payment was
applied to the period-one payment and an underpayment was charged for
period two.
Individuals choose how much to have withheld from their paychecks by
filling out W-4 forms; these forms provide instructions for taxpayers on
how they should be filled out. The only legal requirements and penalties
associated with withholding are those associated with late or
underpayment of taxes, as outlined above.
III. THE DATA AND THE DISTRIBUTION OF FILING TIMES
The Data
To evaluate the predictions of our subsequent model and to try to
shed some light on why individuals pass up over $1 billion in interest
income by filing their tax forms when they do, we use the 1988 Internal
Revenue Service Individual Model File. This data set is a stratified random sample of approximately 95,000 individual income tax returns
filed during 1989 for tax year 1988 by U.S. citizens and residents. Each
record has information on roughly 200 line items from the 1040 tax form
and its supplementary schedules. To each record we have appended the
date assigned by the IRS Service Center upon receipt of the return.
Filing Dates
Figure 1 shows the distribution of returns by month of receipt, with
April split into halves, April 1 through 14 being denoted Ap1, and April
15 through 30 denoted Ap2. While 40% of all returns processed during the
year are processed in April, it is clearly not the case that all returns
with taxes due are filed at the last minute, nor is it true that all
returns with refunds are filed well before the deadline. We also observe
that the distribution of returns with refunds rises earlier than the
distribution of returns with tax due, which is in accord with the
economic incentives of the situation. Some 63% of tax returns with
refunds are processed from January to March, while 19% of returns with
taxes due are processed over the same period. When we looked only at
returns with refunds or taxes due greater than $500,(4) this difference
was slightly more pronounced. Conversely, of returns with refunds less
than $500, 60% are processed from January to March, while of returns
with taxes owed of less than $500, 24% are processed then. Thus, whether
the return has taxes owed or a refund seems to affect when it is filed.
There also seems to be a size effect - people with larger refunds are
likely to file earlier, while those with large amounts of tax due are
likely to file nearer the deadline, although the shape of the
distributions does not visibly change much when segregated by size of
refund/remittance.
We can also infer behavior from the distribution of returns filed
after April 15. There is a rise in the number of returns processed in
August, reflecting an "echo" effect similar to what we find in
mid-April, for those people who file for automatic extensions and who
face a second deadline of August 15. There is also an increase in the
number of returns filed from the first to the second half of April. This
reflects the April 17 deadline and possibly reflects IRS delays in
assigning a date of receipt to returns received during the last-minute
surge of filings in April.
There is one important caveat to our conclusions about the
relationship between refund status and filing time, which one must also
consider when interpreting our regression results in section V:
taxpayers have significant control over whether they owe taxes or have
taxes due. By changing their withholding during the previous calendar
year or by making additional estimated tax payments, people can to a
significant degree control the amount which they will receive as a
refund or which they will owe. Why the great majority of taxpayers allow
themselves to get into refund status, granting the government an
interest-free loan during the tax year, is itself a fascinating
question. For our purposes it implies that individuals may self-select
into the categories which we interpret as explanatory variables. Because
for some change in an exogenous variable (i.e., the elimination of a
schedule), some individuals might switch refund categories, our
estimates are not the deep structural parameters which determine the
aggregate distribution of filing dates.
Ideally, we would correct for this bias by estimating a model which
jointly determines the refund status and filing time, conditional on
refund status. However, this requires either making strong assumptions
about functional form or finding a variable which affects the decision
as to which refund status to select into, but not the decision as to
when to file. In light of the lack of a clear theory, we do not feel
comfortable making either assumption. We refer the reader to two
interesting preliminary empirical analyses of the withholding decision
in Cordes et al. [1988a; 1988b]. Furthermore, in the regression analyses
discussed below, those with a refund due are analyzed separately from
those with tax due.
IV. CONCEPTUAL MODELS
In this section we sketch some simple models of when people fill out
and mail in their tax returns, in the hope of matching the raw facts
presented in the previous section. Our objective is to draw implications
from these models which we can use to guide the empirical explorations
that follow.
In the simplest model without uncertainty, consider a taxpayer who
will receive a refund, i.e., taxes withheld plus estimated taxes paid
exceed actual tax liability. Because it grants the government an
interest-free loan, delaying filing costs the taxpayer foregone interest. Compared to filing at the last possible time T, the gain from
filing before the deadline can be approximated by iR(T - t), where i is
the nominal interest rate, R is the refund amount, and t is the time of
filing. If, alternatively, tax is due (R [less than] 0), it is optimal
to file as late as possible; filing prematurely costs the taxpayer iR(t
- B), where B is the earliest possible filing date.
As Figure 1 makes clear however, the simple prediction of this model
- a bimodal distribution of return filing dates at 0 and T - is not
consistent with actual behavior. Instead, we observe a temporal
distribution for returns which, while peaking at the deadline, is spread
out between the earliest filing date and the deadline. We now examine
some possible explanations for this pattern.
If, before investing time and money in the process, the taxpayer is
uncertain about the sign and size of his balance due, it will generally
be optimal to complete the tax forms as soon as possible, but in some
cases postpone when the return is filed.(5) However, once the return is
completed and it is known whether a refund is forthcoming, the decision
as to when to file is trivial, and reduces to the problem above: file
immediately if R [greater than] 0, and wait until T if R [less than] 0.
Considering uncertainty over the sign of the refund merely moves the
puzzle from why people file when they do, to why they choose to acquire
information when they do.
To us, a most plausible way to generate other than a bimodal
distribution of filing times is to allow the opportunity cost of
completing a tax return to be a random variable, uncorrelated across
time, but with substantial variation possible across individuals in mean
and standard deviation. The idea is that each day taxpayers receive a
random draw for their valuation of time that day, and decide whether to
commit the time to do their taxes then or to postpone the task, hoping
for a lower draw in the future. People do not know what future draws
will be, nor can they use any draws prior to the current one, but they
are aware of the distribution of their draws. This decision model does
not allow for path dependence of utility and is perfectly rational and
dynamically consistent.
Intuitively, this model corresponds to taxpayers making daily
decisions about what to do with their leisure time, knowing that taxes
have to be done by time T to avoid a penalty. Each day taxpayers
consider other leisure options, and their current mood. We view these
random values of leisure time as resulting from a combination of tastes
and external options for leisure time activities. One is unlikely to
fill out tax forms on an evening one has been invited out with friends,
or on an evening when one is feeling particularly lazy and unfocused.
This model leads to a non-degenerate distribution of tax return
completion times, and parallels job-search models in the labor
literature. The solution is characterized by a reservation level of
opportunity cost, call it [z.sub.t], such that the taxpayer who reaches
time t with the tax forms uncompleted will choose to complete the forms
if the draw of opportunity cost that day is lower than [z.sub.t];
otherwise the taxpayer will postpone doing taxes for another day as in
McCall [1970] and Lippman and McCall [1976]. If, upon completion of the
tax return, the taxpayer is owed a refund, the return should be filed
immediately; if tax is due, the return should not be remitted until the
filing deadline.
The predictions of this model fit the relevant aspects of observed
behavior. First, people do postpone filling out their tax forms, even
when they can reasonably expect a refund, sometimes waiting until just
before the deadline. When the deadline is approached they often will be
filling out their forms in a high disutility-of-time period, having
passed up lower disutility periods, thinking they would get lower draws
still. If people receive high enough draws as they near the deadline, it
may be optimal for them to take the penalty and file late, allowing them
to fill out their forms at a more convenient time; filing late can be
optimal behavior. Thus, this model generates a non-degenerate
distribution for filing of returns with refunds due.
Further predictions of this model, which follow directly from the
solution of the analogous model presented in Mortensen [1977] and
extended in Engberg [1991], are as follows. An earlier expected time of
filing is associated with a higher reservation level of opportunity cost
relative to the expected value of opportunity cost, which would be
caused by a higher refund, lower costs of filing, higher interest rates,
or a lower subjective discount rate. Thus, our model predicts that
people with lower valuations of time, which in section V we will
represent by lower incomes and age exemptions, should file earlier, for
a given value of refund. Secondly, on average those people with larger
refunds should file earlier than those with smaller refunds, who should
file sooner than those people with taxes due, ceteris paribus. We expect
complexity of the return to increase the time involved in completing the
forms, thus causing people to file later. Note that in the simple model
discussed above an increase in filing cost affected only people on the
margin between filing at the earliest possible time or at the last
minute; by contrast, in this model complexity decreases everyone's
probabilities of filing in early periods. People with higher effective
discount rates should postpone filling out their tax forms longer.
Before leaving the discussion of the conceptual model, one point
deserves further emphasis. The model outlined here can explain a
distribution of filing times for returns filed with refunds. However,
neither this model nor any model with rational behavior can easily
explain why returns with tax balance due are filed before the deadline.
It may be that some taxpayers are facing the penalty for underpayment
which, as described in section II, depends in part on the filing
date.(6) It also may be that early filers with a balance due are
concerned that the return will be misplaced if not mailed immediately,
are concerned that funds will not be available at a later date, or are
extremely averse to being in debt. We delay further speculation on these
points until after our regression analysis.
In his 1991 address to the American Economics Association, George
Akerlof emphasized the potential importance of procrastination for
economic behavior and set out a simple model of the phenomenon. It is
interesting to contrast his model of procrastination with the model
outlined above. In Akerlof's model there is a high relative
(negative) weight placed on work today relative to work tomorrow - the
agent is endowed with a high one-period discount rate. Thus people have
a strong preference to postpone tasks until the next day. As the days
pass this can lead to lengthy procrastination resulting from a series of
small decisions. Akerlof's model implies that if it is optimal to
postpone completing one's tax forms for one day at t = 0, it is
optimal to postpone, day by day, until T - 1. If it is still optimal to
postpone at T - 1, then it is optimal never to file one's taxes
(barring criminal penalties, etc.).
The critical difference in the two models is their dynamic
consistency. The model presented here is dynamically consistent, while
the Akerlof model is dynamically inconsistent - a fully rational agent
could see that any decision to postpone by just one day would lead to
further procrastination and would not plan to postpone by just one
day.(7) Second, our model rationalizes the observed distribution of tax
filing times. If individuals were interviewed at the end of January and
asked to assign probabilities as to when they would fill out and file
their taxes, these answers would differ significantly depending on which
is the correct model. The model outlined in this paper predicts that
people understand that they are likely to postpone doing their taxes,
and could give reasonable approximations to the true probabilities of
their postponing their taxes until the week before April 15th. People
whose behavior is governed by the Akerlof model would respond that they
plan to do their taxes in the next week, while they would actually often
postpone this task until the filing deadline is near.
V. EMPIRICAL RESULTS
Characteristics of Early and Late Filers
Table I presents information about the average tax return
characteristics of taxpayers that filed during three different periods
of 1989, classified by whether the returns had refunds or tax due. We
name these taxpayers "early filers" if their forms were
processed from January to March, "procrastinators" if their
returns were processed in April, and "late filers" if their
returns were processed after May 1. The table displays the means of
several tax return items and also the percent of the forms filed with
certain characteristics.
Several patterns are visible in Table I. Among those returns with a
balance due, people who file earlier on average have lower amounts of
tax due. The parallel prediction that early filers have larger refunds
is not supported by this table. Second, as we hypothesized, complexity
is apparently associated with late filing. The percentage of returns
with interest and dividend income, supplemental income, farm income,
capital gains income, itemizing, Keogh, self-employment income,
estimated tax payments, married status, and using Form 1040 (rather than
the simpler Form 1040A or Form 1040EZ) all increase as one moves from
early to late filers. The percentage of returns which are 1040A and
1040EZ declines through time. Although not part of our set of
hypotheses, we find that 40% of those early filers with taxes due are
elderly while only 11% of tax returns are filed by the elderly. Most of
these trends occur for all returns, for returns with refunds, and for
returns with tax due.
The average income rises across the three periods, which may be an
indication of the correlation between income and complexity, and/or that
higher income individuals have a higher cost of time and are more likely
to postpone filling out their forms. Note that for returns with taxes
due, adjusted gross income is much higher for those who file in April,
while for returns with refunds it increases concomitantly for late
filers. This fits our theory. Returns with refunds have no monetary
[TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE I OMITTED] penalty associated with late filing;
therefore, of people who have not filed early and receive low draws of
opportunity cost near the deadline, those with refunds are more likely
to procrastinate further. Further, some of the remittance returns
processed in early April may have been completed in a low opportunity
cost period early on, and then held to be mailed in at the deadline.
Table II reveals that these patterns also appear when the preparation
status of the return is held constant. It also shows clearly that
returns prepared by a professional are on average more complex and the
filers have higher income.
Regression Analysis
Drawing conclusions based on these patterns is problematic because
there are significant correlations among many of the categories on the
left-hand side of the table. However, we can examine the partial
associations of filing behavior with return characteristics through
multiple regression analysis. The structure which our theory imposes on
the data suggests we estimate a structural search model. However, we
chose not to employ this procedure because of its difficulty in
estimation and, in particular, the sensitivity of such models to
errors-in-variables and omitted-variables bias. Wolpin [1987] and
Engberg [1991] both demonstrate and comment on the complexity and
sensitivity of this method.
As an alternative, we employ a Tobit regression. We eliminate from
the sample all returns processed after April 30, in order to examine
primarily those taxpayers who did not file late.(8) All our conclusions
hold for this sample only, and do not take into account the phenomenon
of late filers becoming procrastinators. However, our results do not
change much if we set this cutoff date to, for example, December 31 or
to April 22. We treat all returns processed on April 17th or later as if
we did not know the true desired date of filing, but observed only that
this date was constrained by the deadline.(9) The Tobit regression is
weighted by the population weight of the individual.(10)
Table III presents the results of these regressions, both with and
without a dummy variable for paid preparer status. With the exception of
adjusted gross income and the presence of an Individual Retirement
Account or Keogh plan, all the variables in Table III have estimated
coefficients which are significantly different from zero at the 0.1%
level.(11)
According to the results presented in Table III, filing later is
associated with larger estimated payments and a larger balance due, and
with using supplemental schedules (with the exception of Schedule F).
The association with balance due provides some evidence of economic
rationality and is consistent with model predictions. The magnitude of
the coefficient is, however, small, suggesting that it takes an extra
$4525 refund to speed up the filing of the return by one day. The
positive coefficients on the supplemental schedules, which are
interpreted as a dimension of complexity, are also consistent with model
predictions. Filing earlier is associated with filing jointly, being 65
or older (also consistent with model predictions), and using either the
Form 1040A or Form 1040EZ "short forms."
We refrain from drawing inferences from the coefficient on
preparation mode (self-prepared or contracted out) because of taxpayer
self-selection of this choice variable. The functional relationship
between filing date and preparation mode may be further complicated by
the potential endogeneity of preparation mode. It is possible that
procrastinators resort to a paid preparer at the last minute in an
attempt to file a timely return. In order to investigate the importance
of these effects, we also offer reduced-form estimates of the model,
excluding the preparer variable, in [TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE II OMITTED]
[TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE III OMITTED] [TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE IV OMITTED]
Table III. The coefficient estimates are virtually identical to those of
the model with the preparer variable included, suggesting that the
potential confounding effects of preparer choice are not large.
Table IV reports the results of estimating the basic equation
separately for taxpayers who prepared their own return and for taxpayers
who used a professional preparer. One striking difference emerges.
Self-preparers are about 45 times more sensitive to the refund or
balance due amount compared to taxpayers using professional preparers. A
difference of only $280 (1000 divided by 3.57) is enough to induce a
self-preparer to file a day earlier; much more than that is required for
professionally prepared returns. Note in some cases the taxpayer may not
have complete control over when the return is filed when a tax
professional is involved.
Partitioning the sample by tax balance (i.e., refund or tax due)
controls for one of the most important determinants of filing date.
Table V shows that, when this is done, gross income is positively
associated with later filing in both groups. A larger refund accelerates
filing, but a larger tax due has only a very small effect on postponing
balance due returns. The filing acceleration effect of being elderly is
seen to be much larger for tax due returns; the reverse is true for the
acceleration effect of filing a 1040A or 1040EZ return. We also see that
earlier filing by farmers appears to be only for those that have a
balance due. Inexplicably, [TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE V OMITTED] for
returns claiming refunds, farming is associated with later filing. The
relationship between filing date and tax-favored savings plans also
appears to depend on tax balance - a positive association is detected
only for IRAs and only for refund returns, while a negative association
exists for both IRAs and Keoghs for returns with tax due. Most of these
relationships continue to hold across tax balance after controlling for
preparation mode, as shown in Table VI.
It is important to reiterate that, because both the use of a paid
preparer and refund status are subject to taxpayer choice, these
estimates are best viewed as descriptive rather than structural in
nature. As an example, the presence of a complex tax status is likely to
increase the likelihood of using a paid tax preparer, as well as filing
date conditional on preparer status.
Longitudinal Analysis
To examine the persistence of procrastination over time, we analyzed
returns from the 1979-1988 Statistics of Income Panel of Individual
Returns, which is a part of the Ernst & Young/University of Michigan
Tax Research Database. The Panel Files are subsets of the Individual
Model Files that represent a simple random sample of individual income
tax returns filed each calendar year. More importantly, although
identifiers have been deleted and extensive safeguards have been taken
to protect taxpayer confidentiality, each [TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE VI
OMITTED] record contains a code based on the Taxpayer Identification
Number that allows tracking the same taxpayers over time. The date is
not available in the Panel, so we use the week the return was posted to
the IRS Individual Master File (the posting "cycle") as a
proxy for filing date. In the panel, our proxy for filing date is
posting cycle, which ranges from 4 to 52. Both the median and mode
posting cycle is 19 (the week of May 7th) in 1989, somewhat later than
the filing date. That reflects the processing time at the Service
Center, which varies by tax balance (refund/balance due). Although a
less precise estimate of filing time, it is highly correlated with the
calendar date that was used in the cross-sectional analysis. In the 1988
Model file, the Pearson correlation between the two is 0.911 (p [less
than] .0001).
Using current year returns from the Panel, we calculated the Pearson
correlation of the posting cycle week from year to year for each return
ID appearing in consecutive years. The posting cycle field is not
available for 1979, so our analysis is for tax years 1980-1988 (returns
filed during 1981-1989). The variation in sample size reflects varying
sampling rates in the panel. Time of filing from year to year is
positively correlated at 0.539 and (p [less than] .0001 for all years),
which indicates persistent behavior. Thus we conclude that many of the
factors which we argue affect expected filing time, such as a
household's discount rate and value of time, are, as one might
expect, persistent.
Future extensions of our exploration of the temporal persistence of
taxpayer filing behavior may help to explain some of the puzzling
aspects of behavior we uncovered in the cross-sectional analysis.
VI. CONCLUSION
This paper presents the first empirical analysis of individual
taxpayers' filing time. We find some evidence that is consistent
with our model of the optimal filing date. Ceteris paribus, higher
refunds are associated with earlier filing, complex returns are
associated with later filing, and higher incomes (as a proxy for higher
costs of time) are associated with later filing.
Our model cannot adequately capture the less comprehensible fact that
millions of filers remit their taxes due before the filing deadline.
These taxpayers, as a group, passed up $46 million in interest income in
1989. We do find, however, that this behavior is concentrated among the
elderly, a group which on average has a lower value of time. It is
possible that those who file early are averse to being in debt, fear
forgetting or losing their return materials, or perhaps get utility from
fulfilling their half of their contract with the government.(12)
Although our simple model leaves much of the variation in filing
times unexplained, we believe that our results suggest that something
akin to our theoretical model may be a good approximation to actual
behavior. In our model people do not leave $100 bills lying around on
the sidewalk forever. However, they may leave them there for some time
while they wait for a moment when bending over to get the bill is
relatively painless. Thus, we suggest that human behavior sometimes
allows short-run profit opportunities to pass. They pass not due to
individual irrationality or near-rationality, but rather because of the
stochastic nature of individuals' opportunity costs of acting. As
we document in our case of tax filing, in aggregate the amount of these
foregone profits can be large: nearly a billion dollars in interest was
foregone by the group of taxpayers who were due refunds and chose to
file at the deadline in 1989.
A more sophisticated analysis would allow for the tax filing time to
be jointly determined with choice of preparer status and refund status.
The latter connection is particularly intriguing because it involves (as
does the filing time decision) foregoing interest by remitting taxes
earlier than necessary. We leave to future research the task of an
integrated analysis of tax withholding (and estimated tax payments) and
filing time.
We are grateful to two anonymous referees for helpful comments on an
earlier draft.
1. The precise figure is $986 million, assuming a 7% annual nominal
interest rate. In making this calculation, we use January 31 as the
earliest possible filing date and ignore all returns filed before this
filing date.
2. The deadline is April 15, unless that date falls on a weekend, in
which case it is extended to the following Monday.
3. The interest rate was keyed to the short-term Federal rate for the
previous quarter.
4. All dollar figures are reported in current, that is 1989, dollars.
5. In fact many taxpayers do not need to complete the tax return in
order to know whether a refund is forthcoming. Previous years provide an
extremely good predictor, and quick calculations can often reveal into
which camp a household will fall. Finally, as we pointed out in the
previous section, returns with a large amount of taxes due still exhibit
procrastination and substantial heterogeneity in filing times.
6. We are grateful to Margaret Reed for alerting us to this
possibility.
7. The optimal dynamically consistent strategies to similar problems
have since been analyzed in Laibson [1994].
8. The filing deadline was April 17. However, there is a variable lag
between when the return was marked and when it is processed by the IRS.
9. Our results also did not change much when we replaced April 17
with April 10.
10. Population weights are calculated by the IRS by dividing the
population count of returns in a sample stratum by the number of sample
returns for that stratum. Strata are primarily income-based.
11. At the suggestion of a referee, we checked the validity of some
of the structure imposed by the Tobit assumption. For the all-returns
regression, we ran both a probit, in which the dependent variable
denoted whether a return was censored, and an ordinary least squares
regression on the non-censored population. The probit coefficients
generally replicated the Tobit coefficients in sign and relative
magnitudes, with the exception of Paid Preparer, which became small and
positive. In the OLS regression only Age and Keogh Plan flipped sign.
12. The elderly, for example, receive far more in benefits from the
Federal government than they currently pay for (and lifetime resources
received also far outweigh lifetime payments).
REFERENCES
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Engberg, John B. "The Impact of Unemployment Benefits on Job
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Slemrod: Professor, The University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Phone
1-313-936-3914, Fax 1-313-763-4032 E-mail
[email protected]
Christian: Associate Professor, Arizona State University Tempe, Phone
1-602-965-6632, Fax 1-602-965-8392 E-mail
[email protected]
London: Senior Analyst, Berkeley Planning Associates Oakland, Calif.,
Phone 1-510-465-7884 Fax 1-510-465-7885, E-mail
[email protected]
Parker: Society of Scholars Fellow, University of Michigan Business
School, Ann Arbor Phone 1-313-763-2237, Fax 1-313-936-8716 E-mail
[email protected]