Women, development planning and government policies in Pakistan.
Kazi, Shahnaz ; Raza, Bilquees
INTRODUCTION
Development strategy in Pakistan particularly in the early period
of the first three five year plans was motivated primarily by the
objective of raising the growth rate of GNP. The growth oriented outlook
left little room for questions of distribution which were shelved for
some distant future while the issue of women's development was
viewed usually from a welfare perspective or with reference to the
population problem. Family planning was a major concern in the 60s since
it was felt that high rates of population increase would wipe out the
gains of development. In this context education and to a lesser extent
employment of women were seen as a very important means of changing
attitudes and promoting small family norms. However, there was no
mention of specific policy measures aimed at enhancing work
opportunities for women.
It was not till the mid-seventies with the celebration of The
International Women's Year in 1975 that women's issues were
viewed from an equity or development perspective. The UN declaration
placed a special emphasis on the integration of women in development
with a special mandate to increase women's economic participation
in development. In response to the call of International Women's
Year a number of countries set up national machineries to deal with the
problem of women. Pakistan was a signatory to the objectives of the
Mexico declaration and was committed to promoting conscious public
policies towards attaining this objective. This concern eventually led
to the setting up of the Women's Division in 1979 and the inclusion
of a separate chapter on women's development for the first time in
the Sixth Five Year Plan.
The present study attempts an assessment of this later period when
policy statements indicated a major shift in perspective towards
women's development. The paper is divided into two parts; the first
section examines government interventions at the level of stated
objectives in plan documents with a special emphasis on policies aimed
at enhancing women's productive roles; the second part is concerned
with the institutional context of women's development particularly
with the objectives and achievements of the Ministry of Women's
Development.
THE SIXTH AND SEVENTH FIVE-YEAR PLANS
The approach (on paper at least) to women's development in the
Sixth and Seventh Five Year Plans was significantly different from the
welfare perspective of earlier planning exercises. The Sixth Plan for
the first time after nearly three decades of development planning
explicitly considered policies for integrating women in the development
process and emphasised the need for strengthening employment
opportunities for women. It reiterated the need for integration of women
in development through the provision of equality of opportunity in
education, health and employment and all other spheres of national life.
Both the plans adopted a multi-sectoral approach to women's
development whereby the bulk of the projects were to be integrated into
operational policies of each sector and the Ministry of Women's
Development (MWD) was to undertake some special programmes for women. In
the Sixth Plan Rs 20 billion were to be allocated for the integrated
programme while Rs 700 million were earmarked for the Women's
Division for the Plan period. While the total financial allocation for
the special development programme for women was raised to Rs 900 million
in the Seventh Plan, no estimate was provided of the expenditure to be
incurred under the integrated programme.
The plans' objectives of enhancing female employment and
productivity was translated into policies which primarily aimed at
expansion of training facilities for women through increase in the
number of vocational training institutes and polytechnics as well as
through increased training capacity for nurses and paramedical staff.
However, there were some new initiatives; the Sixth Plan set a target of
10-15 percent seats to be reserved for recruitment of women in
government service as compared to the current share of less than 3
percent of women in these jobs; provision of special credit facilities without collateral for poor women were mentioned for the first time in
the Seventh Plan; mention was also made of an incentive schemes for
hiring of women by public and private enterprise but no concrete
measures were specified; a cadre of women development workers was also
proposed in the Seventh Plan who would be organisers and planners of
women's activities and would be employed in existing institutions
like local government, cooperatives and NGOs and social welfare
societies.
Although some new initiatives have been taken in the field of
training, and
Shahnaz Kazi is Chief of Research and Bilquees Raza is Staff
Economist at the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, Islamabad.
some tentative moves have been made towards evolving a more
community based approach to women's development, closer examination
of the Plans does not indicate any substantive change over the earlier
approach towards problems of women's participation in economic
activity. Whereas both the Plans emphasised a multisectoral approach to
women's development, the integrated programmes were only
incorporated into the areas of education, health and nutrition while the
goals and policies for agriculture and industry did not address
women's roles in these sectors. Despite the fact that the
overwhelming majority of women are employed in the agricultural sector
and are likely to be there for the next decade the plans gave scant attention to this area of female employment. The Sixth and Seventh Plans
continued to treat women as consumers rather than producers more in need
of social services such as health, education and nutrition rather than
deserving special attention in a productivity oriented programme.
THE MINISTRY OF WOMEN'S DEVELOPMENT
Scope of Functions
The Women's Division was created in January 1979 as a special
organ of the Federal Government directly under the President and later
the Prime Minister. Recently in 1989, it was upgraded to the level of a
Ministry.
The main objectives of the Ministry of Women Development (MWD) are
to formulate public policies and make laws to meet specific needs of
women; to ensure that women's interests and needs are adequately
represented in formulation of policies by various organs of government;
to ensure equality of opportunity in education and employment and fuller
participation of women in all spheres of national life; to undertake and
promote research on the conditions and problems of women; to undertake
and promote projects for providing special facilities for women.
The primary role envisaged for the organisation was that of a
catalyst which was to initiate action by other Government agencies. It
was to ensure that in the formulation of policies the relevant
Ministries were responsive to the needs of women and thereby to ensure
that women's concerns were integrated into the overall development
programme and not confined to some special programmes for women. It had
a watchdog role of scrutinising the plans and programmes of policy
formulation bodies from the perspective of their impact on women.
Performance of the Ministry of Women's Development
Influence of Policy Formulation
The influence of the Ministry of Women's Development on
policy-making or on programmes in Departments and Ministries where the
MWD is not financing or sponsoring projects has been minimal and in
effect the ministry has not addressed this role with any degree of
seriousness. This is not surprising since no institutional mechanisms or
other means of leverage were specified through which a junior ministry
like MWD was expected to exercise this power and influence over the
policies and programmes of the whole range of relevant Ministries and
Departments.
The ineffectiveness of the MWD in influencing policies is clearly
demonstrated in its failure to take action on specific measures which
are included in the Sixth and Seventh Plan documents. For instance the
Sixth Plan had set a target of 10-15 percent of jobs in the Federal
Government to be reserved for women. Given this guideline of the Plan,
initiatives were needed to put the case forward and ensure that official
directives from the relevant authority were circulated to all the
Departments/Ministries of the Federal Government. The MWD, however,
failed to take any steps towards translation of this policy into action.
Similarly the Ministry was unable to influence the Statistics Division
to improve methods of data collection on female labour force
participation. Although the need to use female enumerators to address
questions on employment directly to female respondents was strongly
emphasised in a specially organised seminar by the Ministry in 1985, as
well as in many other forums, the Statistics Division had not hired any
female enumerators on their regular staff till the end of 1990.
Financing of Special Projects for Women Implemented by Provincial
Departments
In practice the Ministry of Women Development has mainly
concentrated on sponsoring special projects for women while its original
mandate of influencing policies and programmes across all relevant
ministries has been pushed to the background. The role of the Ministry
has been that of a financier while the projects have been implemented by
various provincial line departments and by NGOs and in most cases have
also been designed by them. In this capacity The Ministry has sponsored
a total of 448 projects between 1979 and 1989 comprising predominantly
of small, low cost schemes [Government of Pakistan (1990)]. The
financial outlay in most cases was in the range of Rs 50000 and Rs 3
million.
According to its original mandate the funding of projects by the
Ministry of Women Development was to be limited to schemes which were
new and innovative and therefore not likely to be considered by the
regular line ministries. The idea was to try out these new approaches on
a pilot basis and if successful they were to be replicated on a larger
scale. However by and large the MWD's programme did not 'live
up to its potential of a different development oriented approach to
women's projects. In the majority of cases it continued along the
lines of earlier government schemes which to some extent was to be
expected since the majority of projects were designed and implemented by
the same line ministries which have traditionally been involved in
government schemes for women.
The main executing agencies were the Departments of Social Welfare,
Education, Local Government and Health although their relative
importance varied by province (Table 1). In the Punjab and Balochistan
more than 40 percent of the projects were implemented through the
Department of Social Welfare while in the NWFP the Department of Local
Government and Rural Development was the main executing agency for the
MWD programme (35 percent of total expenditure). The projects executed
through other departments comprised a relatively insignificant share of
the MWD's programme allocation. Thus the proportion of expenditure
on projects implemented through the Small Scale Industries Corporation,
through the Department of Agriculture and through the Department of
Forests was 7 percent, 2 percent, and 1 percent of the total outlay,
respectively.
Hence the involvement of the departments representing key economic
sectors was minimal. Although women's work in these sectors is well
documented (partly due to the research undertaken at the Ministry
itself) no significant effort was made to enhance their productive
potential in the areas of agriculture, livestock maintenance etc. The
projects funded by the Ministry continued to be compartmentalised and
isolated from the mainstream development programme.
The majority of schemes sponsored could be categorised as
'typical women's projects' which are commonly associated
with development efforts directed at women not only in Pakistan but
across a number of countries [Buvinic (1986)]. The underlying objective
of these schemes is to combine the provision of social services with
some income earning activity. The projects usually deliver information
(on hygiene, nutrition, child health), education and some sort of skill
training to a group of women. They have a strong welfare orientation and
the type of training offered is usually geared to women's domestic
roles and has little earning potential.
A large number of such multipurpose centres which provided adult
education courses as well as training in sewing, knitting and embroidery etc., were set up under various schemes implemented by the Provincial
Departments of Social Welfare, Education etc. In the province of Sindh
alone there were 520 such centres of which 415 were known as
Women's Centres and 105 as Multipurpose Women Welfare Centres. By
and large the performance of these facilities has been described in a
recent official evaluation report as unsatisfactory [Government of
Pakistan (1990)]:
However, some recent schemes initiated and funded by the Ministry
of Women Development mark a departure from the earlier trend and a move
towards skill diversification and a more employment oriented approach.
These projects such as the Karachi Polytechnic, Ready-Made Garments
Centre, Hosiery Centre, secretarial training etc. cater to the labour
requirements of the area and to local demand. The training being
imparted is on scientific lines using industrial machinery and upon
completion women are easily absorbed in the numerous manufacturing
establishments in the cities [Shaheed (1987)]. However, their impact is
marginal due to the very limited coverage of these projects while the
majority of income generating schemes continue to teach women
traditional skills which have little relation to market demand or
employment prospects.
Financing of NGO Projects for Women
Both the Sixth and Seventh Five Year Plans placed a special
emphasis on NGOs to supplement government effort particularly in the
areas of health, population and women's development. The Seventh
Plan, further, identified areas where activities of women oriented NGOs
needed to be encouraged. These included legal aid centres, cooperatives
and training of a cadre of women development workers. The strategy of
the Seventh Plan was to support NGO efforts to develop community based
organisations to ensure that development efforts reached the target
group of poor women.
The total number of 107 NGO projects funded by the Ministry between
1979 and 1989, were mainly concentrated in the large cities and not
dispersed over smaller urban centres leave alone rural areas. Financing
of projects was extended to large established NGOs such as APWA and
Behbood as well as to very small NGOs catering to neighbourhood
localities. Welfare oriented projects predominated. In most of these
cases funds were provided for capital expenditures and not for recurring liabilities and the Ministry has mainly financed physical infrastructure
in the form of buildings for community centres and women's hostels
and equipment for hospitals etc. Very few project involved target
communities or strengthened the institutional capacity at the grass
roots level which was the main priority of the Seventh Plan in the area
of NGO projects.
However to a large extent these shortcomings of the NGO programme
merely reflect the limited approach of women related NGOs in Pakistan.
They are usually urban based, welfare oriented and very rarely community
based grass roots organisations.
Research on the Condition of Women
In the area of research The MWD initiated a process of systematic
empirical investigations into various aspects of women's situation
in Pakistan. Although there were a few scattered studies on the subject
in the earlier period, the main body of literature on women's
issues in Pakistan evolved over the eighties and a considerable part of
which comprised of studies undertaken by the Women's Division. The
research has particularly highlighted women's contribution to the
national economy through empirical studies of women in agriculture,
industry and women engaged in home based income earning activities
[Qadri and Jehan (1984); Hafeez (1983); Shaheed and Mumtaz (1981)].
These profiles of women in various sectors provide crucial information
on types of area where they work, the terms and conditions of employment etc. on the basis of which recommendations have been made on
strengthening the position of women in the labour market.
However the impact of this research on policy has been minimal.
Even in the design and formulation of projects financed by the MWD there
was no serious attempt to incorporate some important findings of the
Ministry's own Research. Thus in the area of employment the results
of a study commissioned by the MWD on home based workers clearly
indicated that the major problems they face are that of marketing and
credit [Shaheed and Mumtaz (1981)], however the overwhelming majority of
income generation schemes sponsored by the Ministry continue to neglect
these critical constraints and to teach women the traditional skills of
sewing and knitting which are known to have a very limited demand.
Safeguarding Legal Rights
Nowhere was the ineffectiveness of the MWD more visible than in its
role of safeguarding legal right. While an important stated objective of
the Women's Division was to formulate laws to meet the specific
legal needs of women in actual fact the most discriminatory legislation
against women was passed during its tenure without any resistance or
officially registered dissent from the organisation. The only exception
was during 1981 when the Women's Division protested against an
unsuccessful attempt to annul the Family Laws Ordinance. Given its
location in the bureaucratic structure the department's ability to
have lobbied against legislation sponsored by the state was doubtful and
unlikely.
CONCLUSIONS
The preceding discussion has underlined the large gap between
stated intentions and actual implementation of programmmes and policies
for women. The assessment of special efforts to integrate women into
development through conscious public policies, particularly the
establishment of a special ministry for women, indicates that the
achievements in this regard fell far short of the stated objectives.
Thus whereas initially the Ministry was expected to oversee the overall
government programme and policies and ensure that women's interest
were represented at every level, in actual fact it confined itself to
funding a large number of small scattered projects which were peripheral
to the main planning process.
However to a large extent the goal of integration of women into
development was beyond the organisational and financial capacity of the
MWD. The Ministry had neither the funds nor the power to fulfil such a
mandate. The share of the Ministry of Women's Development
allocation of the total development expenditure was minuscule at 0.2
percent in the Sixth Plan and marginally higher at 0.3 percent during
the Seventh Plan.
The limited financial allocation was in keeping with the
promotional nature of the Ministry's functions which were primarily
meant to initiate projects and policies in the various other government
departments. However the Ministry never had the administrative clout to
address the role of a catalyst effectively. Given the lack of resources
and power the MWD signified little more than a token representation of
women in the development arena.
Comments on "Women, Development Planning and Government
Policies in Pakistan"
The paper, by Shahnaz Kazi and Bilquees Raza, is a good attempt
towards the analysis--rather, content analysis of the Sixth and Seventh
Five-Year Plans with particular emphasis on policies aimed at enhancing
women's productive role, and the institutional context of
women's development, particularly with reference to the objectives
and achievements of the Ministry of Women Development.
My Comments on the paper pertain to the process of analysis and
methodology used by the authors, certain omissions in the paper and
corrections. It also includes some suggestions for further improvement.
The authors claim to have used content analysis technique but no
mention is made of how this technique has been used. This technique has
some rules just as the survey technique has some procedure e.g. what
were the units of analysis--each policy measure of the plans, each
chapter, each para or each page of the plans? What was the rationale or
justification for the selection of the Sixth Five-Year Plan and the
Seventh Five-Year Plan? What questions were needed to formulate a
perspective for the analysis of various issues? What were the specific
objectives of the content analysis? Perhaps answers to these questions
could give a framework and rationale to the paper.
There are some other questions which demand answers not only for
the purpose of seeking clarification, but for establishing some ground
or rationale for the analysis. While the policy trends in the first
three five years plans are mentioned in the introduction, no reference
has been made to the Fourth and Fifth Five-Year Plans. Why were not
gender bases in policy measures analysed and directed towards enhancing
the productive role of farmers and industrial workers?
The major issue drawn from the analysis of the institutional
framework for WID, mentioned in the conclusion of the paper is "the
large gap between stated intentions and actual implementation of
policies and programmes for women. Rich planning and poor implementation
is the national issue. It is not unique to the sector of WID and most
professionals are aware of this issue. Perhaps a deeper analysis was
needed to understand the nature and magnitude of gaps in planning and
implementation of policies for women with particular reference to their
productive role. Some questions worth raising in this regard are: What
are the root causes of persisting gaps in planning and implementation of
measures pertaining to WID? What are some of the quantitative and
qualitative indicators of the varied gaps in different sectors of
development within the context of women development? How have these gaps
been varying with the changing strength of both political will and
social will during different decades? It is true as the authors have
indicated in the paper that in the early period of Pakistan, that is
from 1955-1970, miserly budget allocations in education and health
deprived both men and women of opportunities and services in these
sectors. But the author's assumptions have overlooked the fact
that, despite a very weak political will for developing the social
sector, there was strong social will for enhancing women's welfare,
development and protection of their rights. Several indicators of strong
social will in this regard can be found in the literature.
It is not clear why the authors have included the nature of
measures related to women welfare stated in the First Three Five-Year
Plans, no reference has been made to the Fourth and Fifth Five-Year
Plans. It is true as the authors have stated that despite the fact that
both the plans--the Sixth Plan and the Seventh Plan have emphasised a
multisectoral approach to women's development, the integrated
programme was mainly incorporated into areas of literacy, health and
nutrition and education, while the sectoral plans for agriculture
industry, employment do not address women's role in these areas. It
is important to understand why is this so because the working group for
the Sixth Plan had given in detail specific measures for enhancing
women's productive role in agriculture, industry and commerce. Why
were these measures proposed by the working group not included in the
chapter on Women's Development of the Plan? A still more important
question is: Why did the members of the working group not protest
against this omission? This instance is a glaring example of both weak
social and political will. Answers to these questions would have helped
to understand gaps in planning and implementation of programmes and
policies for women--one of the points stated in the conclusions by the
author.
In discussing the gaps in planning and implementation of stated
objectives and activities, it is mentioned by the authors that the
Ministry had the administrative clout to address the role of a catalyst
effectively. How is the presence or absence of administrative clout
assessed by the authors needs some clarification? Perhaps the problem is
that professions or specialists on WID, have not been empowered or enjoy
the administrative authority. Ministry of Women Development in not
island within the system. Being a part and parcel of the system, it
continues to shares the vices and virtues of the system generally.
INFLUENCE ON POLICY FORMULATION
I fully agree with the authors that the influence of the Ministry
of Women Development on policy making or on programmes in departments
and Ministries where the MWD is not financing or sponsoring projects had
been minimal. However I do not support the contention that "in
effect the Ministry has not addressed this role with any degree of
seriousness."
CONCLUDING REMARKS
1. It would have been profitable if the authors would have included
some innovative and specific recommendations for improving or
mainstreaming women in development planning and Government policies.
Most suggestions given in the conclusions can be found in other reports.
2. The paper on the whole gives more criticism of the policies and
institutional framework pertaining to WID rather than analysis detailing
the causes of the short comings.
3. Furthermore it would have been more desirable and profitable if
the authors would have given specific suggestions for overcoming the
shortcomings.
Sabeeha Hafeez
Ministry of Women's Development, Islamabad.
REFERENCES
Buvinic, M. (1986) Projects for Women in the Third World:
Explaining Their Misbehaviour. World Development 14:5.
Hafeez, S. (1983) Women in Industry. Islamabad: Women's
Division.
Pakistan, Government of (1980) Projects for Women in Pakistan.
Islamabad: Women's Division.
Pakistan, Government of (1990) Evaluation of Ministry of
Women's Development Projects in the Provinces: Islamabad: Planning
and Development Department.
Qadri, S. M. A., and A. Jahan (1984) Women in Agriculture in Sind.
Islamabad: Pakistan.
Shaheed, F. (1987) Diversification of Women's Training and
Employment. Islamabad: ILO-APSDEP.
Shaheed, F., and K. Mumtaz (1981) Invisible Workers: Piece Labour
Amongst Women in Lahore. Islamabad: Women's Division.
Table 1
Expenditure on Projects Funded by the Women's Division
by Implementing Line Department and NGOs 1979-1989
(Rs Million)
Pakistan
Amount %
Local Government 99.37 (13.2)
Education 194.94 (25.9)
Health 70.76 (9.0)
Social Welfare 196.93 (26.1)
Industries 49.73 (6.6)
Agriculture 14.68 (1.9)
Forests 9.72 (1.3)
Others
NGOs 79.68 (10.6)
Total 754.09 (100)
Excluding Azad Jammu and Kashmir, FATA and Federal Projects.