Financial market reform in Pakistan.
Ul Haque, Nadeem
The paper argues that the finance dimension of economic development
has often been treated as an afterthought by researchers and politicians
alike, because it is considered to be too "sophisticated" to
matter for "simple" economies. The role of the financial
sector was considered to be primarily for mobilising resources to
increase growth. However, experience has also revealed that financial
development, including stock market development, is correlated with
current and future economic growth, capital accumulation, and
productivity improvements. It is suggested that a strategy for financial
market development in emerging economies is better evolved from the
perspective of the "functions" of financial markets as
envisaged in modern financial literature. It is also argued that
financial sector policies in emerging economies should focus on
enhancing, rather than inhibiting, the multiple roles of financial
markets.
INTRODUCTION
The finance dimension of economic development has often been
treated as an afterthought by researchers and politicians alike, because
it is considered to be too "sophisticated" to matter tot"
"simple" economies. In addition, institutional aspects of
economic development were neglected while policy and research focused on
improving the "real" side of the economy. Recent research,
however, has shown that institutional arrangements, such as legal,
financial and economic rules underpinning exchange have very real
consequences for emerging economies [Barro (1997)]. Experience has also
revealed that financial development, including stock market development
(as measured by market liquidity, capitalisation, turnover, efficiency
of pricing of risk, etc.), is correlated with current and future
economic growth, capital accumulation, and productivity improvements
[Levine and Zervos (1996)]. (1)
It is the policy premise of this paper that the financial sector
policies in Pakistan should focus on enhancing, rather than inhibiting,
the multiple roles of financial markets. Like-wise, the depth of the
financial market infrastructure has to be judged on the basis of the
efficiency with which these various functions are carried out. For
instance, the mere erection of stock exchanges is inconsequential, if
the environment is hostile against opportunities for risk-sharing and
liquidity provision and transformation. Moreover, the mere existence of
banks is of little value, if their existence is merely to purchase
government securities at the expense of commercial lending. In fact,
such practices prevent banks from serving as informed agents or
intermediaries on behalf of the society, and hence building vital
information capital for efficient allocation of resources.
Unfortunately, this pattern of financial dis-intermediation or
dysfunctional intermediation is still observed in many emerging
economies. (2)
The paper is organised as follows. Section II is a critique of the
dominant perspective in economic (and financial) development and the
associated financial sector policies. Section III provides a functional
perspective to policy guides in financial market development. Section IV
provides a brief assessment of the functionality of observed financial
systems in emerging economies by using the functional paradigm as a
benchmark, with a focus on the African experience. Taking these
observations as a challenge, Section V provides financial sector
policies, guided by the multiple functional role of financial markets
and incentive, and market-based, regulatory schemes. Section VI
concludes.
THE FINANCIAL SYSTEM IN PAKISTAN (3)
In the immediate post-war era, development economists held the view
that prices and markets in these countries did not work, as well as the
desire for forcing a faster pace of development, led to the design of
activist and interventionist policy in trade and industry. (4) The
prevalent view was that developing countries had to make a "big
push" from their existing concentration in primary commodity
production, the terms of trade for which were on the declining trend, to
the production of higher value-added manufacturing goods [Nurske
(1958)]. Policy and market development, including financial market
development, were considered to be means toward the objectives of the
"promotion of this faster pace of development" and the
"big push" for industrialisation. The major constraints to
economic development were perceived to be the shortage of domestic
resources to meet the investment demand and the lack of external
resources for import of capital goods that were required for the desired
industrialisation [Chenery and Strout (1966)]. The role of financial
markets in this scheme was merely to collect and provide savings for
industrial development. (5) Foreign exchange controls, with surrender
requirements for export, were put in place to conserve foreign exchange
and concentrate it in the hands of the government planner who had the
master-plan for development. Banks were among the first financial
institutions that policy encouraged but "primarily to promote
economic development" and not "primarily to make profits"
[Fry (1995)]. The promotion of development objective led to increasing
intervention in the banking system of developing countries by the
government and donors in this early period. The banking system that was
created through such policy was inefficient and overtaxed. Large
operating costs and lending for purposes other than pure bank
profitability has resulted in years of banking sector difficulties that
many countries are still contending with. (6)
Because of this view of development, "postwar financial
development in developing countries differs in several important
respects from financial development in the industrial countries"
(Fry, 1995). First, the pace of development was forced in developing
countries with government intervention occurring with increasing
frequency. Second, concentration is far higher in the banking industry
in developing countries now than it was in the industrial countries
prior to World War I. Third, financial systems are segmented with
several specialised financial institutions that were created for meeting
particular development needs limited in their competition with each
other.
The lack of instruments and market rates of return in these
repressed financial markets led to the development of informal or curb
markets. These markets, which sought to circumvent official controls and
to provide market rates of returns to savers, performed many functions,
including loans, and forward and foreign exchange transactions (7). Very
little real research was collected on these markets or regulation
developed to allow these markets to be formalised, but they were
regarded with a considerable degree of suspicion. (8)
In keeping with this prevalent view in development economics, the
financial sector in Pakistan has evolved over the years in response to
Government of Pakistan (GOP) planning process. Because of this
objective, GOP came to stifle growth and innovation, eliminate price,
product and institutional competition, reduced policing and supervision,
and increased its own ownership of the institutions within the sector.
This policy has led to increased losses in the sector which have to be
borne by the taxpayer and the depositor. (9)
Box 1
Reform of the Financial Sector
The salient features of the financial sector in Pakistan.
* The government maintains a dominant role in the sector not as a
the guardian of the system but as the main the largest provider of
financial services in the system.
* The system is dominated by inefficiently run government owned
financial institutions which subject to considerable political
interference, and have as a result developed a poor quality
portfolio of assets, substantial overstaffing and poor human
capital.
* Competition from foreign banks and the newly created banks
provide limited competition and remain niche players. They are,
however, more profitable than NCBs because of better in-house
skills, more focused activities and a much greater degree of
freedom in conducting credit related operations.
* Money and capital markets are small and trading is generally
carried out in government securities and in the equities of a
relatively small number of companies.
* The government finds the commercial banks captive for absorbing
its securities: by its pre-emption powers to obtain funds at below
market rates and through its policies on subsidised and directed
credit it has heavily burdened the financial sector.
* Cumbersome legal processes for contract enforcement and the
indifferent application of accounting, auditing and supervision
standards have contributed significantly to the poor performance of
financial institutions.
The financial sector as it stands in Pakistan today is, therefore,
unable to perform many important financial functions:
* Risk sharing arrangements, hedging, and portfolio
diversification, are all limited by the lack of availability of
instruments.
* Market solutions to dealing with asymmetric information remain
limited in view of the difficulties of contract enforcement, and
inadequate regulation and supervision of financial institutions.
* The inordinately large role of government in this sector as a
supervisor, regulator and owner institutions and instruments, has
resulted in limiting arbitrage so necessary to market efficiency.
* Moreover, the moral hazard associated with such an arrangements
has led to the nationalised holding a large portfolio of bad debts
the cost of which will be borne by the taxpayer.
Against this background, the various recommendations on reform can
be classified into the following It should be recognised that there
are a fairly large complementarities between these four elements of
the strategy. Efficient financial intermediation would require that
movement should rapidly be made on all these fronts.):
* deregulation, liberalisation and privatisation with an emphasis
on market and instrument development;
* improvement in regulation and supervision of financial
institutions and markets (including independence and institutional
development of independent regulatory agencies for the money market
(SBP) and the securities market (the Securities and Exchange
Commission (SEC));
* improvements in the payment system and the information
technology; and
* improvements in the legal system for better contract enforcement
including debt recovery or collection of collateral.
Haque and Kardar (1995)
The government has been the dominant agent in financial markets:
Government controlled institutions such as the Nationalised Commercial
Banks (NCBs) and Development Financial Institutions (DFIs) account for
over 60 percent of all loans and a little less than half of the sum of
all deposits and government borrowing; government bonds, which are used
primarily for financing the deficit of the government, constitute more
than 40 percent of financial wealth; the largest players in the
securities market are two public sector mutual funds.
The financial institutions in Pakistan can be essentially
classified into two broad categories, banking companies and non-bank
financial institutions, with both being controlled primarily by the
central bank, the State Bank of Pakistan. They are also regulated,
depending upon the nature of the institution, by the Corporate Law
Authority, the Ministry of Finance and the Religious Board. A brief
description of these institutions is presented below:
Commercial Banks: Domestic commercial banks were nationalised in
1974 and have been in the process of being privatised since 1992.
Although the private sector has recently been allowed into banking, the
nationalised commercial banks (NCBs) are dominant in the banking
industry holding over 60 percent of all deposits. Foreign banks remain
small niche players which have been successful because of their superior
management skills, better access to international financial markets,
ability to cherry-pick, as well as they are free from political
influence. The NCBs are inefficient and have accumulated sizeable
non-performing of the nationalisation. As a result privatisation has not
been slowed. Reflecting the difficulties of the NCBs and the
government's financial repression, interest rate spreads are large
and deposit rates have been negative in real terms quite frequently.
While the NCBs despite these spreads are incurring losses, foreign
banks, who have the lowest cost per unit of deposit are the most
profitable.
Development Financial Institutions: These were set up to provide
long term debt and constitute a small percentage of the total financial
assets. They relied almost entirely on government funding or lines of
credit from multi-lateral agencies, guaranteed by government. Given
their financial difficulties as well as the limited availability of
further financing, DFIs are increasingly being marginalised. Recent
privatisation efforts have had limited success. There are two large
government organisations that provide mutual fund services in Pakistan.
They remain large institutional investors on the equities market.
However, their role as a disciplining force on company management, as
well as their financial solvency, have been questioned given that they
are believed to be susceptible to non-market pressures.
Non-bank Financial Intermediaries: These were allowed as part of
the 1990 financial liberalisation and comprise of leasing companies,
modarabahs, an Islamic mutual fund, and investment banks.
Debt Market: This is primarily based on government debt although a
commercial paper has just been initiated. Two typed of government paper
are issued: Federal Investment Bonds which are auctioned although the
government does not allow the market to completely determine the
interest rate; and Several Savings Certificates are issued at fixed
interest and area available On tap. A number of savings instruments and
bearer investments certificates are issued by the state-owned DFIs.
The Equities Markets: The stock market is not perceived by .the
average investor to be either efficient or fair and judicious in terms
of providing the investor a fair return. Insider trading is considered
to take place frequently but there have been no indictments on that
count yet. Regulation and supervision of companies is weak the small
investor is not able to obtain reliable information. As a result
multinationals (MNCs) command a premium. The stock market in Pakistan
remains very thin: limited quantities of a firms stock are traded and
price jumps are quite common. As a result, their share prices exhibit a
great deal of volatility because of fluctuations in the market. These
prices cannot, therefore, be regarded as true indicators of the fair
value of these shares. Poor credit practices that have led to the
accumulation of nonperforming loans with banks, created an environment
of financial indiscipline and, hence, inhibited market development. In
1990-91, for the largest 20 domestic firms less than 8 percent of the
equity was in the hands of the small shareholder while about 33 percent
was held by the institutional investors and other public sector
agencies, while about 54 percent was held by the large shareholder
(board of directors and their proxies). Settlement procedures remain
cumbersome and expensive and information. Full use of technology has not
been made for the timely dissemination of information as well as the
verification of trades.
Foreign Exchange Markets: The SBP maintains a managed float system,
pegging to an undisclosed basket of foreign currencies. Forward market
activity is only provided by the SBP at a fixed non-market premium and
all foreign exchange deposited in banks is surrendered to SBP. The rapid
growth of foreign currency deposits and the resulting SBP foreign
exposure has become an important policy issue.
Insurance: Because of the nationalisation of life insurance, the
insurance business has not really developed as it should.
The Informal Financial Markets: Pakistan has a dynamic,
parallel/non-formal sector which has seldom been studied. Essentially
three types of financial activities take place in the informal sector.
There is a parallel currency market that basically intermediates in the
pool of workers' remittances and some illegal transactions. An
informal credit market, a component of which is the system of granting
credit within the stock market. Finally recently because of information
technology, trading has become possible of the international
futures' markets and is being conducted beyond the pale of any
regulation and supervision.
Financial Innovation: The regulatory environment has not been
innovation-friendly. Experiences of setting up NBFIs--the finance
company crash of 1978, again in 1987, and in 1990 the
cooperatives--resulted in a complete loss of deposits without any
indictments or supervisory actions in the interests of depositors. See
Samad (1993) for details. He also argues that the regulators'
hostility to these companies was the main reason for the crash of the
entire system. The State Bank retains no data on those crashes and, as
noted by Said (1993) probably exacerbated the crash in 1987.
The Institutional Capability of the Regulatory Agencies: The
regulatory bodies do not have the capacity--in terms of financial
resources and staff members and skills-and the autonomy to perform their
supervisory functions and enforce regulations. In part, the weakness in
the supervisory capacity of the SBP is because officials are
overburdened by routine work (and there is no incentive structure) and
in part because of the constraints imposed by personnel policies. The
securities market is regulated by the corporate law authority which is
not autonomous and fully mandated with the development of the market.
(The government intends to put in place an independent Securities and
Exchange Commission in place and SBP independence has recently been
enacted.)
ASSESSING THE FINANCIAL SYSTEM
The prevailing policy perspective, which has viewed the financial
sector as a mere conduit for capital mobilisation, is not consistent
with modern finance for two reasons. First, it does not take into
account the deeper roles of financial sector under conditions of
uncertainty and hence the effects of liberalisation targeted only to
capital mobilisation. Under uncertainty, there is not just capital
allocation (supply-side) that is the sole issue, but the issue of risk
allocation (demand-side) is also paramount. Second, in an environment
characterised by a host of imperfections in information dissemination
and observability, incentive problems are likely to prevail. In this
case, capital markets provide for efficient contracting among
conflicting parties and for disciplining of corporate insiders through
markets for corporate control.
Financial markets and intermediaries change over space and time
according to the size of the country, complexity of transactions,
available technology, as well as differences in political, cultural, and
historical backgrounds. Even when the names of institutions are the
same, the functions they perform often differ dramatically. For example,
banks in the United States today are very different from what they were
fifty or a hundred years ago and they are also very different from those
in Germany, Japan and Korea. Consequently, in order to understand the
financial system, we will take the vantage point of the functions that
these markets perform in an economy. We do so for two reasons:
* The functions of a financial system do not change much over time
and space while the forms and functions of institutions and
intermediaries do;
* the forms of financial institutions are a product of innovation
and competition among participants for the more efficient performance of
functions of the financial system. (10)
The most fundamental role of the financial system remains that of
intermediating between savers and investors such that efficient resource
allocation of the available resources of the economy is undertaken. From
this viewpoint, we can determine the following seven basic or core
functions performed by the financial system:
Function 1: The Mobilisation of Capital. Unless financial markets
are able to provide market participants with a variety of instruments of
differing maturities that are traded in markets that have the depth to
allow speedy exit, capital mobilisation will be less than adequate. For
example, capital providers desire liquidity (ability to exit on short
notice), risk exposure, while entrepreneurs need to commit capital for
long-term investments. Financial markets resolve this divergence through
provision of alternative instruments to facilitate diversification, and
allow for maturity transformation. These liquidity and maturity
transformation functions of financial systems are very basic functions
that require instrument and market development.
Function 2: Risk Management and Resource Allocation. In an
environment where uncertainty prevails, risk sharing and insurance are
the two most fundamental functions that a financial system provides. A
well-functioning financial market enables multiple investors to share a
project's risk allowing high-risk, high-return investments to be
undertaken. In the absence of such risk-pooling and risk sharing
arrangements, such high-risk, high-return projects may be rationed out
of the market, destroying, rather than creating, value for the economy.
Financial markets, therefore, facilitate allocational efficiency.
Risk-allocation mechanisms supported by well-functioning financial
markets allow for diversification, hedging insurance and leveraging.
Function 3: Pooling of Resources and Diversification of Ownership.
A financial system provides a mechanism for the pooling of funds to
undertake large-scale indivisible enterprise that may be beyond the
scope of anyone individual to undertake. They also allow individual
households to participate in investments that require large lump sums of
money by pooling their funds and then subdividing shares in the
investment. The pooling of funds allows for a redistribution of risk as
well as the separation of ownership and management.
Function 4: Information Production, Price Discovery, and Exchange
of Control. Price signals contain information on quantity, scarcity and
value, and thereby help agents allocate resources to their best use.
Nowhere is this more true than in the financial sphere! (11) A
well-functioning financial market processes and aggregates all available
information into the value or price of the commodity. From a welfare
point of view, the financial system, through this price discovery
function, allows capital to flow toward its most productive use and
bring about allocational efficiency.
Function 5: Facilitating Better Governance and Control. Financial
markets promote efficient governance and control of an organised
enterprise (especially on a public trade corporation) by exerting
external pressure and discipline on its operation. In the presence of
uncertainty and informational asymmetries, the allocation of capital
involves the control of capital so that it is efficiently exchanged to
allow it to be put the best use. Inefficient management is typically
removed through takeovers which allow unfriendly raiders to accumulate
shares in the open market and take control of the firm. Often, the very
threat of such takeovers is a powerful mechanism for disciplining
management. In its absence, management becomes entrenched and
misallocates or misappropriates resources from the firm leading to
far-reaching economic inefficiencies.
Function 6: Efficient Clearing and Settling. An important function
of the financial system is to provide an efficient way for people and
businesses to make payments to each other when they wish to buy goods or
services. Modern day complex transactions involve movements of goods,
services as well as financial assets across time, space, and, quite
often, across national borders. Efficient payments and settlement
technology allows the speedy completion of such transactions. If
financial markets are to handle large transactions rapidly, clearing
house and depository functions are necessary elements of the enabling
environment. Long delays in intercity check-cashing and lengthy time
requirements for registration of financial assets are serious
impediments to market development. A payments and settlement systems
depend on the supervisory and regulatory system that eventually stands
behind the final settlement of all transactions. In an economy where the
such system is not very efficient, transactions will be primarily
cash-based requiring the maintenance of idle cash balances.
Function 7: Dealing with Incentive and Agency Problems. Modern
finance theory views the firm as a nexus of contracts:
shareholders/owners borrow form creditors and delegate the task of
running the firm to professional managers. Ownership and control of the
firm is, therefore separated. The various relationships are determined
by contractual relationships that are written within the regulatory
umbrella provided by the government. Financial markets promote
contractual efficiency in an environment characterised by incentive
conflicts and hence lead to allocational efficiency. Incentive contracts
for alignment of diverse interests between management, shareholders, and
bondholders can be facilitated through financial contracts.
Since the root of modern financial regulation is thought of
revolving around alleviation of the consequences of market failure,
regulatory intervention is often thought of as a substitute for the
markets' functions. However, the newer literature, both in finance
and other fields of economics, has shown that it is more appropriate to
think of markets and regulation as complements. Similarly to enhancing
the efficiency of financial contracting, markets contribute to making
regulatory arrangements more efficient. The fundamental mechanisms are
also very similar to the arguments presented regarding contractual
efficiency: by conditioning regulation--the application of rules and
regulator's incentives--on market-based information, regulatory
outcomes can be significantly improved upon.
IMPLICATIONS OF THE FUNCTIONAL VIEW FOR PAKISTAN
To repeat, our premise is that financial sector policies should be
guided and anchored by functionality of the financial system. Table 1
presents an assessment of the financial system in Pakistan from a
functional viewpoint. The dysfuntionality of the current system that is
shown in this table is not surprising.
Using the functional approach we wish to provide a policy agenda
for Pakistan in its effort to develop financial markets. At the core of
out" discussion of the ingredients for financial market development
are mechanisms for fostering public confidence and appropriate
incentives for a well-functioning financial system. No amount of
knowledge or technology, or even economic fundamental, makes financial
markets workable unless there is an environment of trust and public
confidence, i.e., even playing field, open and honest market place, fair
treatment of participants by securities operators, honest and
transparent management of public companies. In view of this and the
preceding discussion, we can conclude that the without the provision of
an adequate public infrastructure, financial market development is not
likely to be well founded. It is the development of this infrastructure
that policy should seek to develop first.
The Necessary Public Infrastructure
In the development of public confidence and informational
efficiency, GOP has a vital role to play in ensuring enforceability of
private contracts, and creating an environment of transparency and
investor confidence. It is perceived as an independent efficient arbiter
of financial disputes as well as the last resort for speedy enforcement
of all contractual arrangements. The mere existence of legislation,
which declares and grants inalienable property rights, is insufficient.
An independent judiciary strongly enforcing and protecting these rights,
must stand at the core of such a system [see Stiglitz (1993)].
Financial market development must be underpinned by a credible,
national regulatory scheme that promotes, rather than inhibits,
private" initiative, whereby investors and savers build confidence
in the financial systems. (13) Without this foundation, the financial
system will be deficient in terms of informational and operational
efficiency, vitiating public confidence, resulting in inefficient
pricing of financial assets, as well as inhibiting liquidity and
reducing turnover. It is this lack of a regulatory foundation that is an
important reason why market development remains poor in less-developed
countries.
Following the approach taken in the advanced economies, it seems
appropriate that government regulation of financial markets should be
more of an oversight over self-regulatory agencies, such as the stock
exchanges and brokerage industry. (14) Self-regulation builds on the
capacity and wisdom of men and women inside the member firms that
participate in the capital market process directly rather than
government bureaucrats who lack intimate knowledge of the day-to-day
functions of markets which are increasingly sophisticated.
Sequencing of Financial Reform
In industrial countries, the development of financial markets
followed a particular historical sequencing: commercial banks developed
first; followed by the development of primary markets for government
debt and paper; primary markets for equity and commercial paper were
then developed; secondary markets followed; and finally the markets for
derivatives arrived. Motivated by the view that less developed follow
the development path of the advanced countries, development advice has
tended to follow this historical sequencing which is really based on the
accident of discovery.
This approach, however, does not permit any "institutional
leap-frogging." The difficulty with a stages of financial market
development is that it does not emphasise the need for developing a full
set of institutions necessary for market development early in the
development cycle. As a result, a partial set of institutions is
developed that, very often, exacerbates market incompleteness. Moreover,
as we have seen there are complementarities across markets and hence
institutional complementarities that can be exploited if the historical
sequencing were to be relaxed. Espousing a functional perspective on
financial system development permits this issue to be side-stepped. By
focusing on the various functions and letting the development cycle
determine their natural sequence, one automatically sidesteps the kind
of institutional fallacies that have often plagued policy advice for
financial development.
Fostering Financial Innovation
A form of financial repression that had been practiced in Pakistan
is a resistance to financial innovation. Concerns for a potential
adverse impact of financial innovation on the stability of the financial
system through increased systemic risk are natural and even felt in more
advanced economies. However, financial innovation increases market depth
and efficiency as well as expands the menu of instruments and mechanisms
available for the performance of financial functions. Risk is better
priced and trading increased which may contribute to increased
volatility. (15) The new equilibrium will have greater social value
(output) but has become more risky (with greater market volatility).
(16) However, increased volatility may tempt the policy-makers to stifle
innovation, discouraging foreign competition and investment and curb
domestic speculative trading. Such ill-conceived policy interventions
have been observed in many economies.
It should be recognised that financial innovation takes place both
in the formal and informal sectors. Informal sector develops as a
response to official impediments. The official response for too long has
been to stifle it. As such, it is a in response to a perceived need for
a financial innovation. (17) Consequently, rather than discouraging the
informal sector, regulators should by guided by signals coming from the
informal sector
for fostering innovation in the formal financial sector. (18)
Market Development
Market development has been impeded more by the regulation or the
lack of it than any other single item. Rather than stifle innovation and
trading in the market place, including erecting barriers to
globalisation, policy-makers should facilitate liquidity and promote
market transparency. Government policies should be targeted toward
reducing the costs of the financial system. These include costs relating
to trading, intermediation, and legal enforcement. Trading costs can
arise implicitly from the lack of market development. In a nutshell, the
policies should create an enabling environment for capturing the full
functional potentialities of markets. For instance, there is a need to
build capacity in the provision of risk allocation facilities.
CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR PAKISTAN
This paper argues that financial sector policies in Pakistan should
focus on enhancing, rather than inhibiting, the multiple functions of
financial markets. As noted above, the financial system in Pakistan has
been stifled by the government which is not playing the role of the
guardian of the system but that as the largest provider of financial
services in the system. The system is dominated by inefficiently run
government owned financial institutions which subject to considerable
political interference, have developed a poor quality portfolio of
assets, substantial overstaffing and poor human capital Money and
capital markets are small and trading is generally carried out in
government securities and in equities of a relatively small number of
companies. The government finds the commercial banks captive for
absorbing its securities: by its pre-emption powers to obtain funds at
below market rates and through its policies on subsidised and directed
credit it has heavily burdened the financial sector. Cumbersome legal
processes for contract enforcement and the indifferent application of
accounting, auditing and supervision standards have contributed
significantly to the poor performance of financial institutions.
The financial sector as it stands in Pakistan today is, therefore,
unable to perform many important financial functions that we have
identified above. Risk sharing arrangements, hedging, and portfolio
diversification, are all limited by the lack of availability of
instruments. Market solutions to dealing with asymmetric information remain limited in view of the difficulties of contract enforcement, and
inadequate regulation and supervision of financial institutions. The
inordinately large role of government in this sector as a supervisor,
regulator and owner of institutions and instruments, has resulted in
limiting arbitrage so necessary to market efficiency. Moreover, the
moral hazard associated with this system has led to the nationalised
banks accumulating a large portfolio of bad debts, the cost of which
will be borne by the taxpayer.
Against this background, the design of reform should be very
mindful of the functions that will be required of the financial system.
For market development, it is very important the at the government
quickly move out of the provision of financial services to that of the
regulator of the system. This would mean that an immediate priority
should be to put in place a supervisory and regulatory base at the
centre of the financial system. (See Box 1.) This supervisory and
regulatory core should foster market development but through letting
private initiative and innovation take the lead. It should seek only to
deal problems related to asymmetric information and moral hazard,
through disclosure and direct surveillance. There must also be adequate
legislation--such as a framework for speedy contract enforcement, debt
recovery, and bankruptcy--to support the financial system. (See Box 1.)
The importance of developing markets helps in the achievement of
many objectives. In addition, market and instrument development tends to
be complementary. For example, allowing forward markets to develop in
foreign exchange can reduce the vulnerability of the SBP. Another
example is that of stock market development, which may be an important
means for introducing transparency into the privatisation process.
Capital market-based privatisation can, in turn, also enhance the
deepening of existing stock exchanges.
The regulatory and supervisory agencies must be independent
professional agencies responsible for the soundness of the financial
system. Research has shown that independence of the central bank is very
important for the effective conduct of monetary policy and the sound
supervision of the banking system. This was enacted recently in
Pakistan. The securities market continues to be run by a semi-autonomous
body of the government--the Corporate Law Authority. There is an urgent
need to put in place a fully independent Securities and Exchange
Commission to take full responsibility of the development and the
supervision of the securities market. To be effective, both the SBP and
the SEC, when it is initiated, will need to be professionally staffed.
Professionalisation of government agencies is, however, is resisted by
the current establishment.
While developing the regulatory core, vigorous efforts will have to
be made for privatisation of government interests in banking and
security markets. The policy of financial repression where high
liquidity ratios for banks provide a captive market for government paper
will have to be discontinued. The private sector will have to be given
room to develop financial services with the diminishing role of the
government.
The advantage of having in place a professional and independent
financial sector will presumably allow improvements in payments and
settlement systems to reduce the current high transaction costs
associated with financial transactions. This is of obvious importance to
the development of financial system in Pakistan.
Author's Note: The views expressed here are solely the
author's and do not in any way reflect those of the IMF.
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(1) This is in contrast to the previous literature which had
focused almost exclusively on banking development and growth.
(2) Only recently has the functionality of the financial system
been appreciated in the context of economic development in developing
countries [Levine (1997)]. In fact, there is very little in the
literature linking the functionality of the financial system to
financial sector policies, including financial market development. This
is surprising in view of the voluminous literature linking financial
system and economic development, beginning with the seminal work of
McKinnon (1973).
(3) For more details see Haque and Kardar (1995).
(4) How the development economist perceived developing countries
and economies is relevant to the understanding of the evolution of
economic policy and institutions in those countries. For example,
development economists debated for years whether the peasant in
developing countries was rational in the sense of responding to economic
incentives [see Schultz (1964)]. Note this is similar to the
Krueger's contention on the stylised facts that shaped trade policy
in the early post-war period.
(5) In other words, the focus has been on the quantity of capital.
However, the functional properties and the quality of capital need to be
guiding principles in financial sector reforms.
(6) Lindgren et al. (1996) note that "since 1980, over 130
countries, comprising almost three-fourths of the International Monetary
Fund's member countries, have experienced significant banking
sector problems."
(7) For a detailed analysis of informal financial markets in
developing countries, see Montiel, Agenor and Haque (1993).
(8) Wai (1980) questions whether "such arrangements should
even be called markets," while Chang and Jung (1984) describe the
curb market as "non-competitive, less developed, and
fragmented".
(9) See Box 1 which summarises Haque and Kardar (1993).
(10) Studying financial systems from a functional view has
important implications for sequencing and development of financial
markets and products, banking and equity markets, and insurance and
derivatives in emerging economies, such as Pakistan.
(11) A major failure of a simplistic view of development finance,
based on resource mobilisation, was the suppression of price signals
(through interest and credit controls) to channel savings towards
politically-guided investment priorities. Repressing price signals (or,
equivalently, returns) has often led to a misallocation of capital with
disastrous consequences for economic welfare and a country's
well-being.
(12) For more detailed information on the entries in Table 1, see
Haque and Kardar (1993).
(13) Savings will be attracted away from the informal sector, as
the credibility of the formal system improves.
(14) While the financial system is supported and enhanced by a
well-functioning regulatory environment, and in turn supports a more
efficient, market-based, regulatory system (regulatory efficiency).
Thus, financial system efficiency and regulatory efficiency are mutually
reinforcing.
(15) Indeed, it is possible that greater speculative activity and
greater participation by international investors in the local stock
market leads to greater trading activity with more information
production, and possibly more price volatility.
(16) The specialisation in trading risk according to comparative
advantage makes society better off.
(17) Informal sector can provide signals to policy (see Montiel,
Agenor, and Haque (1993).
(18) See Samad (1993) and Said (1993) for a discussion of how
financial innovation was stifled in Pakistan.
Nadeem Ul Haq works for the International Monetary Fund,
Washington, D.C., USA.
Table 1
Functional Assessment of Financial Markets in Pakistan (12)
Function Assessment
Capital Mobilisation Limited instruments and exit is not easy
from markets other than bank deposits.
Debt and deposit instruments concentrated
toward a shorter term.
Managing Risk No derivative markets. Limited ability to
diversify across markets.
Diverse Ownership Illiquid and poorly supervised stock
markets do not inspire faith in the small
investor limiting the pooling of ownership
and the diversity of ownership.
Information Development Illiquid, thin, and poorly supervised
and Price Discovery stock markets inhibit the process of price
discovery. No takeover threat as a
disciplining device. Limited ability to
arbitrage across markets.
Providing Clearing and Non-competitive institutional structures
Settlement combined with weak regulation leads to
inadequate development of clearing and
settlement systems.
Dealing with Agency Issues Since market discipline is absent, optimal
contracting is difficult for the
overcoming of agency problems. Limited
ability to allow use different markets for
this purpose.
Attracting Inflows Volatile inflows to take advantage of
arbitrage situations only.