Non-agricultural market access: a South Asian perspective.
Kemal, A.R. ; Din, Musleh-ud ; Ghani, Ejaz 等
INTRODUCTION
Despite the fact that the WTO has helped to reduce the overall
level of tariffs with increased transparency, a majority of the
developing countries with the capacity to increase exports of labour
intensive manufactures continue to face significant barriers in
accessing foreign markets. Tariff rates applied by the developed
countries for textile and clothing and leather for instance are much
higher than those on other manufacturing products such as electronics,
computers and telecom equipment, thus indicating a clear discrimination
against exports of the developing countries. Moreover, tariff peaks,
tariff escalation, tariff rate quotas and other non-tariff measures
including antidumping duties, countervailing duties, and safeguard
measures to protect against serious injury from import surges, allowed
under the WTO, have become major impediments to market access for
developing countries exports.
A key element of the Doha Round of trade negotiations is
liberalisation of trade in industrial products, commonly known as
non-agricultural market access (NAMA). Negotiations under NAMA focus on
market access for all products that are not covered by the negotiations
on agriculture or services and aim to reduce, if not possible to
completely eliminate, tariff and non-tariff barriers that restrict trade
in these products. The framework adopted for modalities for negotiations
under NAMA, known as the July Package, envisages reduction of industrial
tariffs in both developed and developing countries according to a
formula that is yet to be agreed. These negotiations are important for
developing countries as these will determine the market access
opportunities available to developing countries through which they can
improve their growth prospects.
This paper examines the key issues of NAMA from the South Asian
perspective. Section II provides a background on NAMA, whereas Section
Ill spells out key issues in market access. Section IV contains
perspectives of Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka on
various NAMA issues. Section V highlights key elements of the proposed
negotiating strategy for developing countries. Finally, Section VI
summarises the discussion and spells out some policy implications.
II. NAMA BACKGROUND
The ongoing NAMA negotiations are based on the mandate that was
given for the Doha Round at the 4th WTO Ministerial Conference. The aim
of the negotiations is to reduce both tariffs and non-tariff barriers to
trade that impede the market access for industrial products. The
negotiations relate to all the goods not covered under the agreement on
agriculture. Even though such negotiations essentially relate to
industrial products, it also considers products such as natural
resources including fisheries, forests, gems and minerals.
The Doha mandate stresses the need for comprehensive product
coverage, without full reciprocity, i.e. developing countries be allowed
to decrease tariffs to a lesser extent than industrialised countries and
over a longer period of time. It also stresses the need to address
tariff peaks, tariff escalation and non-tariff barriers such as import
quotas and technical standards.
The first proposal for modalities of NAMA negotiations was made in
2003 by the Swiss chairman of the NAMA negotiating group, Pierre-Louis
Girard. The key elements of the proposal were a 'Swiss
formula' for tariff reduction (cutting higher tariff by a larger
percentage than lower tariffs), a sectoral initiative for the full
elimination of tariffs in seven sectors, (1) and Special and
Differential Treatment for developing countries.
During the Cancun Ministerial in 2003, a second proposal on NAMA
was made, the so-called Derbez text. This proposal included a non-linear
formula similar to the Swiss formula along with a sectoral initiative
for tariff reductions but without the identification of the sectors.
This proposal was strongly opposed by the developing countries, in
particular by the G-90 countries, and was not adopted in Cancun. During
the July 2004 General Council meeting at the WTO, a number of developing
countries opposed the inclusion of the Derbez text on NAMA in the July
package. In particular, the developing countries pressed for the
inclusion of several further proposals and demanded abolition of the
non-linear formula, wanted the sectoral tariff component to be
voluntary; and asked for more flexibility in tariff cuts and tariff
bindings.
The July text on NAMA, drafted keeping in view the concerns of the
developing countries, includes the following elements:
* A formula approach for tariff reduction and for reduction or
elimination of tariff peaks, tariff escalation and high tariffs. Key
features of this approach are:
** No a priori exclusion of products;
** Reductions in tariffs from bound rates, or from twice the
applied most favoured nation (MFN) rate in the case of unbound tariffs;
** Credit for autonomous liberalisation (trade liberalisation on an
MFN basis undertaken independently from the WTO negotiations);
** Conversion of specific duties into ad-valorem duties and their
binding;
* Countries that had bound less than 35 percent of their tariffs
would be exempt from tariff reductions through the formula, but have to
bind 100 percent of their tariff lines; and
* A sectoral approach, aiming at eliminating or harmonising tariffs
in a specific sector. Seven sectors had been identified previously (in
the Girard proposal) for this sectoral approach.
Presently, the NAMA negotiations are focused on a number of issues
including product coverage, the formula for tariff cuts, tariff
bindings, conversion of specific duties into ad-valorem duties, the
sectoral approach to tariff cuts, flexibilities for developing
countries, non-tariff barriers, and preference erosion. The negotiators
aim at completing draft modalities in the above areas by July/August,
and an agreement on full modalities by the Hong Kong Ministerial in
December 2005.
III. ISSUES IN NON-AGRICULTURAL MARKET ACCESS
III. 1. Tariff Issues
Reduction and elimination of tariffs and non-tariff barriers have
been at the centre of trade negotiations since the inception of the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and continue to be an
important subject in the subsequent multilateral trade negotiations. (2)
During the Uruguay Round, tariff negotiations constituted a central
issue and these were held on the basis of Most Favoured Nation (MFN)
principles. (3) These MFN rates were bound and could be increased only
through negotiations under Article XXVIII of GATT and therefore, provide
a secure and stable market access. However, considering that the bound
rates are significantly higher than the applied rates, the market access
remains somewhat uncertain. Besides, there are significant tariff peaks
(4) on products such as textiles, clothing and leather and leather
products. Moreover, there has been tariff escalation resulting in heavy
effective protection to value-added activities. (5) Furthermore,
contingent protection instruments, particularly anti-dumping measures
and countervailing duties, are currently being used more frequently. The
number of anti-dumping investigations has increased sharply since the
Uruguay Round agreements were signed: they have more than doubled from
156 in 1995 to 340 in 1999 (6) [Bacchetta and Bora (2001)]. High tariff
bounds, tariff escalation and safeguard measures indicate the heavy odds
against exports of developing countries. Therefore, just reduction in
the average rates of import duties would not be sufficient for the
growth of exports from the developing economies.
The comparison of average applied and bound rates in pre-Uruguay
round outlined in Table 1 is quite revealing. Firstly, both the bound
and applied rates of the developing economies are higher than the
developed economies. Second, whereas on average there was not much
difference between the bound and the applied rates in case of developing
countries, the bound rates were 40 percent higher than the applied rates
in case of the developed world. (7) Third, both the bound and applied
rates have been the maximum for agriculture based products, textiles and
leather in developed economies thus discriminating against the
developing economies.
In the post Uruguay round applied tariff rates of the industrial
countries has increased from 2.6 to 4.0 percent whereas the bound rate
from 3.7 to 4.7 percent (Tables 1 and 2). That liberalisation attempts
instead of reducing the tariff rates have resulted in higher tariff
rates is quite disturbing. The increase in tariff rates seems to be the
result of tariffication of the non-tariff barriers, i.e. after removal
of the non-tariff barriers the tax rates on such products have been
enhanced. Whereas in the developing economies the applied rates have
declined though there has been an increase in the bound rates.
The Doha Ministerial Declaration (8) follows almost the same
formulation as in the declaration to launch the Uruguay Round in 1986.
It envisions reduction or elimination of industrial tariffs as well as
an attack on tariff peaks, tariff escalations and non-tariff barriers in
particular on products of interest to developing countries. These are
expected to help in the growth of trade which provides opportunities to
the developing countries to remove poverty through trade liberalisation.
While they must reduce the level of tariffs to expose their economic
activities to international competition, they need market access;
currently their products face many obstacles in entering the markets of
rich countries. Rich countries need to do more to reduce trade
distorting subsidies and dismantle their existing barriers on
competitive exports from developing countries. The important issues in
this regard are:
* Textiles and clothing is the largest export earner for many
developing countries and the rate of tariffs is the maximum for these
products. The effective protection rate to the higher stages of
production in the textiles sector in the developed world is rather high.
* Tariff peaks negotiations have to be high on the agenda. Despite
low average non-agricultural tariffs, the products in which developing
countries are globally competitive continue to attract relatively high
tariffs.
* Tariff escalation tilts the incentives against the development of
indigenous processing/transformation and movement up the value-added
chain. For diversification of economies and trade such escalation must
be eliminated.
* Specific Taxes when converted into ad-valorem rates, generally
have been quite high. While specific taxes need to be converted into
ad-valorem rate, the incidence must not rise. With a view to ensuring
that, to start with each member state should provide information on the
ad-valorem incidence of the specific taxes.
* Anti-dumping duties, countervailing duties, technical standards
and sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) requirements restrict trade and the
possibility that the contingent protection measures may be justified on
the grounds of environmental protection and labour standards is of great
concern to developing world. Since developing countries generally have
lower labour and environmental standards than developed countries, these
would be detrimental to export and development interests of developing
economies [Krueger (1999)].
The post-Doha industrial tariff negotiations are prompted by two
main considerations: Firstly, the increasing trend towards regionalism results in preferential trade amongst a few countries resulting in
discriminatory trade treatment for the countries that are not parties to
the regional arrangements. Tariff negotiations on multilateral basis
resulting in an MFN-based tariff cuts would reduce chances of such
discrimination. Second, industrial tariff negotiations have the
potential to boost intra-regional trade among developing countries. The
main tariff issues in the post-Doha scenario are examined in the
following.
Tariff Peaks and Escalation
The problems of high tariffs and tariff escalation remain wide
spread for developing countries even after the Uruguay Round. A
significant proportion of the tariff of Quad countries (USA, EU, Canada
and Japan) continues to exceed the level of 12 percent ad-valorem even
after full implementation of the Uruguay Round and GSP rates are taken
into account (Table 3). One fifth of the tariff peaks of the United
States, about 30 percent of those of Japan and the EU and about one
seventh of those of Canada exceed 30 percent. Peak tariffs affect both
agricultural and industrial products. (9) The main problems in the
industrial sector occur in food industry products; textiles and
clothing; footwear, leather and travel goods; automotive products;
consumer electronics and watches. In addition to extremely high tariffs
and other protection measures, tariff escalation remains an important
obstacle for developing countries to enter into the industrial exports.
This is particularly pronounced in the sectors which are of direct
export interest to developing countries including the South Asian
countries.
The problem of peak tariffs in the industrial sector (10) occurs in
four sectors: (a) food industry; (b) textile and clothing; (c) footwear,
leather and travel goods; and (d) high technology goods including
automotive sector.
(a) Food Industry: The food industry is a major area where tariff
protection is widespread and high in the major developed countries'
markets even after the implementation of the Uruguay Round concessions.
Tariff peaks and a range of additional measures extend far beyond the
initial processing stages in a large variety of industries. The food
industry accounts for about 30 percent of all tariff peaks ranging (with
some exceptions) from 12 percent to I00 percent in the EU. There are
several cases of additional duties to compensate processing industries
for higher prices of agricultural inputs. Examples of products subject
to particularly high rates include cereals and sugar based products,
fruit preparation and canned fruit juices. Similarly, the food industry
accounts for one sixth of all tariff peaks in the United States and
these also fall mainly in the 12 percent to 100 percent range. The
United States also applies a wide system of combined MFN tariff quota
rates in this area particularly with additional safeguard duties.
(b) Textile and Clothing: In the major textile importing countries
like the US, EU and Canada large proportions of clothing and textile
imports are subject to high tariffs. Most tariff peaks are in the 12-32
percent range.
(c) Footwear, Leather and Travel Goods: Footwear of various types
is still protected by high tariffs in most developed countries. Post
Uruguay Round MFN rates are close to 160 percent in Japan, 37.5-58
percent in the US and 18 percent in Canada. MFN duties remain relevant,
as General System of Preferences (GSP) benefits are limited in this
sector. (11)
(d) Automotive Sector, Transport Equipment and Electronics: With
the exception of Japan and the Republic of Korea, level of protection
for one or the other branch of the transport industry is rather high. In
the developed countries MFN tariff protection is more selectively
applied in the automotive and transport sector. In addition various
developed countries apply high tariffs on TV receivers, TV picture tubes
and some other high technology products.
(ii) Tariff Reduction Formula (12)
The July Framework includes a formula approach for tariff reduction
and for reduction or elimination of tariff peaks, tariff escalation and
high tariffs. The following proposals are being advocated by various
countries:
* Swiss formula with a single coefficient with conditional
flexibilities for developing countries (EU).
* Swiss formula with conditional flexibility of applying two
coefficients (Norway and the US) or four coefficients (Chile, Columbia,
and Mexico).
* A Swiss-type formula with multiple coefficients based on tariff
averages and with flexibilities and a credit system for developing
countries (Argentina, Brazil, and India).
Whereas the simple Swiss formula is transparent and easier to
implement, it places a disproportionate burden on developing countries
who would have to make major cuts in tariffs as compared with the
developed countries. The modified Swiss formula allows the use of more
than one coefficient for developing countries. However, no criterion is
indicated as to how these coefficients would be determined.
The ABI formula (proposed by Argentina, Brazil, and India) aims to
address the concerns of developing countries with the Swiss formula for
tariff reductions. As opposed to the simple Swiss formula which cuts
high tariffs and tariff peaks down to the level of the coefficient
regardless of the national tariff structure, the ABI formula takes into
account the existing tariff structure of each country. The ABI formula
is considered as more equitable as it incorporates the present tariff
commitments of the members, and envisages an overall reduction
commitment that is proportional amongst developed and developing
countries.
Whereas the ABI formula is based on the objective criterion of
current tariff profiles of members and provides an effective mechanism
to deal with high tariff and tariff peaks, it does not seem acceptable
to many developed countries who consider it tilted in favour of
countries that have high tariffs.
Pakistan is of the view that since none of the proposals on tariff
reduction formula seem to attract consensus, there is a need to bridge
the gap between the present proposals while at the same time ensuring
that the objectives of the Doha Round are not compromised. More
specifically, Pakistan has proposed the adoption of a simple Swiss
Formula with two distinct coefficients for developed and developing
countries. These coefficients should be based on an objective criterion
i.e. taking the overall average of the bound tariff lines for developed
and developing countries as their respective coefficients. Some of the
advantages of this proposal are that: it is simple, transparent and easy
to comprehend; it results in significant reduction of tariff peaks and
tariff escalation; it would cut higher tariffs much more than lower
tariffs; it would make every member contribute and every member would
gain from increased market access; and it is based on objective
criterion.
(iii) Negotiations Amongst Developing Countries
Negotiations in the various Rounds of GATT have been amongst the
developed countries or between the developing and the developed
countries but hardly any amongst the developing countries. (13) Whereas
trade amongst developing countries has increased significantly, it would
have been significantly higher if tariffs were cut on the products which
they export. Negotiations on industrial tariffs amongst developing
countries would go a long way in promotion of trade in goods and
services. It would help in increasing significantly the share of trade
amongst developing countries as a proportion of their total trade.
The market access negotiations among developing countries will have
particular significance in the context of the objective of promoting
intra-trade among developing countries. The SAFTA would help in
increasing trade amongst South Asian countries and negotiations with
other developing countries on industrial tariffs would go a long way
towards liberalisation of trade and improvement in the welfare levels.
These countries may take a joint stand relating to anti-dumping,
countervailing, environments, labour standards and other safeguard
measures to protect their export interest.
(iv) Scope for Negotiations: Bound and Applied Rates
An important issue in the industrial tariff negotiations is whether
such negotiations should cover bound rate only or both the bound and the
applied rate. In case of developed countries major proportion of their
tariffs are bound but their bound rates and applied rates differ
substantially. Reduction in bound rates, therefore, would not
automatically result in reductions in the applied rates and hence the
market access. Even though the average bound and applied tariffs for the
developing countries as noted earlier were similar, bound tariffs are
significantly higher than the applied rates for most of the products and
across the developing countries.
Whereas reduction in the bound rates by both the developed and
developing economies would improve predictability of market access in
the sense that the exporting firms are reassured that the existing
applied rates would not be increased beyond the bound rates, reduction
in bound rates would not constitute any improvement of market access
unless applied rates are reduced simultaneously. Therefore, it may be
argued that market access negotiations would have to provide for
possibilities of reductions in both the bound as well as applied rates.
(v) Credit for Autonomous Liberalisation
While developed countries have generally reduced their tariffs in
the context of multilateral trade negotiations, most of the developing
countries have been taking measures to liberalise trade unilaterally outside the WTO framework. As the lower rates resulting from such
reductions benefit the exports of developed countries, the credit should
be given for the unilateral tariff reduction. It may be done by
providing greater flexibility in the choice of "base tariffs"
that are to be used as the basis for reductions. Countries are generally
given choice to use the tariff rates applicable in the preceding 2-3
years as basis for negotiations.
(vi) Relative Reciprocity in Negotiations between Developed and
Developing Countries
Another significant aspect of tariff negotiations is to ensure that
the rules relating to relative "reciprocity" as embodied in
part IV of GATT and the "General Enabling Clause" are fully
respected in the negotiations between developed and developing
countries. In particular, the ground rules adopted for conduct of
negotiations need to be such that the extent of liberalising the
developing economies should be in accordance with their level of
development, trade, economic situation, and national policy objectives.
The ground rules should further recognise that the developing countries
may have the option to reduce duties on selected tariff headings and, if
necessary, exclude certain sectors and sub-sectors from the
liberalisation process. It should also be open to them to offer tariff
bindings at rates which are higher than the reduced rates.
(vii) Staging of Tariff Reductions
The reductions agreed in the multilateral trade negotiations in the
past have been implemented over a period of time. For example, tariff
cuts agreed in the Uruguay Round were implemented in equal stages from
January 1, 1995 to January 1, 2000. For some of the products, which were
considered import sensitive longer implementation period of 8-10 years
were negotiated. The ground rules for the current tariff negotiations
may allow developing countries longer period than provided to developed
countries either on overall basis or in respect of particular products.
(viii) Sectoral Approach
The developing countries have strongly resisted the proposal of
sectoral elimination of tariffs in NAMA negotiations. While LDCs are
exempt from sectoral approach, all other member countries would be
expected to eliminate or substantially reduce tariffs on specific
products. The developing countries feel that such liberalisation of
their import regimes would not only entail far greater tariff cuts from
them than from developed countries, but would also expose their
industries to strong competition. As a result, the developing countries
have consistently maintained that they should participate in any
sectoral NAMA negotiations on a voluntary basis only.
(ix) Preference Erosion
Trade preferences are a central issue in the ongoing efforts to
negotiate further multilateral trade liberalisation. While most
countries recognise the benefits of dismantling the remaining barriers
to trade, some, notably the least developed countries, are apprehensive
as they are faced with an erosion of their preferential access owing to across the board tariff reductions under NAMA. Preferences erosion is of
particular concern to the South Asian region, as four out of seven SAARC countries have traditionally enjoyed trade preferences due to their LDC status.
Preferences granted to least developed countries as well as
universal trade preferences for imports from all developing countries,
as extended under the GSP, are consistent with the GATT under the
Enabling Clause. However, the developed countries are not legally
committed to providing such preferences. They can, therefore, decide
unilaterally on preference margins or even withdraw preferences without
violating WTO commitments. The G-90 members have increasingly drawn
attention to their plight in the context of market access negotiations
that threaten their margins of preferential access. The G-90 has also
called for remedies, including compensatory and other mechanisms, such
as measures to promote exports; technical and financial assistance for
improving infrastructure, productivity, and diversification, and for
development of systems to achieve compliance with technical standards;
and a lenient application of those standards to developing countries.
Several options may be considered for trade preferences in the Doha
Round. First, rather than working towards an expansion of marginal
preferences for all developing countries, it may be useful to aim at
substantial preferences for the least developed and other vulnerable
countries. Second, the Enabling Clause may be amended by including small
and other vulnerable countries in addition to the least developed
countries. Third, existing preferences under the GSP should be
maintained and legally bound in WTO. Fourth, preferential tariffs should
not be defined in absolute terms, but should be set relative to MFN
tariffs. Finally, where very specific and deep preferences for
individual developing countries and commodities are concerned, a
relatively strong case can be made for compensation if preference
margins are eroded as a result of multilaterally agreed MFN tariff
reduction or of domestic policy changes in the developed countries.
111.2. Non-tariff Measures
The Doha Ministerial Conference rightly called for removal of all
the non tariff barriers on industrial products as they are the least
transparent and have major distortionary impact. Whereas the quotas and
bans for protective measures are almost non-existent for industrial
products except in a very few countries the imports are subject to the
following non-tariff barriers:
* technical regulations applicable;
* hygienic Sanitary and Phyto-sanitary measures;
* labour standards and environmental protection;
* quality standards; and
* contingency protection measures such as safeguards and
anti-dumping and countervailing measures.
III. 3. Dispute Resolution Understanding
With the adoption of various WTO agreements if a country considers
that measures taken by another country are inconsistent with the
provisions of the relevant agreements, the matter could be challenged.
This makes it a little difficult for larger countries to bully smaller
countries into giving up their legal complaints. However, most of the
clauses in the Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU) regarding
developing countries have proved to be ineffective. For example, Article
21.7 mandates that when a matter is raised by a developing country, the
Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) is to consider what further action might
be appropriate. However, this provision has not been used by any
developing country for various reasons but particularly due to lack of
expertise and resources. (14) Besides even though Article 22 calls for
financial compensation to the complaining party by the country which has
been found to be in violation of the rules, it has rarely been done.
Even if a developing country obtains a clear legal ruling that an
industrial country has violated its legal obligations, the developing
country has no effective way to enforce the ruling. The only enforcement
sanction provided by the WTO dispute settlement procedure is trade
retaliation--the imposition of discriminatory trade sanctions by the
complaining country against the trade of the defendant country. And
trade retaliation by smaller developing countries simply does not
inflict any significant harm on larger industrial countries. In this
regard, the proposal by Pauwelyn (2000) that "coupled with
countermeasures, a broad scheme of compensation--additional market
access offered by the losing party to WTO members--would provide genuine
leverage to induce compliance, a move beneficial to all WTO members, and
not just 'compensation' to the one or few that brought the
case" should be seriously considered.
IV. SOUTH ASIAN PERSPECTIVE ON NAMA ISSUES
This section contains views of Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, India,
and Sri Lanka on various NAMA issues.
Bangladesh
Bangladesh desires deeper trade preferences enjoyed by the least
developed countries, simplified rules of origin, and concessions in the
coverage for tariff reductions. The July Framework incorporates a
provision that developed and developing countries that are in a position
to do so, should provide duty-free and quota-free access to all goods
originating from LDCs within specified time framework. This is a weak
provision and needs to be strengthened to make it binding. This would
realise a commitment made in the Doha Ministerial Declaration to grant
improved trade terms to the LDCs. Readymade garment (RMG) industry in
Bangladesh, that has so far enjoyed preferential access in developed
country markets, is not only important for the poor but has also created
a social space for women in Bangladesh, and hence the industry must be
sustained.
The proposal for accelerated elimination of tariffs on industrial
goods may have a negative impact on Bangladesh exports of textiles and
clothing, fish and fish products, and leather and leather goods. As
these are labour intensive and female intensive products, they can be
treated as "sensitive products" by the developed countries.
When LDCs were provided GSP, these "sensitive products" were
usually excluded and Bangladesh was allowed duty free and quota free
access to export these products. Selective reduction in tariffs in
labour intensive products would lead to lower erosion of LDCs'
preferences.
India
India has outlined the following objectives for NAMA negotiations:
* Leverage autonomous tariff reduction to enhance market access in
developed countries.
* Retaining some policy space for the domestic industry.
* Reduction of tariff peaks and escalation in developed countries.
* Obtain adequate flexibilities for developing countries to address
developmental sensitivities.
* Classification, identification and reduction of non-tariff
Barriers/eliminate non-tariff barriers.
* Application of the formulas on Sectors on a voluntary basis,
after finalisation of formula.
India wants to gain greater market access to developed country
markets not so much through reduction of their tariffs, which are
already relatively low, but through the dismantling of non-tariff
barriers (NTBs) to trade and a generalised system of preference (GSP),
provided unilaterally by importing countries to a selected range of
beneficiary countries on selected products and sectors. For example, the
proposed EU GSP provisions relating to textile and clothing.
India also would like to resist sharp reduction in tariffs forced
upon the developing countries by the developed ones. India would reduce
tariffs autonomously at a pace it judges suitable for the Indian
industries. India is of the view that any tariff reduction formula
negotiated under the aegis of the WTO would have to be based only on
bound rates and not applied rates. India is determined to counter any
attempt to use applied rates as the base for application of a tariff
reduction formula. However, India does not wish that autonomous tariff
reduction exercise to be used against them.
India desires an equitable tariff reduction formula in the
negotiations on nonagriculture market access in the WTO keeping in view
the concerns and interest of the developing countries. The Swiss type
tariff cut formula put forward by European Union for entailing reduction
of high tariffs by very high percentage, is not supported by India.
Instead, India endorses the suggestion put forward by US for using two
different coefficients for tariff reduction--one for developed and one
for the developing countries, but with a lot of fine-tuning. Domestic
industry has urged the government to strongly counter the "simple
Swiss" formula in the nonagricultural market access (NAMA) pillar
of the ongoing World Trade Organisation (WTO) talks at the
mini-ministerial meeting at Dalian in China.
India is also against the proposal of a mandatory
"zero-for-zero" reduction on 7 specific products by 2015.
These are in such sectors as automotives, textiles, gems and jewelry,
leather products, electric and electronic products, which constitute
bulk of India's export basket and are also products reserved for
the small scale sector. A "zero-for-zero" regime would spell
their doom by granting unmitigated access to large foreign firms in the
same market.
India has highlighted the need to link adoption of tariff reduction
formula with concrete, time-bound progress on eliminating non-tariff
barriers. Indian Small and marginal enterprises are looking at other
developing countries for market access. They would benefit from the NAMA
negotiations, if there were a uniform harmonised tariff all over the
world. A modality to reduce the bound duties to a common level could
also reduce transaction costs and other uncertainties related to complex
tariff regimes.
Nepal
Nepal, as an LDC with low level of industrialisation, has a
significant stake in the ongoing NAMA negotiations in the WTO. Though
Nepal has bound 99.3 percent of its tariff lines during its accession to
the WTO in 2004 and is not required to make any tariff reduction
commitment, the outcome of the negotiations will have far reaching
impact on Nepalese manufacturing sector in terms of loss of policy
flexibility, export competitiveness and preference erosion.
Tariff escalation also hinders value addition and industrialisation
in Nepal. The proposed non-linear line-by-line formula for tariff
reduction is likely to address the problems of tariff escalation and
tariff peaks. But LDCs like Nepal should be careful to ensure that the
final formula has appropriate coefficients to ensure this. Even in cases
where Nepal's exports have duty free access, non-tariff measures,
both legal and illegal under the WTO, hinder the conversion of market
access into market entry. Annex B of the July framework is weak on
tackling NTBs as it only encouraged all participants to make
notifications by 31 October 2004 and tO precede with identification,
examination, categorisation, and ultimately negotiations on NTBs. In
this sense, negotiations on NTBs are yet to start in the WTO. Nepal and
most other LDCs also face resource constraints to set up the human and
institutional infrastructure to address legal NTBs like those
permissible under the WTO Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary
Measures (SPS) and Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT).
Nepal's objectives in NAMA negotiations are the following:
* Resist sectoral initiative and zero for zero approach.
* Ask developed and developing countries to expand market access
for products of export interest to preference depending countries i.e.,
LDCs. Bilateral assistance could be one way of doing this.
* Ask the developed countries to use a corrections coefficient to
improve the preference margins for the products that are enjoying
preferential access. (suggested by The African group).
* Advocate for the establishment of a "Competitiveness
Fund" with contribution from developed and advanced developing
countries to enhance the supply side capabilities of LDCs and weak
developing countries. (Suggested by Mauritius).
* Support other LDCs for low tariff bindings for LDCs.
* Ensure that the tariff reduction formula has appropriate
coefficients to address the problems of tariff peaks and tariff
escalation.
* Ensure that the tariff reduction formula results in improved
market access in developing countries, including India.
* Demand effective Technical Assistance from developed and
developing members to enhance institutional and human resources necessary to implement WTO agreements such as SPS and TBT.
* Lobby for temporary waiver on SPS and TBT requirements on
nonagricultural exports from LDCs.
* Lobby for immediate and effective mechanism to address NTBs being
faced by LDC non-agricultural exports.
Pakistan
As far as Pakistan's stance is concerned it believes that
tariff peaks be removed, the tariff escalation minimised and the
developing economies be provided free market access. In this regard it
is useful to quote from statement of Pakistan in the NAMA meeting held
on 4 October 2004. (15) Pakistan stated that whereas "there are
hardly any tariffs on goods of exports interest of developed countries
and tariffs only applied to goods of developing countries. The current
ratio is 1:4, i.e. the goods of exports interest to developing
country's tariff is 4 times higher than that of the developed
countries. This is not only creating market access problems in developed
countries markets but also for South-South trade". The statement
called further for "reduction or as appropriate elimination of
tariffs including tariff peaks, high tariffs and non-tariff barriers.
Special consideration has to be given for products of exports interest
to developing countries and there should be less than full reciprocity
for developing countries".
The July Framework includes a formula approach for tariff reduction
and for reduction or elimination of tariff peaks, tariff escalation and
high tariffs. Whereas various proposals are being advocated by different
countries, Pakistan is of the view that none of these seem to attract
consensus. There is, therefore, a need to bridge the gap between the
present proposals while at the same time ensuring that the objectives of
the Doha Round are not compromised. With this in view, Pakistan has
proposed the adoption of a simple Swiss Formula with two distinct
coefficients for developed and developing countries. These coefficients
should be based on an objective criterion i.e. taking the overall
average of the bound tariff lines for developed and developing countries
as their respective coefficients.
The treatment of unbound tariffs is an important issue in the
market access negotiations. So far, five proposals have been tabled: (i)
multiplying the MFN applied rate of 2001 by two; (ii) marking-up unbound
lines by a factor to be negotiated, and binding tariff lines at an
average level after the application of the formula (the ABI proposal);
(iii) capping of new bound tariffs at a ceiling of 40 percent with
target average of 25 percent and no tariff reductions in this round for
new tariff bindings (Malaysia); (iv) the "Rational Formula"
approach of a non-linear mark-up derived through a mathematical formula
using two coefficients (Mexico); and (v) non-linear mark-up adding 5
percentage points (absolute) to each unbound rate (the CHNN proposal by
Canada, Hong Kong, China, New Zealand, and Norway).
Countries that have lower unbound tariffs view proposals (i) and
(ii) as unduly favouring countries with higher unbound tariffs. Whereas
the Malaysian proposal may suit many developing countries, it is viewed
by many countries to be in conflict with the July Framework which
requires that tariff reduction has to be comprehensive without 'a
priori exclusion'. The Mexican proposal appears to address the
concerns of countries with low unbound tariffs, but it is complicated
and thus difficult to negotiate. The CHNN proposal for a mark-up of 5
percentage points in absolute terms may not be acceptable to a majority
of developing countries as it seems to favour those countries which have
low bound tariffs. Against this backdrop, Pakistan has proposed that
instead of a non-linear mark-up of 5 percentage points in absolute terms
(as in CHNN proposal), a mark-up of 30 percentage points should be added
to the base rate (applied rate of 2001) for each unbound line before the
application of the formula for tariff reduction.
Sri Lanka
Sri Lanka's negotiation position on NAMA puts emphasis on the
fact the developed countries should eliminate barriers to free market
conditions and ensure effective, duty free and quota free market access
for non agricultural products originating from developing and least
developed countries. As in many other developing countries, Sri Lanka
also focuses on the same issues highlighted in the framework agreement
such as the formula approach for tariff cuts, tariff bindings, sectoral
approach and non-tariff barriers.
Sri Lanka's position supports a formula approach for tariff
reduction, reduction or elimination of tariff peaks and tariff
escalation and asks for more flexibility for developing countries in
this regard. However, it has been critical of the proposed Girard
formula; depending on the co-efficient adopted, tariff reduction could
have adverse implications for the country's industrial sector.
For countries such as Sri Lanka where bound coverage is low but the
applied rate is also low, the proposed tariff reduction formula
penalises the country in terms of the extent of tariff reduction. In
order to avoid such pitfalls, Sri Lanka spearheaded moves to include a
paragraph (paragraph 6) in the framework text that allows a small number
of developing countries not to undertake tariff reductions through the
formula if their bound coverage is less than 35 percent. However, these
countries will be required to bind their tariffs at the average of bound
tariff rates for all developing countries.
While preference erosion is also an issue of concern to Sri Lanka,
the general view is that it should not be addressed in isolation, in
particular given that the core work of the WTO is on an MFN basis. Sri
Lanka's concern is more on gaining access to markets through tariff
reductions on an MFN basis rather than directly addressing issues of
preference erosion. Sri Lanka is yet to make a clear stand on carrying
forward negotiations on a sectoral basis given the complexities in
arriving at common ground.
V. NEGOTIATING STRATEGY FOR MARKET ACCESS
Techniques and modalities that are adopted in industrial tariff
negotiations have significant bearing on the outcome of negotiations. A
variety of techniques and modalities evolved during the eight rounds of
trade negotiations which took place under the auspices of GATT has been
enumerated above. The South Asian countries have to adopt an approach
that results in securing maximum reductions on products which they
export. As regards their commitment to reduce the import duties, they
may use product by product approach. Such products that relate to
industries in which the country does not have the long run comparative
advantage, they may agree on steep cuts while the other industries where
long run comparative advantage exists but producers have become
lethargic due to heavy protection, they may reduce the duties to ensure
exposure to competition without jeopardising the industrial growth. With
a view to ensuring the maximum advantage, following elements may be kept
in view:
* The South Asian countries must adopt an approach that results in
securing maximum reductions on products which they export. Preceding the
industrial tariff negotiations it is necessary to agree on the ground
rules that would be followed in the conduct of tariff negotiations. Such
ground rules would need to ensure that different needs and objectives of
the participating countries are adequately taken into account. In other
words, ground rules must accommodate the special needs and interests of
developing and the least developed countries' participants as
ordained in Article XVIII and part IV of GATT;
* Developing countries determine the extent to which they are
willing to liberalise their own economies to win tariff reductions and
removal of other barriers with a view to having access to the markets of
their trading partners;
* The developing countries may agree to reduce the bound rates and
where they do not have comparative advantage to steep fall in tariff
cuts both in bound and applied rates;
* The developing countries should ask for conversion of all
specific tariffs into ad-valorem tariffs;
* The developing countries should strive to seek substantial
reductions in peak MFN tariffs which apply to products of export
interest to them e.g. textiles, leather products, footwear, etc. and, if
feasible, aim at elimination of all other MFN rates of tariffs and
tariff escalations in sectors where they exist;
* The developing countries ought to seek due allowance for the
autonomous liberalisation these countries may have undertaken. One way
of ensuring credit for the autonomous liberalisation is to have greater
flexibility in the choice of "base tariffs" to be used as a
basis for tariff cuts as a result of the industrial tariff negotiations;
* The developing countries must seek flexibility in
"staging" of tariff reductions. The ground rules for the
negotiations should provide the developing countries longer period than
that provided to developed countries for staging of tariff reductions;
and
* The developing countries may press for international financing
for training public officials, screening industrial countries'
trade policies, and building a network with other developing countries
with the aim of jointly presenting cases could help address some of
these problems
VI. CONCLUSIONS
Since the South Asian countries are labour surplus, heavily
dependent on the agriculture sector and have limited domestic markets,
liberalisation efforts would go a long way towards realisation of their
growth potential. However, they must watch out their interests rather
carefully in view of the misuse of the safeguard measures, incorporation
of environment and labour standards, and non-implementation of special
provisions for developing and least developed countries.
While the South Asian countries must reduce the level of tariffs to
expose their economic activities to international competition, they need
market access; their products face many obstacles in entering the
markets of rich countries. In addition to extremely high tariff and
other protection measures, tariff escalation remains an important
obstacle for developing countries to enter into the industrial exports.
Rich countries need to do more to reduce trade distorting subsidies and
dismantle their existing barriers on competitive exports from developing
countries. Since most of the developing economies including the South
Asian countries have been taking measures to liberalise trade
unilaterally outside the WTO framework, they need to be given credit for
the unilateral tariff reduction. The ground rules for the current tariff
negotiations may allow the developing countries longer period than
provided to developed countries either on overall basis or in respect of
particular products.
In South Asia, only the bigger economies like India and Pakistan
will be required to reduce tariffs under the formula approach. The
smaller economies like Bangladesh and Nepal are exempted owing to their
LDC status. Sri Lanka may also get an exemption in the event that the
countries which have less than 35 percent of binding coverage are
exempted from undertaking tariff reductions. Both India and Pakistan
should press for an implementation period of 10 years for tariff
reductions and for a 4 year implementation period for developed
countries. In the sectoral initiative, the South Asian countries should
oppose zero for zero approach and ask for 10 year implementation period
with back loading. The South Asian countries amongst themselves or with
other developing economies may negotiate industrial tariffs on an MFN
basis on trade between them. This would go a long way towards
liberalisation of trade and improvement in their welfare levels. At the
same time, they may take a joint stand relating to anti-dumping,
environment, labour standards and other safeguard measures.
The reduction of industrial tariffs under NAMA is likely to have
far-reaching effects on market access in products of export interest to
South Asian countries. The South Asian countries have a strong interest
in further liberalisation and tariff harmonisation approach because
their principal concern is market access. Similarly, the tariff peaks,
another major issue for exporters in developing countries, and a formula
of tariff cuts that facilitates a degree of tariff harmonisation is
necessary. It is also imperative for South Asian countries to strengthen
their options to use support measures in the future, through the
negotiation of greater flexibility for themselves. A level-playing field
is necessary not only with respect to reducing the current bias of the
trading system, but also one that addresses the structural disadvantages
that developing countries face in the international trading environment.
The South Asian countries may support proposals for a substantial
reduction in applied tariffs using a harmonisation formula that would
reduce tariff peaks. In addition any tariff reduction formula should
incorporate a mechanism for reducing tariff escalation by linking tariff
levels in primary commodities to those affecting their processed form.
Authors' Note: This paper is a part of a larger study on the
subject. Funded by CUTS International (Consumer Unity and Trust
Society), Jaipur, India.
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(1) These sectors include fish and fish products, textiles and
clothing, leather, footwear, stones, gems and precious metals,
electronic goods, and motor vehicle parts and components.
(2) The non-tariff barriers in the form of quota and bans have been
removed by most of the countries but the barriers in terms of quality,
labour standards, environment etc. have been imposed.
(3) MFN requires that tariff rates negotiated between particular
trading partners are available to all members of the WTO.
(4) High tariffs and tariff peaks are generally in the areas that
are of export interest to developing countries and it includes textiles
and clothing, footwear, and agriculture. The impact of tariffication of
agricultural non-tariff barriers (NTBs) in the Uruguay Round in some
cases has resulted in even more restrictive trade regimes.
(5) Tariff escalation is quite harmful to the industrialisation
process of the developing economies. Reduction in tariffs on raw
materials by the developed countries results in higher levels of
effective protection on exports of manufactured products to industrial
countries and thus makes it even more difficult for developing economies
to export the manufactured products to industrial countries.
(6) In recent years, however, the number of anti-dumping
investigations have fallen (just over 200 in 2004).
(7) However, the differential in bound and applied rates for
different products and across countries may be high.
(8) This is referred in paragraph 16 of the Declaration.
(9) Out of the total LDC exports of US$ 22.7 billion in 1999, US$
17 billion went to the Quad economies. For example, more than 25 percent
of their total exports are potentially affected by tariff peaks in
Canada and 14 percent in the United States.
(10) The most hit from the tariff peaks are the major agricultural
staple food products and fruit, vegetable, fish etc.
(11) In the US and Canada most footwear and leather products are
excluded from coverage of the scheme so that MFN tariffs apply fully to
developing countries.
(12) This section draws on (i) "Market Access for
Non-agricultural Products", a communication from Argentina, Brazil
and India to the Negotiating Group on Market Access, WTO document No.
TN/MA/W/54 dated April 12, 2005; and (ii) "Market Access for
Non-Agricultural Products: The Way Forward", a communication from
Pakistan to the Negotiating Group on Market Access, WTO document No.
TN/MA/W/60 dated July 21, 2005.
(13) By negotiating reduction in tariffs on the products of their
export interests, developed countries under GATT have gained
significantly.
(14) The expertise required is in the fields of checking arguments,
issues, and possibilities and comparing experiences and results;
exploring new legal as well as economic arguments; and, domestically,
building up an efficient and transparent liaison between the state and
industry in order to obtain up-to-date information on trade problems in
which developing countries have a stake.
(15) Statement of Pakistan in the Meeting of NAMA held on October
4, 2004. Available at
<http://www.wto-pakistan.org/statements/nama0410,htm.>
A. R. Kemal was Director, PIDE, Islamabad. Musleh-ud Din is Chief
of Research at the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics,
Islamabad. Ejaz Ghani is Senior Research Economist at the Pakistan
Institute of Development Economics, Islamabad.
Table 1
Pre-Uruguay Round Applied and Bound Rates of Industrial
and Developing Economies by Major Product Group
(Percent)
Industrial
Economies
Product Group Allied Bound
1 Agriculture, Excluding Fish 5.2 7.2
2 Fish and Fish Products 4.2 4.9
3 Petroleum 0.7 0.9
4 Wood, Pulp, Paper, and Furniture 0.5 0.9
5 Textiles and Clothing 8.4 11.0
6 Leather, Rubber, and Footwear 5.5 6.5
7 Metals 0.9 1.6
8 Chemical and Photographic
Supplies 2.2 3.6
9 Transport Equipment 4.2 5.6
10 Non-electrical Machinery 1.1 1.9
11 Electrical Machinery 2.3 3.7
12 Mineral Products; Precious Stones
and Metals 0.7 1.0
13 Manufactures, not Elsewhere
Specified 1.4 2.0
All Industrial goods 2.5 3.5
All merchandise trade 2.6 3.7
Developing
Economies
Product Group Allied Bound
1 Agriculture, Excluding Fish 18.6 19.9
2 Fish and Fish Products 8.6 25.9
3 Petroleum 7.9 8.4
4 Wood, Pulp, Paper, and Furniture 8.9 10.3
5 Textiles and Clothing 21.2 25.5
6 Leather, Rubber, and Footwear 14.9 15.4
7 Metals 10.8 10.4
8 Chemical and Photographic
Supplies 12.4 16.8
9 Transport Equipment 19.9 13.2
10 Non-electrical Machinery 13.5 14.5
11 Electrical Machinery 14.6 17.2
12 Mineral Products; Precious Stones
and Metals 7.8 8.1
13 Manufactures, not Elsewhere
Specified 12.1 9.2
All Industrial goods 13.3 13.3
All merchandise trade 13.3 13.0
Source: Finger, Ingco, and Reincke (1996).
Table 2
Post-Uruguay Round Import-Weighted Applied and Bound Tariff Rates
(Percent)
Country Group or Region Applied Bound
Tariff Tariff
Rate Rate
Industrial Economies 4.0 4.7
Developing Economies 13.1 20.8
Latin America and the Caribbean 10.1 18.6
East Asia and Pacific 9.8 16.6
South Asia 27.7 56.1
Other Europe and Central Asia 9.6 14.9
Middle East and North Africa 14.4 26.8
Sub-Saharan Africa 16.5 19.8
Source: Hoekman, et al. (2002).
Table 3
Developed Countries: Frequency of Post-Uruguay Round Tariff
Peaks in the Industrial Sector by Product Groups
(Percentage of Tariff Lines within each Group
with Duties above 12 percent Ad-valorem)
United
Product Group States Canada
Leather and Leather Products 12 4
Textiles 21 45
Clothing 44 93
Footwear 42 67
Glass Products 10 5
Vehicles 4 1
European
Product Group Union Japan
Leather and Leather Products 0 22
Textiles 1 1
Clothing 0 0
Footwear 0 71
Glass Products 0 0
Vehicles 8 0
Source: UNCTAD Trade and Development Report 1999.