Labour mobility and the construction of immigrant identity: Rumanians and Bulgarians in Spain.

Aldea, Patricia Gonzalez

1. Rumanian and Bulgarian immigration in Spain

In 2010, Rumanians comprised the largest single group of foreign nationals in Spain, with a population of 798, 892. According to data from the National Institute for Statistics, they also headed the list of foreign nationals from ex-Eastern bloc countries (62%) followed by the Bulgarians (13%). As the most numerous group, we can also talk in terms of a "Rumanianization" (Viruela, 2002) of immigration from Eastern Europe, one that has no doubt affected the way that this nationality is perceived and represented in Spain. In 2010, Eastern Europeans (from both E. U and non-EU countries) comprised 22% of the total number of foreigners in Spain. In 2002, they made up just 3% of this total.

While the perception of immigration from Eastern Europe has undergone many changes, the fragile border situation after 2002 together with the arrival of significant groups of organized crime from Eastern Europe have destroyed the positive image built up over the years by communities from these regions.

A study from 2008 on "Attitudes towards Immigration" (CIS n. 2773) found that participants emphasized negative aspects of immigration such as "more competition in the job market' (10. 5%), "problems with integration, and cultural conflict' (10. 9%). Rumanians were the group that engendered the least amount of sympathy (16. 7 % of respondents), followed by Moroccans and other North African groups (11. 4%).

Extensive scientific research has been conducted on immigration from so-called Eastern Europe (and from the end of the Cold War, on immigration from countries of Central and Western Europe). This reflects the already mentioned importance that this group has acquired within the population of Spain (see, among others, Pajares, 2007; Viruela, 2007 and 2008; Marcu, 2007 and 2012 Tamames et. al, 2008; Gonzalez Aldea, 2006 and 2012; Ferrero, 2009; Arango, 2010).

On many occasions, research is predominantly concerned with how immigrants are perceived in their host country. How immigrants see themselves, however, helps us to comprehend the type of lives they have led within the new European borders and the role that these borders still have in their lives. With this in mind, the present article aims to present the human condition of Eastern European immigrants in Spain, specifically by examining how they interact with the communities in which they live. This will be done by analyzing how immigrants see their own experiences at work and how they regard the Spanish and their own fellow citizens, as well as how they compare themselves with other nationalities. Study will also be made of the host country's perception of these immigrants by looking at the images of their group reflected in the media.

The results shown are taken from qualitative empirical research. As such, the principal source of information draws upon in-depth interviews conducted with Bulgarians and Rumanians in Spain in the first quarter of 2011. Interviews were mainly held in Valencia and Madrid, communities that have the most active job market for both these groups.

Rafael Vazquez provides a perfect description of how immigrant integration is perceived. Public opinion starts to become negative, according to Vazquez (2004:202), when "the immigrant becomes visible, goes out into the street and tries to be one more of us. Everything seems to go well while it is about immigration of workers, but not of men and women, of members of the polis. "

Do Eastern European immigrants themselves see the situation in the same way? The following tackles these immigrants' opinions on different issues in the context of mobility in the job market.

2. Experiences in the job market: the immigrant's own perceptions

The current economic crisis has had a great impact upon immigrants (Mahia and Arce, 2010). In the specific case of the Rumanians, unemployment affects 45% of all those interviewed (graph 1), particularly the men.

More than half of males interviewed (53%) are unemployed, a figure that decreases for females (in proportion to the number who were interviewed) to 29%. A contributing factor to this discrepancy is perhaps the higher level of education declared by the female respondents, of whom 64% have a university education (compared to 15. 3% among males).

In spite of this, and as will be seen in the following, the lower level of female unemployment among Rumanian immigrants does not seem to correspond when their types of jobs are compared with their level of education. While two thirds of those interviewed achieved university-level education, most worked as domestic help, cleaners, and hairdressers.

In terms of experience with the job market in Spain, the Rumanian immigrants' own perceptions reveal a positive perspective of the host country. Emphasizing greater opportunities, there were few who consider returning in spite of the current crisis and the unemployment situation. For the respondents, there is less chaos in Spain, more money can be saved, there is more respect and they can provide a better life for their children (who will be able to go to university or have holidays).

"Right now I wouldn't accept life in Rumania. Really, I wouldn't, because the years have gone by... here people are more serious about work. You realize that when you look for a bit of work. I n Rumania, you have to pay--to bring a pig or a cow... Here you also need contacts, but it's different' (man, 51 years old)

"You're better off here because although you might work for only one day in my type of job, for example, you can live for a month. In Rumania, you work for a month and live for a day' (man, 44 years old)

Among those who declare they would return to Rumania if the situation in the country changed, it is curious to note that all of them work and are between 29-43 years old. For them, they will always be foreigners in Spain; an opinion that has to do with the frustration of unmet expectations in this country.

With regard to interaction with the host community, more than half of the Rumanians speak of their experiences with Spanish workmates, with most of them having generally positive perceptions. Whether speaking of bosses, workmates, acquaintances or friends, the Rumanians never have a problem -"nice", "good people" and "patient' were some terms used.

In the specific case of the Bulgarians, unemployment affects 25% of all those interviewed (graph 2), particularly the men. Almost half the male participants (40%) are unemployed. When applied proportionally to the number of unemployed women this number decreases to 21%. In this case there are not so many differences between the level of higher education declared by the respondents. A total of 31 % of Bulgarian women and 20% of Bulgarian men are university educated.

With respect to the Bulgarian's main occupations, the most common are cleaning both houses and offices (usually by the hour) and as domestic help to look after old people or children.

With regard to experiences of work in Spain, the Bulgarian immigrants' own perspective is more negative than that of the Rumanians. Most of their responses emphasize economic motives, such as the sole reason for being in Spain, and in many cases their hopes and expectations do not seem to have been met (as shown by 82% of responses obtained).

"I do it for money... only economic. On the other hand, I think I've lost... I'm a bit done in"(woman, 38 years)

"I'm not saying it's bad, but me personally, I haven't found myself, this isn't my place" (woman, 38 years old)

Among the few positive auto-evaluations, the importance of family stood out as the key to better survive this migratory process.

With regard to interaction with the host community, with Spanish workmates, the answers were highly polarized in two clear ways: a little more than half of answers showed highly negative evaluations while the remaining 45% affirmed they interacted well at work.

3. Identitary features of the immigrant

Following the paradigms established by Nuria del Olmo, the motives for identitary construction among immigrants may be understood as "psychological refuge, as an answer to a situation of exile, a consequence of the migratory process" (2011:29). In terms of maintaining the customs of the home country, it is this paradigm which best fits with answers given by respondents, rather than common interests or recognition that allows participation in the host country.

Among the most salient identitary features of the Rumanian respondents' answers are language, religion and religious celebrations, food and to a lesser degree, popular music.

Only 13.2% of respondents affirm that they do not maintain the customs of their home country. This is because they have not been brought up with these customs, have adapted to Spanish customs, or have been prevented from doing so by the pressures of daily life.

With respect to language, reading is one way of keeping the mother tongue active. Even though most speak Spanish, Rumanian is spoken at home.

Orthodox Catholicism, the main religion among Rumanians, occupies first place among all Rumanian identitary features. Church meetings, the celebration of Orthodox Easter, and the orthodox calendar are mentioned in 50% of answers, as in the following examples:

"Most of all, the celebrations--Christmas, Easter, I try ... I go with my mother to church"(man, 23 years old)

"Me, I'm 100%, I do them all... Easter, Christmas, we paint Easter eggs, we sing Christmas carols" (woman, 43 years old)

As for food, although most answers mentioned maintaining Rumanian traditions, they are more open to combining it with Spanish food. Different reasons are given for this, such as Spanish food being healthier, faster to cook or simply that the respondents liked it. Among the answers given by Bulgarian immigrants, religion barely figured as an identitary feature (5.2%). In contrast to the Rumanians, 36.8 % of respondents did not strictly observe their country's customs.

"I think my house is a mix, we haven't abandoned Bulgaria, but nothing is strict, we live how we want to"(woman, 54 years old)

"In general, I've adapted to the customs here. Also, I don't see that there are lots of differences either. I think that what's important is to let yourself be guided by what life brings you, it's not about clinging to the past either. Above all, if your past was more than a bit dark, as is the case with most Bulgarians"(woman, 35 years old).

Some responded that they generally maintained Bulgarian customs, principally by watching Bulgarian television and eating Bulgarian food. What is remarkable, however, is how the second generations adapt. In various answers, Bulgarian women admit that their children ask for and want to eat Spanish food such as chickpeas or Spanish omelet.

4. Immigrant perceptions of the Spanish and other nationalities

Apart from relationships with workmates in a work environment, another question in the survey asked immigrants how they saw Spain, the Spanish, and the things they did and didn't like. From the answers provided, it can be seen that the Rumanians feel that "Spain is a country of opportunities", "my second country", "my second mother", "my adopted country", "a life experience"... 93.4 % of answers only highlighted positive values and even included some selfcriticism. What they most value is the free health system and the sensation of being able to move about freely. With regard to how they see the Spanish, the values most often repeated in the answers are tolerance and openness towards the immigrant. Only 12.5% declare that they do not like the Spanish--because they have felt rejected, exploited at work or because they consider the Spanish very selective in choosing their friendships or a bit superficial. There are even three testimonies which state that they find the Spanish to be "racists". Among these negative opinions: "if we are Rumanians, we don't all rob, if we are Rumanians we are not inferior. So, when they change their mentality, I'll also change mine". (woman, 30 years old).

Often citing the example of Moroccans, 48% of the Rumanians' responses considered that their situation, and their own self-image, is better than that of other nations. Apart from their membership of the European Community, they feel that their standing has improved in their country of destination, Spain: "Yes, the fact that we are Europeans, you can't compare the situation... And more than anything else, we Rumanians have a reputation for being hardworking, we don't compare ourselves with the Moroccans" (woman, 43 years old).

27. 5% of answers, however, declare that their situation is worse when compared with other Western nationalities, such as French or German, and not nearly as good as that of the Spanish themselves. The Rumanians feel that they are seen as "second-class citizens", "without forgetting the moratorium on employing Rumanians in some of these western countries".

Lastly, 24.1% of the Rumanians who responded to this question felt that the situation was the same for all foreigners. In spite of being members of the European Community, these Rumanians have the sensation that they are still immigrants. For 84.3% of Bulgarians, Spain is also a good place to prosper and lead a better a life. Among other responses, was "Spain is the country that has saved my life", "a country that has taken me in so I can eat", "Spain is my country... right now, yes" or "a marvelous country with very open people".

The majority of Bulgarian respondents hold very positive views of the Spanish, and only 4.3% of answers reveal a poor opinion. What they most appreciate about the Spanish is their "cheerfulness, friendliness and solidarity", even if they consider that it is difficult to make real friends because relationships are often somewhat superficial. On the other hand, there are some who regard Spain as a place to work and nothing else, a country with problems, or a country of "labels". Bulgarians are not as optimistic as Rumanians when comparing their own self-image with that of other nationalities. According to 54% of answers, all immigrants are "equal", "foreigners" who are in Spain to try and get ahead and survive as best as they can. They are left with the least qualified work; as a 57 year-old Bulgarian woman put it, "all of us women more or less work cleaning houses and looking after old people".

A total of 23% of Bulgarian respondents feel that they are in a better situation than other nationalities and explain this in terms of being members of the European Community. In the remaining 23% of responses, Bulgarians feel that are in a worse situation than others, especially that of Latin Americans, principally because they do not have the same control over language.

5. Media perspectives in the host country

During the past few years, most studies of the media's treatment of migration have been based on the work of Teun A. Van Dij, specifically his critical analysis of media discourse (News as discourse, 1988), racist discourse (Racism and critical anaylsis of the media, 1997) and of immigration and interculturality (see Aierbe, 2005; Ronda, 2006; Igartua et alt., 2006; Holgado, 2008; Aviles, 2008; Martin, 2008; Lario, 2008; Sabes, 2010).

The discourse in the media transmits a perception of immigrants in a way that often promotes stereotypes, criminalizes the whole group, and violates principles of justice and citizen's rights. Such discourse thus becomes a pattern through which public opinion constructs the social reality of immigration. Accordingly, 76.6% of Rumanians interviewed indicate that they disagree with the images projected via the Spanish media. For them, the media "generalize, exaggerate, lie, manipulate" and only emphasize the negative.

"I just feel bad when I put on the telly. You hear: 'a bunch of Rumanians rob, kill, exploit ... there always has to be a bad Rumanian. It's a real smear on us" (man, 51 years old)

"They upset me, they do me damage--it hurts me the way we are treated. I know that there are negative things, but it can't be that they never show anything positive" (woman, 34 years old)

Of those who criticize the role and images of Rumanians that the media spread, 17.3% blame the situation on the Rumanian gypsies. "Rumania's image is ruined because of them. Some of them--I don't mean all"

However, 13.4 % believe that they have the image that they deserve, and for 10% of respondents the Rumanians' image in the media has improved over the past few years. Key dates mentioned are the terrorist attacks in Madrid on March 11, 2004 as well as Rumania's entry into the European Union on 2007. They also think that there are local media, such as the Diario de Alcala, which manage to live up to expectations.

As for media perceptions of the Bulgarians, 23.1% of the respondents state they do not have the time to follow the Spanish media, or are not directly interested. 76.9% of the remaining respondents feel that they are "labeled" by the media and that the media only emphasize the negative and make generalizations.

"They only show bad news: robberies, muggings, prostitution and all that... above all, recently, there's bad news and there's no positive message" (woman, 38 years old)

"We're second-class workers and, what's more, we're labeled as bad, as racketeers, prostitutes and forgers" (woman, 54 years old).

As is the case with the Rumanians, a small percentage (10%) also consider that these labels are deserved.

6. Conclusions

While there are some similarities between how Eastern European immigrants see themselves, there are also some differences between the various nationalities. With respect to the work environment, Rumanian immigrants generally had a fairly positive interaction with the Spanish, despite the more negative perspective held by the Bulgarians (some 55%) on this subject. While most Rumanians do not intend to return to their country, despite the current situation, most Bulgarians would do so. In the case of the Rumanians, the maintenance of customs from the home country has resulted in a very strong identitary construction--especially via the practice of Orthodox Catholicism and its celebrations, as well as the maintenance of a diet based on Rumanian food. In comparison, the Bulgarians do not place so much importance on such factors; perhaps this is because, unlike the Rumanians, they do think more often of returning to their country. Spain is highly valued as a country that has provided them with the opportunity to prosper, while special emphasis s placed on the Spaniards' cheerfulness, friendliness and openness. Taking into account certain activities of some of their compatriots, the Rumanians and Bulgarians were even capable of accepting some of the negative perceptions directed towards them. Despite this, there is no shortage of accounts from respondents that tell of exploitation, rejection and prejudice by the Spanish. With regard to the media discourse in Spain on Eastern European immigration, the immigrants' own views agree that this discourse only emphasizes the negative, generalizes, exaggerates, and "labels" the immigrant. When they compare themselves with other nationalities, Rumanians believe they are more highly regarded than the Moroccans are. Bulgarians, however, believe that due to questions of language, their situation is worse than that of Latin Americans. In all cases, there are still many who feel that all nationalities of immigrants are equals and that, in the end, all are treated as foreigners.

Acknowledgement

This article is part of the research project (CSO 2010-14870) "Migrations from Eastern Europe to Spain in the Context of Geopolitical Borders: Circulation and Return" ("Migraciones de la Europa del Este a Espaha en el contexto geopolitico fronterizo: movilidad circulatoria y retorno"). Plan Nacional I+D-H (2011-2013).

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Patricia GONZALEZ ALDEA, Carlos III University of Madrid, Department and University E-mail: patricia. gonzalez. aldea@uc3m. es

GRAPHIC 1. JOBS HELD BY RUMANIANS

MECHANIC         3%
SECRETARY        3%
TEACHER          3%
BROKER           3%
UNEMPLOYED       45%
GUARD            8%
HAIRDRESSER      3%
DOMESTIC         5%
WORKER           3%
GRAPHIC ARTIST   3%
TRANSLATOR       3%

Source: prepared by the authors with research results

Note: Table made from pie chart.

GRAPH 2. JOBS HELD BY BULGARIANS

UNIVERSITY        9%
UNEMPLOYED        25%
CAHSIERS          4%
RECEPTIONIST      4%
CLEANING          29%
ASSOCIATION       4%
OFFICE WORKER     4%
TEACHER           4%
DOMESTIC WORKER   9%
RETIREE           4%

Source: prepared by the authors using research results

Note: Table made from pie chart.