Introduction: the stakes of transport policy in social science research.
Sager, Fritz ; Kaufmann, Vincent
Introduction
In a mobile world, transport affects nearly everyone. Accordingly,
transport policy tends to be a rather contended field in politics at all
levels, from small neighbourhoods up to the European Union. The reasons
for conflicting opinions include questions of sustainability (air
pollution), governance (privatisation, separation of infrastructure and
services), as well as development of new infrastructures (urban public
transport, motorways, airports) and social inequalities (access). Still,
while vast amounts of research on transport issues have been conducted
not only by engineers, planners and economists, but also by social
scientists such as sociologists and human geographers, transport policy
surprisingly enough does not appear so far to have been of fundamental
interest to political scientists in the field of policy research.
The situation is in fact quite paradoxical. Authors as varied as
Manuel Castells (1996), John Urry (2000) and Francois Ascher (2000)
insist that the nature of mobility in Western societies is increasingly
central. Each in his own way shows how this trend is being accompanied
by the considerable development of speed potentials made possible by
transportation systems that allow users to appropriate space--systems
which in the eyes of certain analysts like Zygmunt Bauman (2000)
constitute powerful vectors of social change. Despite the importance of
this field, public action in the area of transportation--which is the
direct source of the development of the above-mentioned speed
potentials--receives a paltry share of attention from social science
researchers in spite of recurrent and heated debates.
Overview and guiding question of this volume
This is the context in which this special edition of German Policy
Studies aims at answering a simple question, namely the question of what
is the gain of policy research for the specific needs of the field of
transport policy. In this volume, we would like to cover a variety of
themes on two aspects that are of interest from a policy analysis point
of view, i.e. the different levels of public action on the one hand, and
the different stages of the policy cycle on the other.
* First, not only the policy problems at stake, but also the
politics needed to resolve them differ remarkably at the local, national
and supranational levels. Thus, the contributions analyse transport
policy issues at three of these levels.
* Second, the policy-making process as well as the policy
implementation is relevant in terms of a practice-oriented policy
analysis. The same is true for the effects of a certain policy design or
a changing institutional setting. We therefore shall avoid limiting
ourselves to only one perspective.
This special edition of German Policy Studies brings together five
original contributions of transport policy analysts from all over Europe
who cover this wide array of analytical interest as follows:
In the first contribution, Liana Giorgi and Michael Schmidt discuss
the development of European transport policy in historical perspective
and the challenges it faces at present. They conclude that it is rather
unlikely that the liberal approach to transport will be given up in
future European transport policy, yet the authors propose a paradigm
shift towards the redefinition of the role of the state in transport
policy.
Dirk Lehmkuhl, then, assesses the national responses to the
supranational efforts of the EU, namely to the Common European Transport
Policy. He does not find broad harmonization of national policies but a
spectrum of transport market reforms from the British pro-competitive
disengagement of the state at the one end to Italy's refusal of
reform at the other.
Also the third contribution consists of a comparison of national
transport policies, but now from the angle of policy design. Christian
Hirschi, Walter Schenkel and Thomas Widmer address the question of how
to design a sustainable transport policy that finds acceptance with the
affected population. By comparing Germany, the Netherlands, and
Switzerland, they identify the main challenge for the acceptance of a
sustainable transport policy in the reconciliation of specific
short-term measures with a long-term sustainable strategy.
Finally, two articles treat the stakes of transport policy at the
local, i.e. urban level. Mario Gualdi and Carlo Sessa present a case
study of the institutional change of Rome's transport and land-use
planning policies. The authors show how institutional reform leads to
significant policy learning, in the present case a new, coordinated
planning approach that integrates transport and land-use planning.
Bernard Jouve, finally, asks the same question the other way
around: Can there be policy innovation without such concrete, observable
change? In his comparison of Geneva, Lyon, Naples, Munich and Stuttgart,
he finds a strong case for the theory of path dependency in the fact
that decisions once made play a crucial role in defining, or rather:
limiting, the range of possible policy options for coming decisions. He
concludes that political leadership should play a stronger role
promoting policy innovation.
Three topics of specific interest
In order to find an answer to the very broad question of departure,
namely the questions of the specific contribution of policy research for
the field of transport policy, we want to highlight three topics that
especially affect the local, national and supranational aspects of
transport policy analysis: coordination, policy design and innovation.
Over and above their role in transport policy analysis, we feel that
these three topics constitute an original contribution to the body of
knowledge in public policy analysis.
Coordination
Transport is a transversal field par excellence that touches on
urban planning, economic development, environmental conservation and
social equality. As a consequence, it is even more important than in
other areas for transport policies to benefit from flawless
intersectoral coordination to enable them to reach their objectives,
irrespective of the level of analysis. Yet coordination is often
lacking, either because the measures of coordination are deficient or
nonexistent or because the financing of the projects is based on a
segregated sector approach, which does not allow for coordination (Sager
et al. 1999). The upshot of this lack of suitable coordination is that
numerous transport projects do not attain their initial objectives. This
is for example the case with local policies for urban transport that are
intended to promote the use of means of transport other than the
automobile when they are not backed by policies to control urban spread
(Pharoah and Apel 1995).
Interest in this topic is obviously roused by very practical
concerns, but there are deeper motivations: in allowing the effects of
coordination to be measured in concrete terms (the use of means of
transport, for example), the field of transportation allows coordination
to be approached not only in terms of decision-making process, but also
in terms of results; it then enables the process and the results to be
placed in perspective to one another.
Policy design
Policy design is a central part of decision-making in general
(Dente 1985); in the area of transport, two elements are of greater
importance than in other fields of public action:
* the institutional configuration of the policy-making authorities,
which is caused on one the hand by the fact that the financing of
infrastructure is almost exclusively the responsibility of the public
sector, and on the other by the fact that transport is a transversal
field that involves numerous areas of public action;
* the territorialisation of institutions, the importance of which
is due to the fact that these are spatial policies.
With respect to the institutional configuration first of all, in
the face of the difficulty of translating a political will into concrete
projects and then realising them, the crucial question is to identify
the architectural types that constitute the most favourable opportunity
structures to implement a transport policy at the local, national and
supranational levels (Kriesi et al. 1992). The clarity of the
distribution of decision-making competencies and the degree of mutual
imperviousness of the political and technological spheres influence the
cooperation of the partners involved. The different institutional levels
involved and their respective weight in the decision-making process will
affect the weighting assigned to the various policy components, and
therefore affect the content of these policies. This problem is very
closely linked to the legislative aspects that define a framework or the
"rules of the game" that structure the opportunities to
develop projects and thereby contribute to shaping them.
With respect to the territorialisation of public action, the
territorial division of power works to the disadvantage of transport
policies which, in order to be effective in a context of spatial
rivalry, require that the territories "inhabited" by the
actors and the institutional territories be congruent (Offner and Pumain
1996). This question calls for a distinction to be made between bounded
and reticular territories. While territories of public action are by
definition bounded, the actors--and particularly the financial
actors--can use their ability to be mobile to move to the most
advantageous locations by playing with these limits (higher or lower tax
rates according to the country or the land, for example). The next
question for transport policies, then, is that of changing from a
bounded division of space to a "variable geometry" approach
that would depend on the desired goals.
Procedural Innovation
In the area of transport, especially when developing new
infrastructure, the need to coordinate and optimise policy design
generally requires new tools: procedural innovations. In contexts that
are often very contentious, the decision-making processes must in fact
facilitate all the partners coming to the negotiating table to develop
the project together on one the hand, and on the other must involve
third-party actors through dialogue. In the face of rising opposition to
transport projects (infrastructure or traffic control), dialogue is
often the right tool to enable the consensus surrounding projects to be
expanded and enriched, thereby optimising their chances of being
realised (Jouve 2002).
In more concrete terms, some of the research work in the field of
transportation has developed a field of "policy-making
engineering" which suggests that, in order to be beneficial,
procedural innovations must be introduced much earlier on in the process
of realisation, rather than in projects already at a very advanced stage
when the partners can no longer have much control. Such a participative
approach however implies making choices between contradictory options
rather than merely juxtaposing opinions. The quality of the procedure
depends in fact to a large extent on the ability of the political
authorities to organise the debate and to steer it, and to choose
between different strategic options.
Although the five contributions that comprise the body of this
volume deal with these three challenges, they naturally do not cover the
entire thought process. We hope that they will rouse the interest of
readers in one area--that of the political analysis of transportation,
which deserves to become a privileged domain of public policy analysis.
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Fritz Sager
Buero Vatter, Policy Research and Consulting Bern
Vincent Kaufmann
Universite de Cergy Pontoise and Laboratoire de Sociologie urbaine
(LASUR)--Swiss Federal Insititute of Technology, Lausanne