Property Rights and Economic Development: Land and Natural Resources in Southeast Asia and Oceania. (Reviews).
Williams, Nancy M.
Edited by Toon van Meiji and Franz von Benda-Beckmann.
London: Kegan Paul International, 1999 Pp. 295
The essays in this volume deal with changing property relations in
Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, Australia and New Zealand from
colonial to postcolonial regimes. The rationale for this collection of
esssays is that 'the relationship between property rights and
economic development is particularly topical in Southeast Asia and
Oceania [because of the] recent and expanded processes of globalisation
and the ever-increasing involvement of foreign economic enterprises and
donor agencies in national economies' (p.7). The essays demonstrate
that colonial and post-colonial impositions of regulations governing
property rights have little to differentiate them as far as their
effects on the social and economic status of indigenous people is
concerned. The argument of both regimes, especially the latter, has been
that registering titles would ensure uniformity in property dealings,
certainty of individual property rights (a central value), and that as a
result, economic benefits would flow to all property holder s and users.
Post-colonial land rights reform aiming at 'uniformity of
property rights' is the 'second wave in the process of
imposing European notions of property rights on local populations in
Third World states' (p.5). The editors could have added 'and
on indigenous groups in the Fourth World as well', although they
remark that indigenous peoples in Australia and New Zealand have had
some success in challenging the legal doctrines of the colonisers. In
the first wave, 'European notions of sovereignty and ownership were
largely used to legitimate the dispossession of local indigenous
populations [and the] second wave aimed at transforming the property
rights of the entire population' because it is assumed to be
essential to economic development.
Yet as described in the areas of study, local systems of land and
resource use have remained to varying degrees intact and thus a
situation of legal pluralism has existed, whether de facto or de jure (as in areas of Indonesia where adat law is officially recognised, and
arguably in Australia following enactment of the Native Title Act (1993)
and in New Zealand following recognition of the continuing force of the
Treaty of Waitangi (1975). The difference between formalised and legally
regulated exchange of ownership rights in expanded markets, and the
exchange of property rights which are not protected by state law does
not explain the difference between prosperity and poverty. And despite
increasing concerns about 'sustainable' resource management
and the (limited) recognition of indigenous peoples' role in
resource management, the globalisation of European and American
economic, political and legal values following the end of Cold War has
led to a new wave in law and development movements (p.6).
Franz and Keebet von Benda-Beckmann's esssay proposes a
framework for the description and functional analysis of property rights
(drawing on Goldschmidt's 1966 Comparative Functionalism); it aims
to provide 'an analytical framework for giving due attention to the
variation of empirical property relationships at the different layers of
social organisation and to their multifunctional characteristics'
(p.21). In view of the mixed assessment of the appropriateness of
'bundle of rights' notion in connection with applications for
recognition of native title in Australia, it is interesting that the von
Benda-Beckmanns commend it. They say, 'The bundle of rights metaphor is a useful tool for analysing the component parts of property
rights and obligations' (p. 25). They also note the lineage of the
metaphor in the history of legal anthropology from Maine to Gluckman,
Goody and Leach (p.42, f.n. 12).
Indira Simbolon for the Batak on Lake Toba, Herman Slaats with
respect to the Indonesian state, and Willem Wolters for the period 1850
to 1920 in the Philippines, provide case studies showing the over-all
negative social and economic effects of changing policies and legal
regimes on local agrarian societies. Helmut Holzknecht analyses the
impact of foreign investment and global economic developments on
Melanesian forms of resource management in Papua New Guinea, and finds
that customary land tenure does not constitute an impediment to economic
development.
Anton Ploeg examines the factors promoting and inhibiting increases
in agricultural production in Papua New Guinea on land held in customary
tenure as well as the small portion of land currently held in a form of
European tenure; he also finds that Melanesian tenure does not impede
economic growth. Leontine Visser's essay deals with Melanesian
groups in the Bird's Head region of Irian Jaya; despite the recent
establishment of forestry concessions and transmigration enclaves, where
she finds that state intervention for 'development' has in
fact strengthened social ties between families through transactions
concerning the exchange of women and land.
Ad Boorsboom discusses the political and economic implications of
the Mabo decision as a major turning point in the relationship between
European settlers and Aboriginal people because of the implications for
the issue of ownership in general and ensuing challenges to the legality
of the dispossession of Aboriginal land. Eric Venbrux examines the
impact of Tiwi involvement in tourism on Melville and Bathurst Islands
in terms of social, economic and ecological consequences. He focuses on
negotiations among traditional owners in relation to specific claims to
land where tourist enterprises are located. He concludes that the
ecological impacts of tourism are serious and the economic benefits are
marginal, but that the reinvigorated local land-related politics
strengthen Tiwi cultural identity.
Toon van Meijl looks at the issues surrounding the New Zealand
government's compensation payments to Maori for the historic
confiscations and alienation of Maori land. The agreements provide
monetary settlements to several predominantly rural-based tribal
organisations, although approximately 80% of the Maori population is
urban based. A central question is the extent to which compensation
agreements with tribal groups may contribute to Maori aims of economic
development and, ultimately, to political sovereignty. Van Meijl
concludes that at least the economic implications of most agreements
will be marginal for the majority of the Maori population and will
contribute to further social and economic differentiation among them.
This is an interesting collection, in particular for the
ethnographic case studies. It will be useful for finer analyses of the
complex relationships between local indigenous regimes of land tenure
and resource management and those imposed by states, especially from the
point of view of the economic incorporation of indigenous peoples in an
increasingly globalised economy.