Black teenage pregnancy in South Africa: some considerations.
Cunningham, Peter W. ; Boult, Brenda E.
INTRODUCTION
The swinging sixties left an echo that would lead to extensive
research into adolescent sexuality. What adults were accepting as their
rights, all too soon became during the process of socialization and
imitation, what the young felt was "okay" to emulate - an
exploration of the delights of unrestricted and unrestrained sexual
activity. A recent newspaper report noted that most adolescents,
irrespective of their culture, are sexually active before the age of
twenty - even if their parents are reluctant to admit it (Eastern
Province Herald, 1994).
The consequences have been an upsurge in the incidence of sexually
transmitted diseases (Masters, Johnson, & Kolodny, 1988; Hacker,
1989; Duncan et al., 1990) and in the number of unplanned and unwanted
pregnancies among adolescents too young to assume the psychological and
physical burden of parenthood (Jones et al., 1987). The medical
literature of the late sixties and early seventies (Utian, 1967) shows
that concern and, that the medical profession was relatively unprepared
for the challenge. Subsequent studies show that with appropriate medical
surveillance, teenage pregnancy need be no more physiologically
hazardous than it is for the older primipara (the first time pregnant)
(Blumental, Merrel, & Langer, 1982; Goldberg & Craig, 1983;
Frisancho, Matos, & Flegel, 1983; Ncayiyana & Ter Haar, 1989).
While the medical profession has coped with problems attendant upon
childbearing by the very young, neither the family nor society has
solved the problem of how to cope with "children having
children."
How do we define "the very young" or "teenagers"
or "adolescents"? In physiological terms, the definition would
depend on the age of menarche. This would further depend on a definition
of the time lapse between age of menarche and gestational age (Felice,
James, Shragg, & Hollingsworth, 1984; Scholl et al., 1989).
Medically, the optimum time lapse between the two should be two years so
as to obviate the physiological problems that could arise as a
consequence of lack of physical readiness. The "punch line" is
that should a girl begin to menstruate at age nine, after the age of
eleven, statistically she should encounter no medical problems during
her pregnancy at age eleven-and-a-half. She is thus not likely to fall
prey to those problems commonly associated with "teenage
pregnancy" such as gestational proteinuric hypertension, anemia,
spontaneous premature labor or, run the risk of having a low birth-mass
baby.
Research, however, does not fully support this contention. The
pregnant teenager is "at risk," as is her unborn infant. There
are serious physical and neurological problems of development associated
with low birth-mass infants, and several reports show an association
between early maturation and foetal growth (Scholl et al., 1989).
Infant Mortality and Low Birth-mass Infants
Infant mortality is significantly linked to birth-mass. The lower the
birth-mass, the less likely the infant is to survive, and there is an
undisputed tendency for teenagers (and younger teenagers in particular)
to give birth to low birth-mass infants (Boult & Cunningham, 1993).
Infants weighing less than 2,500 grams are more at risk for
neurological and other developmental deficiencies (including cerebral
palsy. Their nursing care also presents more problems for medical
personnel, their young and inexperienced mothers, her family, and the
state. The latter has to provide the services for their survival (Van de
Elst, 1990).
Maternal Mortality
It is in the developing countries that teenage pregnancy has become a
primary cause for concern as a result of its contribution to higher
maternal mortality rates. It is in these countries where
industrialization and Westernization have led to the adoption by
adolescents of the practices of their Western counterparts, that the
price has been highest (Oronsaye, Ogbeide, & Unuigbe, 1982; Oppong,
1987; Kulin, 1988). School drop-out, illegal abortion, medical problems
such as vaginal or rectal fistula resulting in social ostracism, child
neglect and child abandonment, are but some of the problems referred to
(World Bank Policy Study, 1986; Kulin, 1988).
SOCIAL CONSEQUENCES OF TEENAGE PREGNANCY
The most salient social consequences of teenage pregnancy are: school
drop-out or interrupted education; vulnerability to or participation in
criminal activity; abortion; social ostracism; child neglect and
abandonment; school adjustment difficulties for their children; rape,
abuse, and incest; adoption; lack of social security; poverty; repeat
pregnancies before age 20; and negative effects on "domestic
life."
School drop-out or interrupted education. We found, in our 1991 study
of 145 pregnant black teenagers under the age of 18, that in about 50%
of cases the teenager is unlikely to return to school. This finding
corroborates other research findings in Africa (Oppong, 1987) and the
United States (Clarke, 1986; Height, 1986). There is lack of provision
at schools to facilitate resumption of her education, and if she does
so, she is forced to leave her baby at home and discontinue breast
feeding which may affect mother-child bonding.
Vulnerability to or participation in criminal activity. The young
mother's immaturity, social inexperience, and lack of child-rearing
skills have deleterious effects on her children. She and her children
are more likely to become victims of crime (incest, rape, and family
violence). The young black mother and her out-of-wedlock offspring are
also vulnerable to participation in criminal activity, such as
prostitution, drug trafficking, and the illegal sale of alcohol. As a
consequence, in the United States, this group is disproportionately
represented in the crime statistics. The problem is aggravated by their
lack of adequate access to legal representation. This increases the
possibility of her being jailed, thus leaving the baby in the care of
society or the family, or for her children to become young offenders and
imprisoned.
Abortion. In countries (or states) where abortion on demand is not
available, teenage pregnancy encourages illegal abortion with the
attendant medical problems of pelvic infection and infertility. Some
medical opinion recommends that legal abortion should be available to
all pregnant teenagers age 16 years and younger.
Social ostracism. Social ostracism for the mother may result in
rejection by her family and peer group. Her children also suffer
psychological consequences, e.g., not knowing who their father is, a
lack of a father figure as a role model, and the trauma of guilt for the
mother's ill-fortune and subsequent poverty. Absence of the father
role-model has been shown to affect boys in particular. They tend to
develop a negative image of females which can lead to violence against
women (including rape) in young adulthood.
Child neglect and abandonment. Children born to teenage mothers are
often left to the care of ageing family members. They may be exposed to
the violence of family life in the townships and socialized into
accepting violence as the only means to resolve conflict. The
"abandoned children in African cities" referred to by Kulin
(1988) and the growing numbers of "street children" in urban
areas in developing countries may be connected with teenage pregnancy.
Research is needed to confirm or refute any association.
School adjustment difficulties for their children. Several studies
have reported problem behavior, lower IQs, and maladjustment in school
for children born to teenage mothers in both childhood and adolescence
(Furstenberg, Brooks-Gunn, & Morgan, 1987; Franklin, 1988; Dash,
1989; East & Felice, 1990).
Rape, abuse and incest. In South Africa, abortion is allowed in cases
of pregnancy resulting from rape. However, in many cases poor black
families are unable to follow the required processes for the sanctioning
of the abortion. The teenager is victimized not only because of the
pregnancy but the rape, which results in an intensification of her
psychological trauma. Further, the current rate of high unemployment in
South Africa, principally among males - with its attendant problems of
depression and alcohol abuse - places the young child at increased risk
of sexual encounter with a member of his or her family. "Childhood
abuse increases the odds of future delinquency and adult criminality
overall by 40%," according to a study by the American National
Institute of Justice (CSD Bulletin February, 1994).
Children born of incestuous relationships need special counselling by
an informed social worker when they reach young adulthood. McWhinnie
& Batty (1993) found that the persons concerned were more distressed
about the secrecy surrounding their origins, and their "feeling of
betrayal at being lied to" than the fact of incest.
In the pilot study preceding our 1991 study of black teenage
pregnancy, an interesting case was found. A twelve-year-old who had been
living with her aunt had been raped by her older cousin. The children in
the house slept in one room and the aunt and uncle in another. She
became pregnant and was delivered of a small but otherwise healthy
infant. Because the baby was conceived as a result of incest or
"intra-cultural impregnation," it was not acceptable to her
family and was given up for adoption.
Adoption. There is a growing trend for young unmarried girls not to
relinquish their babies for adoption to childless couples or single
persons wishing to adopt a child. Where socioeconomic or personal
circumstances make adoption options advisable, a shortage of adoptive or
foster parents is experienced among certain ethnic groups. The South
African Child and Family Welfare Association does not condone
inter-racial adoption as being in the "best interests of the
child." It has also been reported that among black families in
South Africa, adoption of a child who is not a clan member leads to
severe family and social disapprobation (Pakati, 1982).
Lack of social security. The younger the teenager, the more likely
she is to have no conception of the needs of her infant or child. With
little or no education and skills she may be forced to turn to
prostitution as a means of support for herself and the child. Having
multiple partners places her and her future unborn child at greater risk
for sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV and AIDS.
Poverty. Pregnant teenagers almost invariably become trapped in a
cycle of poverty. Even if they are employed at the time of becoming
pregnant, they are vulnerable to dismissal and receive insufficient
maternity benefits to cover their needs. Employers may also be reluctant
to allow pregnant young employees time off to attend an antenatal
clinic.
The majority of teenagers who become pregnant are still in school. If
after giving birth there is no female member of their family to assume
child care while they are either in school or at work, they will be
unable to take the child for immunization. Periodic epidemics of measles
may well be directly linked to the high neonatal and child mortality
rates on the African continent. In the absence of a national health
service, and an inadequate primary health care program, this is not
unexpected in African countries where teenage pregnancy is estimated at
12 to 25%.
Repeat pregnancies before age 20. Research shows that girls are
vulnerable to repeat pregnancies (Clarke, 1986; Height, 1986) if their
first pregnancy occurred before the age of eighteen. In a result, they
will join the millions of women worldwide, handicapped by poor education
and skills, who are overrepresented at the bottom of society's
socioeconomic strata.
Negative effects on domestic life. Spencer (1970) in discussing the
"multi-problem" family states that they "... appear to
transmit the same patterns of behavior from one generation to another,
and whose disorganized and often destructive way of life seems to
threaten society's basic values and standards" (p. 3). This
pattern appears to be a feature of teenage pregnancy (Craig, 1980;
Clarke, 1986; Height, 1986). (Curtis, Lawrance, & Tripp, 1988) note:
"The parents of the study group were significantly more likely to
be divorced, the mothers to have married when they were under age 21
years, and the first child in the family to have been conceived before
marriage" (p. 375).
How does this disturbing account fit into the concept of
"domestic life"? In any democratic society, where the emphasis
is on individual freedom, should sexual activity be controlled? Does the
individual, as a result of hereditary and environmental factors (Golub,
1983; Winterer, Cutler, & Loriaux, 1984; Hoff et al., 1985; Burger
& Gochfield, 1985) who experiences early menarche and becomes
vulnerable to the onset of sexual activity (Van Coeverden de Groot &
Greathead, 1987; Nash, 1990; Boult & Cunningham, 1991) pose a threat
to herself, her "boyfriend," her family, and society?
This question is asked in all seriousness, for the concept of
"children having children" has a profound effect on the family
and domestic life in general. Children are not commonly orphaned. Their
socialization takes place within a domestic structure whether it be a
nuclear family, a single-parent family, or a kin group. It is within
this framework that youth learn their life skills, part of which is how
to cope with sexuality and its reproductive consequences.
Our research (Boult & Cunningham, 1991/1993) into black teenage
pregnancy corroborated findings worldwide. She is vulnerable because she
has early menarche, early onset of coitus, perhaps too low on the
educational ladder to comprehend the association among onset of
menarche, coitus, reproduction, and contraception. When she falls victim
to an unwanted pregnancy, her family reacts negatively, and her
boyfriend (in most cases, only an adolescent himself) is generally
equally dismayed.
The problem is also a pressing one among blacks in America. Height
(1986) cautions, "The as yet unknown outcome of this disruption of
the basic sociological concept of the family is a crucial question, and
is worthy of important time, effort and study. . . . Blacks must address
themselves to the reality that the fastest growing new family formation
in the black community is that in which the mothers are unmarried and
under eighteen years of age" (p. 42).
It is not known to what extent South African black families resemble
their American counterparts, but there is evidence of family
disorganization in studies of pregnant teenagers (Craig, 1980;
O'Mahoney, 1987; Boult & Cunningham, 1991). In our study of
pregnant black teenagers in Port Elizabeth, we found that only one third
of the sample lived in nuclear families (see Table 1).
The single-parent mother families and kin groups consisted mostly of
adults and children who were their maternal rather than fraternal kin.
The number of persons per dwelling unit ranged from 2 to 22, with a mean
of 6.8 and a mean of 3.15 rooms per family. However, further research
needs to be done to establish the relationship between single-parent
mother/kin group families and teenage pregnancy.
Table 1: Family Composition
Type of family Percentage
Nuclear 33.8
Nuclear step parent 1.4
Single parent - mother 35.9
Single parent - father 3.4
Kin group 18.6
Siblings 4.1
Husband and children 1.4
Boyfriend's family 1.4
CONCLUSION
The debate about teenage pregnancy remains inconclusive. Is it really
a social problem? Although there is general consensus that it is, the
definition of "problem" is relative and subjective; however,
it does draw attention to the importance of considering the issue. As
Spencer (1970) posits, it has "limited diagnostic value" (p.
4).
Various reasons for teenage pregnancy have been advanced. For
example, Burger and Gochfeld (1985) offer a provocative hypothesis -
that the pheromonal climate to which prepubertal females are exposed has
changed and affects the onset of menarche, causing it to occur earlier.
Animal studies show that exposure to females delays puberty while
exposure to males accelerates it. They posit that the pheromonal climate
in today's homes has changed as a consequence of women going out to
work and greater father presence owing to a shorter work week. In
single-parent and kin-group families there is likely to be an even
greater male presence as a result of high unemployment among blacks,
with many females either in domestic labor or the informal sector as
traders. Such change in the pheromonal climate would result in early
onset of menarche, leaving these teenagers vulnerable to early onset of
coitus and risk of pregnancy.
If this hypothesis has any validity, improvement in the economic
climate of the country might provide a twofold benefit - a rise in the
age of onset of menarche and a reduction in the incidence of teenage
pregnancy. Another advantage would be a general rise in the
socioeconomic status of vulnerable adolescents which would offer
alternative leisure-time activities.
Could Teenage Pregnancy Be Beneficial?
Current theories of evolution are based on evidence that in both the
biological and zoological worlds, under adverse conditions, seed-, and
young-producing efforts proliferate to ensure survival of the species.
We then might hypothesize that the steadily lowering of the age of
menarche since the turn of the century and the growing number of teenage
pregnancies and births are "nature's" way of ensuring
survival of the species in the face of the growing threat of epidemics,
environmental degradation, and violence. It is an accepted fact that the
number of HIV infections and AIDS cases is increasing exponentially in
Africa and other developing countries. Further, the dangers posed by the
recent development of drug resistance to malaria and tuberculosis
infections in Africa (and elsewhere) is well documented.
At the present stage of knowledge concerning the validity of this
hypothesis, what we do know is that the high incidence of teenage
pregnancy places great strain on the individual, her child, her family,
and on society as a whole.
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Brenda E. Boult, SRN.SCM.MA (UCT), Department of Sociology,
University of Port Elizabeth.
Reprint requests to Prof. Peter W. Cunningham, Department of
Sociology, University of Port Elizabeth, P.O. Box 1600, Port Elizabeth,
6000, South Africa.