The acquisition of life skills through adventure-based activities and programs: a review of the literature.
Moote, Gerald T., Jr. ; Wodarski, John S.
INTRODUCTION
Today, students must make choices about involvement with gangs and
violence, alcohol and drugs, sex and pregnancy, and other potentially
damaging risk-taking behaviors. In addition, students routinely face
difficult environmental Stressors that include, but are not limited to
divorce/single parent family, domestic violence, parental drug and
alcohol use/abuse, physical and sexual abuse, and neglect.
Estimates of the prevalence of problems affecting elementary and
secondary school students are varied. Researchers estimate that 16%
(Rumberger, 1986) to 25% (Ranbom, 1986) of students drop out of high
school prior to graduation, with the incidence of inner-city dropout posited as being significantly higher (Ranbom, 1986).
Another often studied problem pertains to alcohol and drug use.
One large-scale study indicated that 17% of high school seniors reported
that they had been drunk by the eighth grade. This figure rose to 71% of
the polled seniors who reported that they had been drunk by the twelfth
grade (Toward a Drug-Free Generation, 1990). Fifteen percent of eighth
graders reported that they had tried cigarettes, while 16% reported
regular cigarette use (Toward a Drug-Free Generation, 1990). Fifteen
percent of eighth graders and 44% of high school seniors reported that
they had tried marijuana (Toward a Drug-Free Generation, 1990).
With regard to the issue of sex and pregnancy among elementary and
secondary school students, it is evident that they are faced with
significant life decisions at increasingly early ages. Hamburg (1993)
reported that in the United States, two thirds of all out of wedlock births can be accounted for by teenagers and that there are now 6
million children under the age of five who are living with mothers who
gave birth during their adolescent years. It is common knowledge that
the rate of teenage pregnancy in the United States is one of the highest
in the developed countries (Alan Guttmacher Institute, 1981; Department
of Health Education and Welfare, 1980). It has also been estimated that
eight out of ten girls who become pregnant before their 17th birthday
will not finish high school (Department of Health, Education and
Welfare, 1980). Card and Wise (1978) found the consequences of teenage
childbearing to be more severe than for other circumstances such as SES,
minority status, and low academic aptitude.
Examination of abuse and neglect issues also highlight
environmental stressors which many children experience. Finkelhor (1984)
found that between 9 and 52% of females and 3 to 9% of the males in his
study were exposed to sexual abuse as children. According to Tower
(1989), the National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect estimates that in
the United States between 100,000 and 200,000 children are physically
abused each year. Additionally, the National Center on Child Abuse and
Neglect (NCCAN) reported that child neglect has been found to occur 50%
more often than abuse (NCCAN, 1988).
Hamburg (1993) reported that close to half the children of married
parents will be exposed to parental divorce by their sixteenth birthday.
He points out that "most American children spend part of their
childhood in a single-parent family." It is estimated that
female-headed families are approximately five times more likely to be
poor than are married families (Rosen, Fanshel, & Lutz, 1987).
Poverty is also a significant stressor to children and families.
In 1983, 22% of all children under the age of 18 lived below the poverty
level, representing 40% of poor people in this country (Rosen, Fanshel,
& Lutz, 1987).
The above conditions are raised in order to emphasize many of the
issues confronting elementary and secondary school students today. It
appears that social workers in these schools have been increasingly
called upon to intervene on behalf of students facing any/all of these
problems. Identifying and utilizing effective preventive and/or
intervention methods appears to be an increasingly important task for
social workers operating in an environment of diminishing financial
resources.
Assessment
It appears that the attention given to the problems, environmental
stressors, and dysfunctional behaviors of students has allowed for the
creation of the "at-risk" label to identify a wide range of
children. Some authors have used this label to identify students at risk
for dropping out of school (Wells, 1990; Slavin, 1989). Others have
utilized a wider scope in defining the at-risk child, looking not only
at probability of high school graduation, but at preparation for
employment, use of drugs and/or alcohol (Tindall, 1988). Students also
could be considered at risk if they are likely to complete school with
inadequate basic skills (Slavin, 1989). Other possible labels include:
disadvantaged, culturally deprived, underachiever, nonachiever, low
ability, slow learner, less able, low socioeconomic status (SES),
language impaired, dropout prone, alienated, marginal, disenfranchised,
impoverished, underprivileged, low performing, and remedial (Lehr &
Harris, 1988).
Checklists have been created to assist in assessment of at-risk
students. Wells (1990) categorized at-risk student characteristics into
four areas: school, community, student, and family related. Bhaerman and
Kopp (1988) listed factors related to dropping out of school:
behavioral, family, and psychological. West (1991) reports that using
the checklist approach for assessment may result in mislabeling since it
does not account for local differences. Wells, Bechard, and Hamby (1989)
also advocate a more complete data collection process when assessing
at-risk students, and caution against the utilization of a single
assessment instrument. Such additional data include student records,
attitude surveys, and exit interviews (Wells, Bechard, & Hamby,
1989).
Upon examination of characteristics of the at-risk student via
assessment checklists, certain commonalities emerge. In checklists
developed by Wells (1990) and Bhaerman and Kopp (1988), the following
family characteristics were identified: low SES, family mobility/change
in schools, belonging to a minority group, and abuse. The individual
student characteristics identified in both checklists included poor
attitude toward school, low achievement/GPA, attendance and truancy
problems, poor self-concept/self-esteem, low aspirations/goals, health
problems, student employment, association with friends who have dropped
out, criminal/delinquent behavior, difficulty with peer relationships,
drug abuse, and discipline problems in school (Wells, 1990; Bhaerman
& Kopp, 1988).
Other school characteristics were identified by one checklist
only: low teacher expectations, lack of language instruction, cultural
conflict between home and school, overcrowded classrooms, counseling
referrals/lack of counseling, poor facilities, inadequate curriculum,
negative school environment, institutional discrimination, higher
graduation requirements, retention, suspension, placement in special
programs, placement in tracks other than high academics, low
standardized test scores (Wells, 1990), lower occupational aspirations,
difficulty in abstract reasoning, generalizing, and forming
relationships, not reading at grade level, difficulty with math, and low
perceptual performance (Bhaerman & Kopp, 1988).
Family-related characteristics included: single-parent home, more
older siblings than friends, little solidarity with family, exposed to
dropout at home, lack of cultural and economic experiences related to
success in traditional schools (Bhaerman & Kopp, 1988), low parental
education and occupation, non-English speaking, stress in the home,
parental noninvolvement, and ineffective parenting (Wells, 1990).
Other characteristics included: nonparticipation in
extracurricular activities, impulsive decision making, feel that courses
are not relevant, socially isolated, rejected by peers, poor
relationships with authority figures, attraction to outside jobs, wages,
and experiences (Bhaerman & Kopp, 1988), pregnancy/marriage,
negative police involvement, lack of student responsibility, lack of
community support services, lack of school-community linkages, and loss
of neighborhood schools (Wells, 1990).
The assessment/identification of at-risk students appears to be a
multi-faceted process and requires information from a variety of sources
in order to make sure services are offered to students who can benefit
most from them.
Selected Theoretical Issues of Adolescence:
Given that many students identified as at-risk are early
adolescents (13-17 years old), a brief review of related theoretical
issues is presented.
The life span development model views early adolescence as the
stage for completion of several developmental tasks. Among these are
physical maturation, the cognitive shift from concrete to formal
operational thought, emotional intensity, and the increasing importance
of membership in a peer group (Newman & Newman, 1987). The central
process during this stage has been reported as peer pressure. It is at
this stage that many risk-taking behaviors, including drug and alcohol
use, may occur. Increased risk taking in adolescence has been documented
through data on motor vehicle accidents (New York State, 1979), and may
be related to increased testosterone levels and/or a pleasurable
adrenaline high produced within the peer social context (Cove, 1985).
The psychosocial crisis of group identity vs. alienation is experienced
in this stage (Newman & Newman, 1987).
Erikson (1959) described the adolescent "normative"
crisis as identity vs. role confusion. He characterized this stage as a
time when the individual struggles to develop ego identity, becomes
preoccupied with physical appearance, and involved with a group
identity. Shertzer and Stone (1980) described role confusion as an
"inability to fix on the kind of person one wants to be." The
peer group has been described as a primary location for social growth
and change (Kaplan & Sadock, 1988). Role testing and a challenge of
moral values also may occur during this period. Identity is described as
having a clear sense of who one is and where one is going (Erikson,
1959).
Kaplan and Sadock (1988) describe adolescence as the period where
the child begins to experience emphasis on vocational choices from a
variety of significant others. They posit that the "sense of
individual self-worth as an adult rests on the acquisition of competence
during adolescence," and that this competence may be achieved
"by experiencing success in a task that our society views as
important."
Life-Skills Training
Life-skills training has been defined as "the formalized teaching of requisite skills for surviving, living with others, and
succeeding in a complex society" (Hamburg, 1990). Wodarski (1988)
reported that life-skills training was "proposed as the treatment
of choice" when applied to prevention with adolescents. Gilchrist,
Schinke, and Maxwell (1987) reported that life skills which assist in
the development of an adolescent's self-efficacy "include the
ability to solve problems, to communicate honestly and directly, to gain
and maintain social support, and to control emotions and personal
feelings."
Early adolescence is a time of transition for students. It has
been noted in the literature as a prime point for providing preventive
and life-skills programs to children (Elias & Branden-Muller, 1994;
Wodarski & Wodarski, 1993), Knight and Wadsworth (1994) maintain
that teachers should provide "firsthand experiences of an
exploratory nature" to at-risk middle school students for authentic
learning to occur.
Life-skills programs vary in the types and quality of services
they provide. Kraizer (1990) stated that "essential components of
any life-skills curriculum are based on the development of fundamental,
generalized interpersonal skills." Hamburg (1990) reported that
successful life-skills programs appeared to have similar core elements.
Effective programs addressed developmental needs, health
promotion/problem prevention, and high-risk groups.
In addressing the needs of adolescents in life-skills programs,
emphasis is often placed on social competence. This includes skills in
communication, decision-making, and problem solving (Hamburg, 1990).
Brown (1988) found decision-making to be a crucial skill in adolescent
development, particularly concerning dependence/independence issues.
Kraizer (1990) includes these skills and others in her view of a
progressive life-skills program. Other skills include the development
and maintenance of interpersonal relationships and high self-esteem,
taking personal responsibility for one's actions, preventing child
abuse, substance abuse, and pregnancy, managing personal behavior and
choices, and working flexibly toward the attainment of set goals
(Kraizer, 1990). These characteristics are echoed by Elias &
Branden-Muller (1994) who include motivation, sound work and values,
appreciation of a multiracial society, engagement in health-enhancing
activities, and motivation as factors necessary to become productive
citizens.
Hamburg (1990) differentiates between types of life-skills
programs: programs which address a wider range of generic social
competencies such as problem solving, pro-social behaviors,
decision-making and communication skills, and programs that focus on a
specific skill acquisition. Popular educational programs with a specific
focus include those that address drug and alcohol prevention, health and
wellness, assertiveness training, and sexual abuse and abduction
prevention. Involving parents of participants in the program appeared to
enhance its effectiveness (Hamburg, 1990).
Additionally, Wodarski (1988) discussed two empirically based
models for adolescent health education and prevention programming: the
Life-Skills Training model and the Teams-Games-Tournament model. Within
these two frameworks, the author suggests that adolescents can learn and
retain various life skills such as problem-solving, communication, and
refusal responses under social pressures. The applicability of the group
setting is also highlighted.
Adventure-Based Model and Social Work
Participation in adventure programs has become an increasingly
popular prevention and/or intervention approach to working with
adolescents on life-skills issues such as communication, group
problem-solving, interperson skills, and group cooperation.
Adventure-based learning approaches and experiences are not new; their
roots can be traced back to Kurt Hahn and the Outward Bound schools of
the 1920s, and even to the works of Plato in the fourth century B.C.
(Hopkins & Putnam, 1993). The concept of experience played central
theoretical roles in the works of educators and psychologists such as
John Dewey, Jean Piaget, and Jerome Bruner (Hopkins & Putnam, 1993).
The Project Adventure model is based loosely on the principles of
Outward Bound. The project's approach to physical education has
been used within some school systems since 1971 (Paling, 1984).
Recently, social workers appear to have become increasingly involved in
the utilization of adventure-based activities that are merged with
counseling principles and services (Gillis, 1992; Alvarez & Welsh,
1990; Marx, 1988; Schoel, Prouty, & Radcliffe, 1988).
Adventure education, adventure-based programming, adventure-based
experiential learning and other similar terms describe a wide variety of
approaches that appear to encourage and facilitate the development of
specific life skills for children in innovative and engaging ways. Many
programs train participants in specific skills related to climbing or
orienteering. These activities appear to be particularly appealing to
adolescents. For this review, only programs that use counseling as a
primary component within the school or mental health setting are
examined--primarily those categorized as stress/adventure experiences
based on the Outward Bound modified model (Lingle, 1980).
Many areas mentioned as necessary components for successful
life-skills programs appear to be inherent to adventure-based learning
and counseling approaches. In particular, communication skills,
cooperation, decision-making, and problem-solving encompass the majority
of group activities. The Adventure-Based Counseling model (Schoel,
Prouty, & Radcliffe, 1988) outlines additional life-skills areas
addressed. These include goal setting and monitoring as well as specific
group behavioral rules which encourage utilization of personal choices,
respect for the rights of other group members, confrontation of members
who do not follow rules of behavior and safety, and assuming
responsibility for the safety of others.
Adventure-based activities and programs operate from the model of
experiential learning. Kolb's model is a cyclical process that is
divided into concrete experience, reflective observation, and active
experimentation. Alvarez and Welsh (1990) defined experiential education as "a structured sequence of cooperative group activities whose
goal is to improve members' interpersonal skills, capacity to
trust, and self-esteem." Similarly, Project Adventure, Inc. defines
its learning goals as follows: increase participants' sense of
self-confidence, increase mutual support within a group, develop a
higher level of agility and physical coordination, increase pleasure in
one's physical self and in being with others, and increase
familiarity and identification with the natural world (Rohnke, 1989).
Prevention/intervention models conceptualized on the experiential
learning model have been utilized in various contexts (Kiyuna, Kopriva,
& Farr, 1993; Schoel, Prouty, & Radcliffe, 1988; Alvarez &
Welsh, 1990). Adventure-based models have been applied in schools
(including alternative settings), hospitals and treatment facilities,
and in programs for court-referred youth (Schoel, Prouty, &
Radcliffe, 1988). Specifically, Project Choices is an adventure-based
counseling program for adolescents with chemical dependency problems
(Gillis, 1991), and CHAMPS is an interdisciplinary, adventure-based
counseling program located at an adolescent, inpatient psychiatric unit
(Murray, 1991). It is also being used in conjunction with family therapy
(Gersteien, 1992), adjudicated adolescents, and incarcerated adults
(Gillis & McLeod, 1992), and with corporate employees (Wagner &
Fahey, 1992).
Specific Activities and Principles
Adventure activities utilized in the context of adventure
counseling groups are categorized as icebreakers, deinhibitizers,
trust/spotting, initiative problems, and high and low ropes course elements (Rohnke, 1989). Many books describe appropriate adventure
activities for age groups ranging from elementary school students to
adults (Rohnke, 1984, 1989; Orlick, 1982; Farrington & Fluegelman,
1976). Further, many groups utilize the principles of the full value
contract and challenge by choice (Rohnke, 1989; pp. 15-19) as an
inherent part of the group process.
The full value contract is an agreement among group members to
work together as a team to achieve their goals, to follow safety and
behavior guidelines, and to both give and receive positive and negative
feedback while in the group setting (Schoel, Prouty, & Radcliffe,
1988; pp. 94-95). Challenge by choice represents a group philosophy that
allows participants to challenge themselves only if they choose to do
so. School, Prouty, and Radcliffe (1988) maintain that this allows the
participants to try "potentially difficult and/or frightening"
activities in a supportive atmosphere, the "opportunity to `back
off' when performance pressures or self-doubt become too strong ...
"a realization that the attempt is more important than the
performance, and "respect for individual ideas and choices"
(p. 131).
Ropes course experience(s) often appear to be integral to
adventure-based programs. The ropes course has been described by
Fischesser (1991) both as "a personal growth tool" and as
"a variety of high and low activities that can be used for a wide
range of educational and therapeutic objectives with all sorts of
populations." The ropes course is generally comprised of high
elements, low elements and initiatives (Rohnke, 1989). It has been
traced back to 1962 when it was brought to the U.S. as part of Outward
Bound. Reportedly, it was initially used as a group assessment device by
instructors before leaving on extended group expeditions (Fischesser,
1991).
The high elements are belayed activities (requiring ropes, safety
harnesses, and other equipment) in which there is a high level of
perceived risk. The focus appears to be primarily on accomplishing
individual goals and confronting fears. High ropes participation
typically makes up a relatively small portion (15-20%) of program
activities (Rohnke, 1989).
Low ropes elements also focus on individual goals and require
other group members to utilize appropriate spotting techniques for
safety (Rohnke, 1989). Emphasis is on group trust and in assuming
responsibility for someone else.
Initiatives are group problem-solving activities that require
participation of all members to complete an assigned task (Webster,
1989, p. 32). Some initiatives require the utilization of the low ropes
course. Activities of this nature typically appear to be difficult and
require a high degree of cooperation to complete. Additionally, some
groups may not complete the initiative "successfully," and
this can be processed as a group issue. Many programs utilize specific
processing techniques to facilitate generalization of the experience on
the ropes course to other significant life areas (Blanchard, 1992;
Schoel, Prouty, & Radcliffe, 1988).
Theoretical Issues and Adventure
Various authors in the field of adventure programming offer
several theoretical perspectives that represent the basis for this
interventive method. These include cognitive, behavioral, and affective
perspectives (Schoel, Prouty, & Radcliffe, 1988) and their relation
to adventure-based programs.
The cognitive perspective maintains that "thinking shapes
behavior" (Werner, 1982). It is also theorized that emotions are
strongly linked to cognitions, and therefore it is possible to change a
person's emotions by changing dysfunctional cognitions (Sherman,
1987). Blanchard (1992) connects cognitive theory to adventure
counseling in that the goal of certain adventure activities is to
"change automatic thoughts of I can't to I can." Schoel,
Prouty, and Radcliffe (1988) relate this to the ABC model in that during
adventure-based initiative activities, the model provides the structure
for group problem-solving. Blanchard (1992) discusses the similarity of
Rational-Emotive Therapy (RET) with adventure-based approaches. He
points out such issues of confronting fears, taking risks, surpassing
previous limits and accepting personal responsibility as examples of the
similarity in approach. The appropriateness of group approaches with
adolescents is also highlighted (Blanchard, 1992).
The behavioral perspective maintains that behavior is made up of
different response systems and that these may include affective,
cognitive, or overt behaviors (Gambrill, 1987). Behavioral theory has
its theoretical roots in the works of many authors including Thomas
(1967) and Bandura (1969, 1977). Sachs and Miller (1992) discuss
adventure programs in terms of Bandura's Self-Efficacy Theory
(SET). They state that "the foundation of SET is inherent in the
various wilderness programs."
The behavioral perspective maintains that empirical research should be utilized to guide practice decisions, and that specific,
observable behaviors in "real-life" settings remain a
treatment focus (Gambrill, 1987). Schoel, Prouty, and Radcliffe (1988)
view the adventure group as an arena where behavior reinforcement is
available in many forms (e.g., peer pressure and point systems) and view
the group process as the change agent (p. 25). Many adventure programs
stress the need for the development of specific, behavioral goals as an
inherent part of the adventure process (Alvarez & Welsh, 1990;
Schoel, Prouty, & Radcliffe, 1988).
The affective theoretical perspective and its connection to
adventure-based activities is also worth noting. Blanchard (1992)
discusses experiential therapy and its theoretical association with
Gestalt therapy. Shertzer and Stone (1980) discuss Gestalt therapy based
on the work of Perls (1971). They note that Gestalt theory posits that
the organism cannot be separated from the environment, and that behavior
does not consist of several responses to several stimuli. The emphasis
is on "wholes." Gestaltists view behavior as a "whole
response to a whole behavior" (Shertzer & Stone, 1980).
Blanchard (1992) states that adventure counseling and Gestalt theory
both emphasize a "here-and-now" orientation. He also finds
similarity in that both adventure counseling and Gestalt therapy often
occur in groups, and require a high degree of therapist improvisation
(Blanchard, 1992).
The literature appears to suggest that the adventure-based
approach may be conceptualized within many theoretical perspectives.
Several comparisons of different theories to the adventure-based
approach were presented to highlight the apparent flexibility of the
model.
Adventure and Self-esteem: A Major Concept
The overall goal of adventure-based activities and programming
appears to be the enhancement of participants' self-esteem or
self-concept (Schoel, Prouty, & Radcliffe, 1988; Hopkins &
Putnam, 1993). According to Butler (1993), adventure programming
activities and experiences include excitement, risk taking, cooperation
and competition, trust, communication, physical, mental, and emotional
challenges, physical activity, problem-solving and creativity, group and
individual skill development, and fun. The ABC model addresses the
improvement of self-concept through structured activities that stress
trust building, goal setting, challenge/stress, peak experiences, humor,
and problem-solving (Schoel, Prouty, & Radcliffe, 1988). Battle
(1982) stated that the factors involved in the definition of
self-esteem: "a subjective, evaluative phenomenon which determines
the individual's characteristic perception of personal worth."
Byrne (1974) defined self-concept as "the total collection of
attitudes, judgments, and values which an individual holds with respect
to his behavior, his abilities, his body, his worth as a person; in
short, how he perceives and evaluates himself." Steffenhagen and
Burns (1987) defined self-esteem as "the totality of the
individual's perception of self," and included self-concept,
self-image, and social concept as the composite parts of this
perception.
The literature reveals a correlation between self-esteem and
various adolescent issues. These include academic achievement (Ribich
& Barone, 1989; Battle, 1979), depression (Wylie, 1979); delinquency
(Bynner, O'Malley, & Bachman, 1981; Kaplan, 1975), and
decision-making ability (Brown & Mann, 19991). Faust (1980) reported
that students with reduced self-esteem were more likely to feel unsafe,
and that this in turn could lead to anxiety and fear. The enhancement of
self-esteem is a commonly utilized approach in many prevention programs
and is considered to be above average in terms of costs and benefits
(Minnesota State Dept. of Education, 1992).
Although the literature often supports self-esteem building as a
preventive or intervention method in education, Joseph (1992) points out
that there is substantial disagreement as to whether a relationship
between self-esteem and academic performance exists. Several researchers
have presented findings that seem contrary to previous beliefs. Data
concerning African-American children and the relationship of self-esteem
to academic performance highlights this issue. Various studies have
challenged this relationship (Mboya, 1986; Lay & Wakstein, 1985;
Simmons, Brown, Bush, & Blyth, 1978). Similarly, McCarthy and Hoge
(1984) suggest that "researchers look elsewhere than self-esteem
for a fuller understanding of delinquency." Considering this
discrepancy, efforts to clarify the definition of self-esteem and its
relationship to the issues of various minority group adolescents appear
to be indicated.
Empirical Review
In reviewing the literature on empirical evaluations of
adventure-based counseling programs, it becomes immediately apparent
that there have been few comprehensive, empirical studies of this
treatment approach. Although adventure-based programs were infused into
the educational setting through the creation of Project Adventure, Inc.
in 1971, the Adventure-based counseling model (Schoel, Prouty, &
Radcliffe, 1988) is a relatively new approach to working with at-risk
youth. Table 1 shows selected empirical evaluations of adventure-based
programs.
Author(s) Year Population type Dependent
(n=) Variable(s)
Nyhus 1993 Undergrad college Physical & Task-
students (n=40) Specific Self-
Efficacy
Sale 1192 Delinquent Ego & Self-
adolescents (n=30) Concept Dvlpmnt
Witman 1992 Adolescent Skill
Psychiatric Patients Generalization
(n=42)
Sachs & Miller 1992 Behaviorally Social interaction
Disordered & Expectation
Adolescents (n=8
exp., 8 control)
Freed 1991 Emotionally Behavior Change
impaired
intermediate school
students (n=29-35)
Rudolph 1991 Families Family
participating in Perceptions
intervention/
enrichment
program (n=13
respondents)
Sturdivant 1990 Freshman college Self-Concept,
students (n=?) Affective Behavior
Hazel-worth & 1990 Coed Adolescents Self-Concept
Wilson (n=39 subjects,
ages 12-15)
Taylor 1989 College students Personality Type,
(n=21) Self-esteem,
Locus of Control
Zwart 1988 Delinquent Self-Concept,
adolescent males Locus of Control
(n=43)
Wisnyai 1988 High School Risk-taking
students attitudes
Davidson 1987 Underachieving Self-Concept
high school Locus of Control,
students (n=10) Inter-personal
Awareness
Luckner 1985 Hearing Impaired Self-Esteem,
College students Locus of Control
(n=10)
Lieberman & 1991 Elementary & Self-Concept
DeVos Secondary school
students (n=54
exp, 58 control)
Danziger 1982 Elementary School Self-Concept
students (n=?
Quimby 1982 Secondary School Affective &
students Psycho-motor
Outcomes
Bertolami 1981 Young adults Self-Esteem,
Locus of Control
Van Hove 1980 Private School Ability to develop
students (age=?, Trust, ability to
n=?) take risks
Conrad 1980 Secondary School Social, Psych. &
students (n=600 Intellectual
students from 9 Change
schools in U S.)
Author(s) Instrument(s) Utilized Experimental Design
Nyhus Task-Specific Self-Efficacy Time Series (No
Instrument, Physical Self- control group)
Efficacy Instrument, Task
Completion Instrument
Sale Washington Sentence One Group Pretest-
Completion Test, Piers- Posttest (No
Harris Self-Concept Scale control group)
Witman Interview, Questionnaire One Group Pretest-
Posttest (No
control group)
Sachs & Miller Behavior Problem Pretest-Posttest
Checklist, Modified Jessor Control Group
Expectancy Quenstionnaire,
Direct Observation
Freed Behavior Evaluation Scale One Group Pretest-
(BES) Posttest (No
control group)
Rudolph Document data, interview One Shot case Study
data (No control group)
Sturdivant Tennessee Self-Concept Pretest-Posttest
Scale, Platt Affective Control Group
Behavior
Hazel-worth & Tennessee Self-Concept One Group Pretest-
Wilson Scale Posttest (No
control group)
Taylor Rotter Internal-External One Group Pretest-
Locus of Control Scale, Posttest (No
Rosenberg Self-Esteem control group)
Scale, Myers-Briggs Type
Indicator
Zwart Self Report Inventories, One Group
Behavioral Observations Pretest
Posttest (No
control group)
Wisnyai Jackson Personality Pretest-Posttest
Inventory Risk Taking Control Group
Subscale
Davidson Tennessee Self-Concept Pretest-Posttest
Scale, Selman Inter- Control Group
personal Awareness, and
Locus of Control Scale.
Luckner Culture Free Self-Esteem Pretest-Posttest
Inventory, Semantic Control Group
Differential Self-Concept ((*) matched
Scale, Levenson Locus of control group, may
Control Scale indicate flawed
design)
Lieberman & Tennesse Self Concept Nonequivalent
DeVos Scale, Piers-Harris Control Group
Children's Self-Concept
Scale, Student Attitude
Inventory
Danziger Piers-Harris Self-Concept Solomon Four Group
Scale. Trained Observers
Quimby Tennessee Self-Concept Pretest-Posttest
Scale, Platt Affective Control Group
Behavior Scales, American
Alliance of Health, Phy. Ed.,
Recreation & Dance
Related Fitness Test.
Bertolami Unspecified "Quasi-Experimental"
Experimental"
Control Group
Van Hove Badger's Outdoor One Group Pretest
Adventure Education Posttest (No
Situation Reaction Model control group)
Conrad Unspecified Pretest-Posttest
Control Group
Author(s) Findings
Nyhus Participants scores on physical and task
specific measures were significantly
higher at end of program, relationship
between task specific self-efficacy &
completion of adventure tasks.
Sale Significant gains in ego development and
self concept.
Witman Concluded that "the hypothesis that
aspects of the adventure experience
transfer or generalize to other life areas
was clearly supported."
Sachs & Miller Concluded that the experience had "a
significant short term impact on the
cooperative behavior exhibited by the
students in that school setting."
Freed Significant impact on participant scores on
Interpersonal Difficulties subscale of BES.
Not adequate evidence that program had
long term impact.
Rudolph Program participation had positive impact
on families, perceptions shifted regarding
member capabilities and family resources.
Sturdivant Hypothesis regarding gains in self-concept
and affective areas was not supported.
Hazel-worth & Significant increases in moral ethical self-
Wilson concept, identity and self-satisfaction.
Taylor Pretest-posttest scores not significant for
self esteem, locus of control. Self report
data indicated positive effects on self-
esteem & locus of control.
Zwart Hypothesis of increased self-concept,
locus of control not supported. Instructors
reported increased use of socially
appropriate behaviors.
Wisnyai Concluded that Adventure program had a
significant impact on risk taking attitudes
of participants.
Davidson Significant results reported (p<.05) for all
instruments. No difference between
groups in attendance, comportment
Luckner Significant gains in self-concept, locus of
control, both which were maintained at 2
month follow up.
Lieberman & Experimental group gained in several self-concept
DeVos areas, no difference in groups at
follow up.
Danziger For some subjects, the program activities
"were instrumental in enhancing the self
concept," also experimental S's utilized a
"broader range of interactive behaviors."
Quimby Significant affective gains for program
participants on both measures, no
difference in fitness test results.
Bertolami Significant gains in self-esteem for
experimental group.
Van Hove Significant positive change noted in many
subscale scores, conclusion that program
caused "positive social characteristic
changes."
Conrad Concluded that "in general, experiential
programs did have a positive impact on
psychological, social & intellectual
growth." Significant results reported in
many interpersonal areas.
The studies listed were located through a review of Social Work
Abstracts, Psychological Abstracts, Dissertation Abstracts, and ERIC
using combinations of the search words experiential, adventure,
counseling, education, and evaluation. Several empirical studies were
located, with the majority (11 of 19)examining the relationship between
adventure-based programming and self-esteem/self-concept. Although the
model of adventure-based counseling has been the focus of this paper,
other empirical studies have examined the effect of adventure-based
programming on self-esteem and other variables. It is unclear as to
whether a counseling component was involved in these programs, or if the
completion and experience of various adventure activities (without
counseling) was the primary focus. Nonetheless, these studies appear to
be valuable when reviewing empirical efforts in the field. For the
purposes of the present review, only the studies dated from 1980 are
presented in the table.
In examining studies conducted to demonstrate program
effectiveness, several issues emerge which make it difficult to draw
conclusions with regard to the adventure-based approach. The first is
that no two adventure programs appear to be the same in their manner of
implementation. Some programs are based on intensive outdoor experiences
over a relatively short period of time (Bertolami, 1980; Hazelworth
& Wilson, 1990; Sachs & Miller, 1992; Witman, 1992; Luckner,
Zwart, 1988). Other programs were conducted in a less intensive manner
and over a longer period of time (Quimby, 1982; Taylor, 1989; Lieberman
& DeVos, 1983). Two were specifically identified as adventure-based
counseling programs (Lieberman & DeVos, 1983; Davidson, 1987). Some
programs were administered in schools, agencies and/or treatment
facilities (Lieberman & DeVos, 1983; Danziger, 1982; Quimby, 1982),
while others utilized locations in wilderness, camp, or ropes course
sites (Sachs, & Miller, 1992; Berrtolami, 1981; Freed, 1991; Zwart,
1988; Wisnyai, 1988; Luckner, 1985). Widely varying settings, time of
participation in the program, and leader orientations make it difficult
to comment definitively on an adventure-based approach or program since
this approach has not been specifically defined for these variables.
In examining program leadership or curriculum materials, there
also appear to be widely varying or flexible formats for program
implementation. It is often unclear who or how many persons are involved
in leading an adventure program (i.e., counselors, educators,
para-professsionals), their qualifications or training, and if they are
experienced in group dynamics. Similarly, the techniques or specific
activities utilized with the various populations served during the
course of their program are rarely mentioned. This make comparisons of
programs extremely difficult.
In examining the research designs of the various studies, several
other concerns emerge with regard to the research methods. Nine of the
19 studies did not appear to utilize a control group as part of their
design (Nyhus, 1993; Sale, 1992; Freed, 1991; Rudolph, 1991; Hazelworth
& Wilson, 1990; Witman, 1992; Taylor, 1989; Zwart, 1988; Van Hove,
1980). Additionally, three studies may have utilized nonequivalent
control groups (Liberman & DeVos, 1983; Bertolami, 1981; Luckner,
1985). Thus, 12 of the 19 studies have research design problems which
make it difficult for them to contribute empirical support for
adventure-based programming.
As the table shows, various measurement instruments were utilized.
The most common was the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale used in five of the
19 studies. Various other measures of self-concept, locus of control,
affective behavior, and other physical and psychological outcomes were
utilized, with most utilizing self-report as the primary method of data
collection. This raises the question of whether participants
(particularly adolescents) will accurately report on issues which would
indicate low self-concept. Only three of the 19 studies utilized direct
behavioral observations for data collection (Sachs & Miller, 1992;
Zwart, 1988; Danziger, 1982).
Of the seven studies which report the utilization of an
experimentally sound research design (pretest-posttest control group;
Solomon Four group), additional difficulties emerge. In four of the
seven studies, it is unclear as to the sample sizes (Danziger, 1982;
Wisnyai, 1988; Sturdivant, 1990; Quimby, 1982). In two of the studies,
the sample sizes were 20 or less participants (Davidson, 1987; Sachs
& Miller, 1992).
These adventure-based programs generally report positive results.
Sixteen of the 19 studies noted in the table reported some degree of
positive outcome for the participants. This included claims that they
evidenced increased self-esteem/self-concept (Sale, 1992; Hazelworth
& Wilson, 1990; Taylor, 1989; Davidson, 1987; Luckner, 1985;
Lieberman & DeVos, 1983; Danziger, 1982; Quimby, 1982; Bertolami,
1981), higher scores on physical and task-specific measures (Nyhus,
1993), increased use of cooperative behaviors (Sachs & Miller,
1992), generalization of adventure skills to other life areas (Witman,
1992), positive gains on psychological, social and intellectual growth
(Conrad, 1980).
Michigan, both of which focused on serving at-risk adolescents.
Alvarez concluded that "... adventure as a model of experiential
education offers, the school social worker an alternative
approach." He highlighted the model's emphasis on client
strengths rather than lack of abilities, positing that the program
assisted the participants in making decisions and developing competence.
Implications for Research and Practice
Although results appear to vary, and research design and method
deficits have been noted, the majority of studies indicate that
participation in an adventure-based program impacted positively on
participants' self-esteem/self-concept. Based on the available
research, it is unclear whether this occurred as a result of
participation in an adventure-based program. Well-designed research
would appear to benefit practitioners who are planning to or are
currently utilizing an adventure-based counseling program with their
clients.
It appears that several areas would need to be addressed to begin
the development of a solid empirical base for these programs. One area
has to do with research design. In order for the approach to be
thoroughly tested, designs utilizing random treatment and control
groups, adequate sample sizes, and behavioral outcome measures would be
necessary.
Additionally, the setting in which the behavior observations
occurred would be important. That is, although participants may utilize
certain behaviors in the adventure-based counseling setting while
engaging in structured activities, what, if any behavior change would
occur in a target setting (i.e., classroom, hallways, or home)?
Researchers would do well to gather data from such records as attendance
and disciplinary reports. This would help determined if the skills
learned in the program were being generalized to other contexts.
Another research issue would address the types and sequencing of
activities in the program. While many publications are dedicated to
suggesting adventure activities and their sequences (Rohnke, 1989;
Schoel, Prouty, & Radcliffe, 1988), this may result in too much
flexibility for adequate comparison of effectiveness across programs.
What may be needed in order to conduct and compare these programs is one
specific sequence of activities, initiatives, and skill-building
exercises that could be applied across programs. It may then be possible
to examine several programs which utilized the same activities in order
to draw conclusions about the effect of the program.
Without ignoring the apparent research deficits in the field, it
is worth noting that this review did not discover any studies which
found that participation in adventure programming was harmful to the
participants' health or well-being. The same claim cannot be made
for traditional psychotherapeutic services, some of which had
demonstrable negative effects (Wodarski & Bagarozzi, 1979; Fischer,
1973). Gillis (1994) discussed evaluation of adventure-based programs
and reported that there is currently an article (Cason & Gillis, in
press) "which combines 44 research studies to show that adolescents
benefit from adventure programming more than those who don't."
Others in the field also acknowledge the deficits in previous
studies and identify areas for future research (Stale, 1979; Gillis,
1994). Ewert (1983) concluded that with regard to Outward Bound having a
"good" effect on participants, the process was similar to
electricity in that "... we know it does something good, but
we're not sure how it does it" (cited in Riggins, 1986).
Riggins (1986) further suggested that future research in adventure
programming should build on what is already known about effective
learning in the traditional classroom setting (i.e., the effects of
group size, cooperative orientation, success, and underlying classroom
culture). Gillis (1992) also highlights research difficulties in the
field, including "lack of randomization, the use of nonequivalent
control groups, in-house evaluations, and the lack of adequate
follow-ups." He posits that these are, in part, responsible for
inconsistent findings, such as changes in self-report measures but not
behavior. Gillis (1992) suggests the possibility of creating specific
treatment manuals to "provide protocols of psychotherapy" in
adventure-based setting since this may allow for improved effectiveness
across programs.
Practice issues for the utilization of adventure-based counseling
programs should also be addressed Among these are the apparent
similarities between adventure-based counseling programs and life-skills
programs, particularly in the area of social competence training. The
group counseling modality and its appropriateness for this type of skill
building also bears underscoring.
This paper discussed life-skills programs in terms of various
general program components and its rationale. Adventure-based counseling
programs appear to address similar life-skills concepts and issues. It
has been posited that adolescents benefit from social competence
training as well as gain in self-esteem. There is empirical support for
the supposition that adolescents have the ability to improve life skills
in structured programs and formats (Wodarski & Wodarski, 1993;
Wodarski, 1988; Schinke & Gilchrist, 1984). Adventure-based
approaches appear to offer an attractive alternative to working with
at-risk adolescents, given the nature of the activities and the emphasis
on participant strengths, as well as the active participation with peers
in order to acquire or enhance desired skills (i.e., decision-making,
problem-solving, and trust). Gillis, Williams, and Hollis (1992)
suggested that certain types of children do not respond well to
traditional, talk-oriented interventions, and that experiential methods
may prove more effective.
Adventure-based counseling programs use the group modality as the
primary arena for change. It has several benefits; it is theoretically
consistent with an adolescents' emphasis on group membership and
socialization. The adventure component and particularly the ropes course
activities allow participants to engage in appropriate risk-taking
behaviors. Further, the group context more closely approximates social
situations that may be encountered outside the program, and that skills
learned in this context may then be generalized beyond the program
setting. Similarly, the group modality may allow counselors and program
leaders to reach larger numbers of children in a more cost-effective
way.
CONCLUSION
This paper has reviewed the literature concerning adventure-based
counseling approaches with at-risk students. These were compared to more
traditional life-skills programs, particularly in the area of social
competence. A glaring deficiency in the literature to date is the
absence of empirical program evaluations focusing on observable
behaviors of group participants. It would appear to be valuable for this
type of research to be conducted prior to the allocation of large sums
of money by school districts and mental health agencies to implement a
full-scale model. Given the diminishing resources for social programs,
empirically based social and life-skills programs may be a more cost
effective. Additionally, as Gillis & McLeod (1992) suggest, if
full-scale programming cannot be implemented due to cost, some
activities can be used but without intensive rope courses or outdoor
experiences.
For social workers who provide direct services to adolescents in
various settings, adventure-based counseling may be a viable alternative
to traditional approaches. Additionally, such programming often appears
to offer social workers opportunities to engage in interdisciplinary
relationships with other professionals.
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Preparation of this manuscript was facilitated by the Janet B.
Wattles endowment, a subcontract from the Buffalo State College Center
for the Development of Human Services and a grant from the office of the
Vice President of Research.
Gerald T. Moote, Jr., CSW, Doctoral Student, State University of
New York at Buffalo, School of Social Work, and School Socialworker,
North Tonawanda City Schools.
Reprint requests to John S. Wodarski, Ph.D., State University of
New York at Buffalo, School of Social Work, 359 Baldy Hall, Box 601050.
Buffalo, N.Y. 14260-1050.