Emerging adult versus adult status among college students: examination of explanatory variables.

Blinn-Pike, Lynn ; Worthy, Sheri Lokken ; Jonkman, Jeffrey N. 等

INTRODUCTION

Arnett (2000) proposed that individuals between approximately 18 and 25 years of age are in between adolescence and adulthood. He referred to this stage as "conceptually, theoretically, and empirically" different from the other two and labeled it "emerging adulthood" (p. 463). Emerging adults are characterized by less stable financial situations, interpersonal relationships, living arrangements, cognitive and emotional development, and religious beliefs. In the study of the transition to adulthood, it is often assumed that 18- to 25-year-olds are a homogeneous group and are all emerging adults. Individuals in this age range who have attained adulthood have received less attention than emerging adults. Arnett (1997, 1998, 2001), Nelson (2003), and Nelson and Barry (2005) have reported that some in this age group do report that they are adults but their numbers are relatively small. According to Nelson and Barry (2005), those in this group who perceive themselves as adults are in the minority among their peers and represent a group that is worthy of further study. The first purpose of this study was to report how many undergraduate college students are classified as "emerging adults," "undecideds" or "adults." The second purpose was to determine how emerging adults and adults compare on background characteristics, risk-taking behaviors, sensation-seeking scores, and income.

LITERATURE

Classification as Adult versus Emerging Adult

Nelson and Barry (2005) systematically compared college students who perceived themselves as adults with their peers who did not. They attempted to identify college students who perceived themselves as adults and to explore whether differences in adulthood criteria, achievement of those criteria, identity issues, risk-taking behaviors, and depression were based on perceived adult status. Nelson and Barry (2005) asked if the students thought that they had reached adulthood. The response choices were "yes," "no," and "in some respects yes and in some respects no." Findings from 232 college students' responses revealed that there was a small group of perceived adults (25%). When compared to their emerging adult peers, those who perceived themselves to be adults (a) did not differ on the adulthood criteria they used; (b) had a better sense of their overall identity, as well as what type of person they wanted as a romantic partner; (c) were less depressed; and (d) engaged in fewer risk behaviors (e.g., illegal drug use and drunk driving). The researchers reported that adults in this age range deserved more attention than has been given in previous research.

Ethnicity and Emerging Adulthood

Arnett (2003) found several differences in conceptions of the transition to adulthood among ethnic groups, African Americans, Latinos, and Asian Americans were more likely than Whites to think that a man or a woman should "become capable of supporting a family financially" in order to be considered an adult. Arnett reported that family obligations were valued more highly by American ethnic minority groups than by Whites. He also found that ethnic minority groups were more likely to assume collectivistic values than Whites by emphasizing consideration for others. For example, they may be more likely to avoid embarrassing or bringing trouble to the family or extended family unit by driving under the influence of alcohol or drugs, or having significant gambling debts.

Additionally, Arnett (2003) found differences between American ethnic minority groups (African Americans, Latinos, and Asian Americans) and Whites on values related to getting married, completing their education, and becoming employed full time. Ethnic minorities placed more value on achieving these "role transitions" than did Whites. However, the percentage of respondents finding these achievements important for adulthood was low across all groups. According to Arnett (2003), all three ethnic groups felt that independence was an important component of becoming a self-sufficient person or adult. For individuals in ethnic minority groups, they may feel they have reached adulthood earlier than their White peers, in part due to having assumed greater responsibilities within their families of origin.

Schwartz, Cote, and Arnett (2005) studied 332 university students and found that the positive relationship between agency and identity was consistent across ethnic groups (Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics). Agency is defined as (a) having a sense of responsibility for one's life course, (b) believing that one is in control of one's decisions and is responsible for outcomes, and (c) being confident that one will be able to overcome obstacles that may appear along the life course. Flexibility, deliberate choice-making, and exploration were positively related to agency. Avoidance of responsibility and aimlessness were negatively related to agency. They found that emerging adults use agency to varying degrees depending on the coherence of their identity and that this was consistent across Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics.

Cote (2000) described two predictable ways that emerging adults often pursue their development depending on the degree of agency or self-direction that they possess. One pathway was labeled default individualization because it involves decisions dictated by circumstance and impulse, with little agentic effort. Such a course may leave the individual unprepared to successfully navigate adult roles such as marriage, employment, and parenthood. A second pathway was labeled developmental individualization because it involves decisions that lead to deliberate and continued growth. Developmental individualism may be more available to individuals today given the decline of economic barriers to education and career success due to gender, ethnicity, and social class. There is greater freedom to pursue opportunities, such as college attendance, that lead to self-improvement in a variety of intellectual, occupational, and psychosocial areas (Schwartz, Cote, & Arnett, 2005).

Sensation-seeking Risk-taking and Emerging Adulthood

There is some evidence that emerging adults have preferences for higher sensation-seeking activities than do young adults (Zuckerman (1979, p. 10) defined sensation-seeking as "the seeking of varied, novel, complex, and intense sensations and experiences, and the willingness to take physical, social, legal, and functional risks for the sake of such experiences." Sensation-seeking has been shown to be linked to the more general trait of impulsivity and has been shown to influence a wide variety of behaviors, including cigarette smoking, drug and alcohol use, and gambling. Zuckerman and Kuhlman (2000) examined the relationship between sensation-seeking and gender, risky behaviors, and gambling among 260 college students. They reported that gambling correlated significantly with drinking and risky sexual experiences for males, but did not correlate with any of the risk scales for females. In addition, males scored higher on gambling risk and sensation-seeking scales. Disinhibition is a sociopathic type of sensation-seeking that is highly related to nonconformity and impulsivity. Disinhibition is described as seeking sensation through social activities such as parties, social drinking, and sex (Zuckerman, 1994). Carrol and Zuckerman (1977) found that disinhibition was positively correlated with both stimulant and hallucinogen drug use among 80 males in residential drug treatment programs. Newcomb and McGee (1991) found that sensation-seeking scores were highly correlated with legal and illegal substance use among adolescents. They reported that for females, a general sensation-seeking factor predicted alcohol use one year later. The same was not true for males, among whom only disinhibition (a sensation-seeking subscale) predicted alcohol use and only one aspect of alcohol use: quantity.

Bradley and Wildman (2002) investigated risk and reckless behaviors in emerging adults. In their sample of 375 emerging adults, "risk" behaviors were found to be reliably predicted by high sensation-seeking scores. Todesco (2005) found a significant relationship between high disinhibition scores among emerging adults compared to young adults. Todesco (2005) reported significant developmental differences in risk-taking and sensation-seeking behaviors between emerging adults (18 to 25 years old) and young adults (26 to 34 years old). Emerging adults were found to engage in more risk-taking and sensation-seeking behaviors, as well as to view risky acts as less harmful than do young adults, providing additional support for the distinctiveness of emerging adulthood as a unique developmental period.

Income and Emerging Adulthood

Parents have been shown to be the most important source of financial support for many emerging adults. Higher parental education and income have been shown to be related to greater likelihood of offspring pursuing higher education and making a successful transition to adulthood (Sandefur, Eggerling-Boeck, & Park, 2005); Osgood, Ruth, Eccles, Jacobs, & Barber, 2005; Schoeni & Ross, 2005). Likewise, it has been reported that those growing up in low-income homes face more difficulties in their transition to adulthood due to lack of social and financial capitol (Berzin, DeMarco, Shaw, Unick, & Hogan, 2006; Besharov, 1999; Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 2000). These difficulties include higher rates of unemployment and social idleness, earlier childbearing, lower college attendance, fewer total years of education, more involvement in violence and criminality, and exposure to unhealthy neighborhoods and crime. Cote (2002) reported that students who pay for most of their own college education appear to make a more rapid transition to adulthood.

Nobel and McNabb (1989) examined the relationship between students' noncognitive characteristics and their performance on the ACT assessment. Noncognitive characteristics included parental education, family income, size of household, and race/ethnicity. Family income and race/ethnicity were two of the variables found to be related to ACT performance, over and above the variance explained by courses taken and academic grades. Noble, Davenport, Schiel, and Pommerich (1999) also examined the relationships between students' noncognitive characteristics and their performance on the ACT assessment and found that noncognitive characteristics impact students' choices of high school coursework and the grades they earn in those courses, which in turn, are strongly related to ACT scores and college attendance.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

As noted, the first purpose of this study was to report how many college students in this sample of 18- to 25-year-olds, are classified as "emerging adults," "undecideds," or "adults." The second purpose was to determine the relationships between their classifications as emerging adults versus adults and (a) background characteristics (age, gender, parenthood, race); (b) risk behaviors (alcohol consumption, binge drinking, cigarette smoking, and gambling); (c) sensation-seeking scores (disinhibition); and (d) income (family receipt of public assistance and primary source of financial support for college). Three expectations were articulated prior to the start of the study. First, fewer students would be classified as adults versus undecideds or emerging adults. Second, when those who were classified as adults were compared to emerging adults, they would be more likely to be older, minority, and parents. And third, when emerging adults were compared to adults, adults would engage in fewer risk behaviors, have lower sensation-seeking scores, and be more financially independent of their families.

METHOD

Sample

Survey data were collected from 450 undergraduate students enrolled in introductory psychology classes at two state universities in a southern state. The universities are approximately 100 miles apart. Data collection took place during spring 2006 and the data from the two colleges were pooled. The students received extra credit for participating and were from a variety of majors (arts and sciences--45%, business--18%, education--10%; applied and life sciences--10%, engineering-6%, undecided--11%).

As noted below, only data from the 302 students who were classified as either adult or emerging adult were used in this analysis. For comparison purposes, the 148 students who were classified as "undecided" about their status were excluded. The 302 students had a mean age of 19.64 years (SD = 1.41); 78% were freshmen or sophomores and 55% were female. In terms of race, 223 (74%) were White, 57 (19%) were African American, and 20 (7%) were "other." Given the small numbers, the 7% of students who were "other" were dropped from the remaining analyses when race was the variable of interest; (54 or (18%) of the 302 reported receiving public assistance (food stamps, Medicaid, and/ or free/reduced price lunch) while growing up (36 or 63% of African Americans and 13 or 6% of Whites). Race and receipt of public assistance during childhood were highly correlated ([chi square] = .0001). Two percent of the sample was married and 9% were parents.

Measures

Adult status. The survey consisted of 149 short-answer questions and took approximately 25 minutes to complete. Not all of the data from the survey are included in this report. In addition to background questions including age, race, gender, marital status, parenthood, receipts of public assistance, and year in college, the students were asked four questions that were scored on a five-point scale from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (5). A higher score meant the student was classified as more of an adult and less of an emerging adult. The questions asked whether: (a) I am ready for a serious relationship or marriage, (b) I have things I want to do before settling down (reversed), (c) I consider myself a self-supporting adult, and (d) my parents and I have the same religious beliefs. These four questions were based on an extensive review of the literature that points to emerging adults as believing the following are markers for adulthood: (a) marriage or settling down, (b) independent decision making, (c) financial independence from parents, and (d) less questioning of parental religious beliefs (Arnett, 1997, 1998, 2001, 2002). Participants were placed in one of two groups (adult or emerging adult) by the number of items out of the four that they answered as "strongly agree" or "agree." The "emerging adults" strongly agreed or agreed with none or one of the four items. The "adults" strongly agreed or agreed with three or four items. An additional intermediate group of 148 students answered two of the four questions as strongly agree or agree and were labeled "undecideds." In order to classify the groups as separate and distinct in their responses and to maximize differences between adult and emerging adult status, the undecided group was not included, resulting in the sample of 302 students.

Risk behaviors. The risk-behaviors addressed in this survey were alcohol consumption, binge drinking, cigarette smoking, and gambling. Alcohol consumption, smoking cigarettes, and binge drinking (five or more drinks in a row) were all assessed by asking how many times they participated in the behavior in the previous 30 days. Gambling was assessed with four questions (yes/no) as to whether they had visited casinos, played cards for money, bet on sports, and/or gambled on the Internet in the previous 12 months.

Sensation-seeking was measured with the ten items on the disinhibition subscale of the Sensation-seeking Scale Form V (SSS-V); (Zuckerman, 1994). The students were given ten pairs of items and asked to select the one in each pair that best described them. One pair asked if the student preferred "wild, uninhibited parties" versus "quiet parties with good conversation." The SSS-V is one of the most widely used instruments for the assessment of sensation-seeking and was developed and revised primarily with undergraduate students at the University of Delaware (Zuckerman, 1994). Zuckerman (1994) reported the reliability of the disinhibition subscale (SSS-V) to range from .72 to .78. A Cronbach's alpha of .79 was computed as an index of internal reliability for the current data. A higher summed score (range 0-10) represented a greater preference for sensation-producing activities.

Income. The students were asked if their family received public assistance (food stamps, Medicaid, and/or free/reduced price lunch) while they were growing up (yes/no). Financial support for college was measured by asking students to complete this sentence: "Most of my money for college (i.e., books, fees, tuition) comes from--" They were given five choices and asked to selected one: parents, spouse/relatives, grants, student loans, or job/savings.

RESULTS

Classification

Table 1 shows how the 302 students were classified by group: adults 116 (38%) and emerging adults 186 (62%). It also shows that overall, the students were most likely to report that they had the same religious values as their parents (70%) and were least likely to report that they were ready to settle down (19%).

Table 2 shows the background characteristics of the sample classified as emerging adults or adults with respect to age, gender, race, and parenthood using a chi-squared test of independence. For age, the Wilcoxon signed rank test was used, because ages were not normally distributed in the sample. Age differences among the groups were statistically but not practically significant (p = 0.0164) at the .05 level, with the adults being slightly older. Adult status was not significantly associated with gender (p = 0.0686), but was significantly associated with race (p < 0.001). More African American students were classified as adults compared to emerging adults (33% versus 12%, respectively). There were no significant differences in the proportion of the two groups who were parents.

Risk Behaviors and Sensation Seeking

Table 3 shows the mean frequencies of consuming alcohol, smoking cigarettes, and binge drinking in the previous 30 days for emerging adults and adults. These data were compared between the two groups using the Wilcoxon signed rank test. The Wicoxon test was used instead of the t-test because the responses were found not to be normally distributed. The groups differed significantly with respect to all three risk-taking behaviors: alcohol consumption (p = 0.0001), binge drinking (p < 0.0001), and cigarette consumption (p = 0.0340). Adults consumed alcohol, binge drank, and smoked cigarettes less frequently than did emerging adults. Adults and emerging adults also differed significantly with regard to sensation seeking (4.07 versus 5.37, p = 0.0003), with adults exhibiting significantly lower levels of disinhibition than emerging adults. Alcohol use, binge drinking, cigarette use, and sensation-seeking scores were all significantly correlated (p < .0001).

Table 3 also shows the percentage of respondents in each group who engaged in each type of gambling behavior (playing cards for money, visiting casinos, and betting on sports) in the previous 12 months. None of the students reported gambling on the Internet in the previous 12 months. Playing cards, gambling in casinos, and betting on sports were all significantly correlated (p < .001). The proportions for each type of gambling were compared between adults and emerging adults using the chi-squared test. No significant differences were found between the groups with regard to casino gambling or betting on sports. However, the groups differed significantly with regard to playing cards for money (p = 0.0115), with the lower percentage occurring among adults (24%) than emerging adults (38%).

Income

Finally, in terms of income, adults were more likely than emerging adults to report growing up in a family that received public assistance (28% versus 11%, respectively, p < .0001). In terms of the proportions of the five sources of financial support for college, Table 4 shows that the sample as a whole received the most support from parents (57%) and the least support from spouse/other relatives or jobs/savings (3% each). The chi-square for adult status by financial support was significant (p < .0001). Adults were less likely to report parents as their main source of financial support for college (40%) compared to emerging adults (67%).

DISCUSSION

This study was unique for three reasons. First, because of what it adds to our knowledge of the number and characteristics of college students who are classified as emerging adults versus adults, as an under-researched topic. Both the Nelson and Barry (2005) sample and the present sample were surveyed in intact undergraduate classes such as human development or psychology in large public universities and represented diversity in college majors. In addition, the two studies were similar in terms of the proportions of females and minorities. Although both studies involved relatively small convenience samples, the comparison between the two studies adds to the validity and generalizability of the present findings. The most noteworthy finding was that the proportions of college students who were classified as having reached adulthood were similar (25% and 26%) in both studies. (The 26% is based on the total sample size of 450 which includes 148 (strongly agreed or agreed with two of the four statements) who were not included in the comparison between adults and emerging adults.) Likewise, the findings in the two studies were similar to others regarding fewer risk behaviors and lower sensation-seeking scores among adults compared to emerging adults (Arnett, 1997; Bradley & Wildman, 2002). These similarities were found in spite of the fact that one took place in the mid-Atlantic region and one in the southern region of the United States.

Second, this research was unique in its cultural context. As Arnett (2005, p.4) stated, many articles currently published in journals on adolescence are based on American middle-class samples but draw conclusions about adolescents in general, with no mention of cultural context, as if adolescents anywhere are like adolescents everywhere. However, there is a growing awareness among scholars on adolescence that adolescent development can be understood only in the context of culture. The present study took place in the Deep South and was noteworthy in examining the relationship between family receipt of public assistance and emerging adult versus adult status among college students. There was a sufficient number of college students who grew up in poverty in this sample to examine its relationship to classification as an adult.

The college students in this study who grew up in families receiving public assistance may have successfully managed to bypass or overcome the hurdles in their childhood and adolescence in order to be enrolled as undergraduates in a four-year state university with little financial support from their families or extended families. Pursuing developmental individualism, as opposed to default individualism, may have provided them with the resilience they needed to succeed as far as they had and may have required that they make the transition to adulthood earlier than their higher-income classmates. Their strong familial or collectivistic values emphasizing consideration for others may have resulted in their being (a) more likely to feel ready to settle down in a serious relationship or marriage, (b) forced to be financially, independent, and (c) able to avoid gambling, becoming drunk, smoking cigarettes or binge drinking. It remains to be seen if these disadvantaged students will remain in college or drop out due to financial strains, particularly if their degrees require more than four years of college. Arnett (2004) reported that emerging adults see their education as something they expect to continue into their late twenties or thirties. Financial and familial obligations may make spending an extended time in college or attaining an advanced degree difficult for students who grew up in poverty.

Third, this research was unique due to the inclusion of gambling among other risk behaviors. A strong case can be made for including gambling questions in future studies of transitions to adulthood, particularly among college students. A meta-analysis was recently conducted on the prevalence of disordered gambling among college students and results showed that over 7% have gambling problems (Blinn-Pike, Worthy, & Jonkman, 2007). LaBrie, Shaffer, and LaPlante et al. (2003) surveyed 10,765 college students from 119 scientifically selected U.S. colleges included in the 2001 Harvard Public Health College Alcohol Study and found that (a) 52% of males and 33% of females reported gambling at least weekly in the last school year; (b) students over 21 years of age were more likely to gamble; (c) the availability of gambling venues in the state influenced students' decisions to gamble; and (d) the data supported the presence of an underlying problem behavior syndrome among college students that suggests a tendency to engage in several risky activities, including gambling, alcohol use, and binge drinking.

CONCLUSION

It was expected that fewer students would be classified as adults versus undecideds or emerging adults and this was supported. It was hypothesized that when those who were classified as emerging adults were compared to adults, the adults would be more likely to be: older, minority, and parents; only minority status was supported. Finally, it was expected that adults would engage in fewer risk behaviors, have lower sensation-seeking scores, and be more financially independent of their families; all three were supported.

The basis for these results appears to be related to, at least in part, on the income status of the students' families. Additional research needs to be conducted on the developmental paths low-income college students follow. Do they skip being emerging adults? Do they experience emerging adulthood differently from their higher income peers? Do they experience emerging adulthood earlier than their higher income peers?

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This paper was presented at the Third Annual Conference on Emerging Adulthood, Tucson, January 2007.

Lynn Blinn-Pike, Indiana University-Purdue University; Sheri Lokken Worthy, Mississippi State University; Jeffrey N. Jonkman, Mississippi State University; G. Rush Smith, University of Georgia.

Requests for reprints should be sent to Lynn Blinn-Pike, Professor, Department of Sociology, 425 University Blvd., 303 Cavanaugh Hall, IUPUI, Indianapolis, IN 46202. E-mail: pikelcaiupui.edu

Table 1. Four Classification Criteria by Groups

Criteria (%) Group

 Emerging Adult Entire
 Adult (n = 116) Sample
 (n = 186) (n = 302)

I am ready for a serious 8.06 97.41 42.38
relationship or marriage

I have things I want to do 2.69 43.97 18.54
before I settle down
(reversed)

I am a self-supporting adult 9.68 85.34 38.74

I have the same religious 56.45 92.24 70.20
beliefs as my parents

Table 2. Characteristics of Students by Group

 Group

Variable Emerging Adult Sign.
 Adult (n = 116) p-value
 (n = 186)

Age (M/SD) 19.45/ 19.96/ 0.0164
 1.17 1.68

Gender (% Female) 51.35 62.07 0.0686

Race (% African-American) 12.00 33.64 <0.0001

Parenthood (% parents) 9.73 8.77 0.7581

Table 3. Risky Behaviors by Group

Risky Behavior Group

 Emerging Adult Sign.
 Adult (n = 116) (p-value)
 (n = 186)

Alcohol (frequency) 9.22 5.96 0.0001

Binge Drinking 6.67 3.72 <0.0001
(frequency)

Cigarettes (frequency) 7.12 5.60 0.0340

Gambling- cards %) 38.17 24.14 0.0115

Gambling-casinos (%) 22.04 19.83 0.6468

Gambling-sports (%) 22.58 16.38 0.1917

Table 4. Primary Source of Financial Support for College by Group

Main Source of Financial Group
Support for College %)

 Emerging Adult Entire
 Adult (n = 116) Sample
 (n = 183) (a) (N = 299)

Grants 16.67 22.12 18.73

Job/Savings 1.61 6.19 3.34

Parents 66.67 39.82 56.32

S use/Other Relatives 2.69 4.42 3.34

Student Loans 12.37 27.43 18.06

(a) missing data for three students