Adoption activities on the Internet: a call for regulation.
Roby, Jini L. ; White, Holly
The advent of the Internet has changed the face of information
access and communication as well as the provision of goods and services.
The Internet is now facilitating interactive services such as
psychotherapy (Alleman, 2003; Holmes & Ainsworth, 2004) and medical
advice (Currell, Urquhart, Wainwright, & Lewis, 2000). Adoption
services, too, are increasingly being facilitated through the Internet,
with Web sites proliferating since the first photolisting Web site was
introduced in 1994 (Martin, n.d.). The Internet has become a factor in
all three types of adoptions--domestic infant adoption, public foster
care adoption, and international adoption. Although foster care
adoptions are now subject to considerable regulation (Freundlich,
Gerstenzang, & Blair, 2004), adoption activities on the Internet
seem to be flourishing--particularly domestic infant adoptions--with
little or no regulation. International adoptions are not free of
Internet-based abuses, with increasing access to the Internet around the
globe. The purposes of this article are to describe the current
functions of adoption-related Web sites, examine their potential
benefits and risks as applied to different spheres of adoption activity,
discuss the current state of regulation related to Internet-based
adoption activities, and begin a dialogue on social work self-regulation
and leadership in this arena. In the end, we argue that the social work
profession has a special responsibility to establish self-regulation of
its own members and to extend its leadership to the wider arena of
Internet-assisted adoption activities.
FUNCTIONS OF ADOPTION-RELATED WEB SITES
To survey the landscape of Internet-based adoption activities, we
scoured hundreds of Web sites available between September 2006 and March
2008. We found that services offered on these Web sites can be roughly
divided into the following categories: information and referral, mutual
contact between families, profiles of families and children, brokerage
services by intermediaries, and chat rooms. In this section, Web sites
offering each of these functions are briefly described (see Table 1),
and representative Web sites are listed for discussion purposes,
although we do not necessarily approve or disapprove of them.
Information and Referral
These Web sites offer resources and information to members of the
adoption triad (birth parents, adoptive parents, and adoptees) and
adoption professionals. Adoption Online (http://www.adoptions.
com/hopingtoadopt.cfm/), for example, provides information related to
pregnancy, adoption, parenting, reuniting, and additional services. For
professionals, many sites offer continuing educational opportunities and
practice tips.
Mutual Contact
On these Web sites, birth parents and adoptive parents exchange
information and interact. Participants can search by multiple variables,
such as state, ethnicity, religion, and demographic factors. Many claim
to only post screened and qualified adoptive families (for example,
Adopt America Network [http://www.adoptamericanetwork.org/]).
Photolistings/Profiles
The initial, and still the most prominent photolisting Web site is
AdoptUSKids (http://www. adoptuskids.org), designed to increase the
adoption of children from the public child welfare system. This site
provides the child's photo, medical history, family and
developmental background, and personality traits along with information
about the adoption process. This U.S. public child welfare photolisting
service evolved from the previous adoption exchange catalogues, went
online in 1994, and is now also used in Canada and, to a lesser degree,
in the Russian Federation (Freundlich, Gerstenzang, & Holtan, 2007).
As a federally funded Web site, AdoptUSKids enjoys a level of government
oversight that is missing from the privately maintained sites (personal
communication with M. Freundlich, June 24, 2008). Disclaimers are often
posted with private photolistings, disclosing that the information has
not been verified (see, for example, http://
photolisting.adoption.com/waiting-children/
photo-listing-disclaimer.html/). Photolistings of children available for
international adoptions have existed since the mid-1990s, according to
Precious in His Sight, a religious nonprofit organization that works
with over 80 adoption agencies and lists children from around the globe
(http://www.wwip. com/annette/). Such listings are often criticized for
commercializing children's images and lacking accurate information
(Cartwright, 2003). Finally, prospective adoptive parents can post
information and photos of themselves and their home and surroundings
with pleas for prospective birth mothers to consider them for adoption
placement (see, for example, http://www.parentprofiles.com/).
Brokering
Usually in the context of domestic infant adoptions, some Web sites
offer not only information to prospective adoptive and birth parents,
but also adoption services facilitated by the Web site's
sponsors--often adoption agencies (Pustilnik, 2002) or an attorney. For
example, the Adoption Guide (http://theadoptionguide.com/) provides
information as well as links to adoption agencies, facilitators, and
attorneys.
Chat Rooms
Chat rooms facilitate online information exchange for members of
the adoption triad who are looking for advice and support in
understanding and dealing with their circumstances and issues. For
example, a chat room may be devoted to adult adoptees discussing
strategies in finding birth parents (see, for example,
http://forums.adoption. com/adult-adoptees/). In another (http://forums.
adoption.com/birthparents/), birth parents who are dealing with the
aftermath of domestic infant adoption placement can console one another.
Adoptive parents talk to each other before, during, and after adoption.
They can identify generically, as more specific groups of parents who
have adopted from certain source countries or regions, or by the nature
of their adoption--for example, those who have adopted children with
disabilities or those who are involved in open adoptions.
POTENTIAL ADVANTAGES
The Internet offers many advantages, including the dissemination of
information to a large audience, the ability to network, convenience,
time and cost savings, and greater consumer control.
Wider Audience and Networking
The Internet facilitates wider and more rapid dissemination of
information (Espejo, 2002) in all three types of adoptions. In domestic
infant adoptions, both agency and nonagency adoptions are increasingly
involving use of the Internet. In testimonials, birth and adoptive
parents have noted receiving multiple and rapid responses to their
listings (see, for example, http://www.parentprofiles.
com/parents/stories/). Photolisting of children in foster care has
resulted in more than 12,000 adoptions of children featured on the
AdoptUSKids Web site (http://www.adoptuskids.org), although Freundlich
etal. (2004) have urged that care be taken to balance the goals of
insuring the privacy of the child and providing accurate information.
Precious in His Sight reports that over half of the children adopted
internationally through their network in 2002 were via photolisting
(Cartwright, 2003, pp. 91-92).
Convenience
Unlike the traditional adoption agency or law office, the Internet
is always open and does not require face-to-face encounters until one is
ready. De Stewart-Otto (quoted in Sheldon, 2003) stated, "By having
email be the first communication with [birth parents] you can compose a
response in the comfort of your home. You don't have to feel
instant pressure or nervousness on the phone" ([paragraph] 3).
Being able to research service providers, print out materials, and
create electronic folders and files provides further convenience.
Cost and Time Savings As Caldwell (2004) noted, the
Internet-assisted adoptions can be more time and cost efficient than
traditional methods of adoption. Participants may spend less time in
agency or law offices and access more information. The Internet has been
shown to decrease the time that children in foster care wait for
adoptions, hence saving money for the public agency and increasing the
agency's chance of receiving adoption incentives (AdoptUSKids,
n.d.).
Increased Control and Self-Direction
The convenient access and anonymous communication of the Internet
provide a greater degree of control and privacy (Caldwell, 2004). In
domestic infant adoptions, there is less chance that birth parents will
get "talked into" the adoption option prematurely by an agency
or intermediary, or that prospective adoptive parents will feel
pressured to accept a referral prematurely. Families contemplating
foster adoption can visit photolistings at their leisure and participate
in networking to the degree that they would like.
POTENTIAL RISKS
The potential risks of using Internet-based information for
adoption have been illustrated by several recent cases. In 1999, an
intermediary posing as a close friend of a Hungarian birthmother
contacted an American couple who had posted their profile on a Web site
with the "good news" that he had a perfectly healthy Caucasian
girl for them. The intermediary solicited $60,000 from the couple,
boasting that he could get more such infants. Fortunately, the
couple--suspicious after the initial meeting--contacted the FBI prior to
the second meeting, at which the money was to be transferred, and the
intermediary was arrested. It was found later in court that the
intermediary had offered the same infant to other couples for as much as
$120,000 and that he had sold two other infants to other U.S. couples
(Barry, 1999).
In the famous "Internet twins" case, a California-based
adoption broker posted information about twin infant girls and later
placed them with a family in California. The twins' birthmother
took them from the prospective adoptive parents, under the guise of a
last visit before they were adopted, and placed them with a family in
Great Britain, also found on the Internet. Both times she was given tidy
sums for the children (Gray, 2001). Later, a British court ordered the
infants transported back to the United States, where they were placed in
foster care (Herbert, 2001). Needless to say, these infants experienced
multiple disruptions in their early bonding years. Not surprisingly,
shortly after this incident was publicized by CNN, 67 percent (n =
3,879) of the respondents in a national survey (N = 5,807) stated that
the Internet should not be used at all for child adoptions, and 27
percent (n = 1,546) stated that it should be used only with tight
regulations; only 7 percent (n = 382) felt that the Internet should be
used for child adoption (Herbert, 2001).
In yet another case, Pertman (2000) described an adoption agency
owner in Oklahoma who was imprisoned for 10 years after being convicted
of "trafficking in children" as a result of creating phantom
embryos and promising the future babies to several couples through
contacts made online, extracting thousands of dollars in fees. Later,
the couples were told that the babies had died at birth, but there had
not been any embryos or babies at all. Pertman, author of Adoption
Nation and current director of the Evan B. Donaldson Adoption Institute,
has stated that "anytime you have unregulated industry, you will
have abuse ... along with possible benefits, there [are] potential
pitfalls that can occur if this is not better regulated" (personal
communication, Jan. 31, 2007). Adoption can be a get-rich-quick scheme
regulated only by the market forces of supply and demand (Pertman,
2000).
All of these cases could have happened without the Internet, but
they demonstrate the heightened risks of adoption in the Internet age.
Risks to First/Birth Parents
Adoption marketers have easy targets in birth parents who post
themselves on the Internet or respond to unethical claims. Birth parents
in extreme poverty or in other difficult personal circumstances, whether
in developed or developing countries, can be vulnerable to making
premature decisions or participating in unethical consent processes on
the basis of inducement or misrepresentation (Roby & Matsumura,
2002; Walsh, 2000). Birth parents who have direct access to the Internet
(including those in urban areas of developing countries) may be at risk
of being manipulated by real or fictional adoptive applicants who claim
to have all the qualities, resources, and motivations for adopting or by
intermediaries. Birth mothers who face crisis pregnancies without the
necessary support and counseling are particularly at risk, especially to
financial "incentives."
Exploitation of Children
Internet-assisted adoption of children can side step professional
consideration of the child's best interest. Thus, children can
become commodities in the process (Dottridge, 2004), with the danger
that their rights of personal dignity and cultural integrity may be
violated (Roby, 2007). In the absence of regulation, economic and
cultural factors can combine to create a market for children, leading to
child laundering--the manipulation of legal procedures to
"deliver" a child, using unethical and illegal means, for
profit (Smolin, 2006). In well-publicized cases like the Internet twin
case, it is easy to see that the absence of regulation placed the
children in a state of legal (and likely emotional and psychological)
uncertainty that could last for many years. Nicholas Lasnman, secretary
general of the Internet Service Providers Association, stated it
plainly: "The Internet is just another medium for crime"
(Barry, 1999, [paragraph] 5).
Risks to Prospective Adoptive Parents
Those who choose to adopt are usually unfamiliar with the adoption
process and anxious to receive information and proceed through the
adoption process with the least amount of stress, expense, and time lag
(Barr & Carlisle, 2003; Dudley, 2004). Those who decide to adopt as
a result of infertility may experience an increased sense of urgency and
perhaps even desperation (Espejo, 2002), especially if they are seeking
a healthy white infant through domestic adoption. Adoption applicants
have generally welcomed the availability of adoption-related information
on the Internet and have even demanded a nationwide database of
applicant families (Dahlke, n.d.). However, they could become entangled
in the unequal bartering between adoptive parents and facilitators as
they enter into the often confusing and complex world of adoptions
without familiarity with its legal and ethical parameters. They may
become vulnerable to fraud and exploitation, particularly in their quest
to be "chosen" as the right family (Dahlke, n.d.).
Fraudulent and exploitative practices in both domestic and
international adoptions include intentional misrepresentation of
important facts, exorbitant or falsified fees, and alteration of a
child's history or background (Freundlich & Peterson, 1998).
Even with the regulations on foster care children, their profiles can be
manipulated to increase their desirability (Gerstenzang &
Freundlich, 2003). Another scheme involves women who are pregnant, or
con artists pretending to be pregnant, collecting money from multiple
parties they find on the Internet and then disappearing. This scenario
can happen in multiple jurisdictions, scamming dozens of families
(http://www.babycrowd.com). As William Wallace, an assistant district
attorney, said in the case of the Hungarian intermediary,
"Essentially what these people [are] doing [is] trafficking in
human life" (Barry, 1999, [paragraph] 3).
CURRENT REGULATORY SCHEME
Despite the significant problems described in the previous section,
little attention is being paid to the need to regulate adoption
activities on the Internet. An exhaustive review of both social science
and legal literature revealed very little discussion on the topic,
beyond lamenting the absence of such regulation. Madelyn Freundlich,
former general counsel for the Child Welfare League of America and
prominent author on adoption ethics, has stated that "although
adoption practitioners are regulated in other spheres, marketers of
adoption, including the rapidly expanding world of those engaging in
Internet-assisted adoption, have enjoyed relative freedom from legal
regulation or restrictions imposed by ethical standards of
practice" (personal communication, July 2, 2008). According to
Trish Maskew, founder and president of Ethica, a nongovernmental
organization promoting ethical adoptions, professionals in the adoption
community are reluctant to discuss the problem because they do not want
to be viewed as being "antiadoption" (personal communication,
March 5, 2007). Pertman (2000) has stated that there is a
"conspiracy of silence" not to discuss the dark side of
adoption for fear of exposing the problems--which may lead to more time
and expense in adoptions. There is an apparent consensus that
Internet-assisted adoption practices are in need of regulation, but the
question is this: How?
To be sure, there are many difficulties in regulating activities on
the Internet. For one, the Internet transcends physical boundaries, so
most traditional laws based on state or national jurisdictional
boundaries are difficult to apply (Pergament, 1998). Although a
discussion of jurisdiction--the power to decide a matter--is beyond the
scope of this article, an internationally coordinated scheme of
cyberspace jurisdiction is being discussed (Zekos, 2007) but is not
imminent. Such a scheme would require international laws and the
equivalent of Internet police to enforce them. Regulation of specific
types of activities (such as adoption) would still need to be addressed,
hopefully with input from the practice community. Another difficulty in
regulating Internet-based adoption activity arises from the fact that,
although adoption is a creature of statute, Internet-based adoption Web
sites typically target domestic infant adoptions, which can, depending
on state law, remain largely in the private sphere prior to the
court's final ratification (Pustilnik, 2002). Furthermore, people
have the right to view and respond to information on the Internet even
when that material may be inaccurate or unethical. Currently, there is
an emerging set of regulatory schemes being applied to Internet-based
adoption activities, and these are discussed next. Because the Internet
is a fairly new phenomenon, the fit between offence and law can be quite
awkward. Still, recognizing that something must be done, the courts are
beginning to look to applicable laws.
Civil and Criminal Liability
Currently, a handful of common law principles as well as criminal
and civil statutes are generally being applied to adoption-related
wrongdoings. The most commonly used legal theory is fraud, in both civil
and criminal forms. This legal theory can be applied to all three forms
of adoptions, including with international adoptions facilitated by
U.S.-licensed agencies. For example, in Moriarity v. Small World
Adoption Foundation of Missouri (2008), the New York courts were
persuaded by the common law theory of "wrongful adoption." In
that case, Small World knowingly concealed the medical records of a
Ukrainian infant boy from adoptive parents, and the child was diagnosed
after arrival in the United States with severe health problems,
including cerebral palsy that apparently stemmed from events related to
his birth. The court said that when the adoptive parents relied on the
false representation by the agency and were induced to adopt the child
and, subsequently suffered a financial loss, the agency had committed
wrongful adoption. In the public foster care arena, a California
attorney reported of a case in which he successfully secured a
settlement of 1.45 million dollars for a 16-year-old boy and his
adoptive parents against the county child welfare agency (http://
www.alexanderinjury.com). The parents were told that their child had
been abused on one occasion but later discovered that he had been abused
extensively for many years prior to the adoption and had been
hospitalized from age 13 to 17 due to severe mental health issues). The
usual remedy for common law fraud is payment of damages, but setting
aside of an adoption is also possible (for example, Kupec v. Cooper,
1992; McAdams v. McAdams, 2003).
Corresponding criminal charges rely on fraud perpetrated by mail or
wire (typically phone) and can apply to both domestic infant adoption
and international adoption. For example, Howard, a pregnant woman in
Texas, was charged with multiple counts of wire fraud and mail fraud for
deceiving three adoption agencies into recruiting adoptive applicants,
collecting nearly $6,500 and causing a total loss to the families of
$35,000 (including attorney's fees, application and administrative
fees, and travel costs) when she had no intention of placing her baby
for adoption (U.S. Department of Justice, 2007). Her phone calls
constituted wire fraud, and receiving checks in the mail constituted
mail fraud. These violations carried a maximum sentence of 20 years in
federal prison and $250,000 in fines and restitutions, although she
received a 24-month sentence in the end (U.S. Department of Justice,
2007). Fraud committed on the Internet may also qualify as wire fraud,
although there has not been a decision on point regarding adoptions.
Several other cases have applied federal laws to international
adoption schemes. Alien smuggling includes the unlawful transportation
of aliens (foreign children) into the country and falsification of
information to facilitate the illegal entry (18 U.S.C.
[section][section]1581-1592). Related charges can arise from advertising
services on the Internet (conspiracy to commit alien smuggling),
receiving a deposit based on information that prospective families
accessed on the Internet (money laundering), using falsified birth
certificates (counterfeit) or falsified visas in the actual
transportation of the child into the country (visa fraud), and child
exploitation. In 2004, Lauryn Galindo, the principal of a U.S. agency
working out of Cambodia, was sentenced for child trafficking, money
laundering, and visa fraud (U.S. Department of State, 2005). In another
case, a Utah agency owner and her husband were charged with conspiracy
to commit alien smuggling, visa fraud, and money laundering for
advertising children as orphans available for adoption when they were in
fact children from intact families in Samoa (U.S. Immigration and
Customs Enforcement, 2009).
The Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act of 1970
(P.L. 91-452), another federal statute, imposes criminal and civil
liability for actions related to unlawful business practices, and can be
applied to adoptions. Recently, the owner of Waiting Angels Adoption
Services and his business partner faced racketeering and tax fraud
charges after they were accused of not delivering children to clients
who had paid money (Franz, 2007). The Intercountry Adoption Act of 2000
(P.L. 106-279) is available in limited intercountry adoption cases and
potentially carries both criminal and civil penalties for false
statements and misrepresentation. Finally, the Foreign Corrupt Practices
Act of 1977 (P.L. 95-213) is being used in cases of bribing foreign
officials with corrupt intent, which carries criminal and civil
penalties (Rasor, Rothblatt, Russo, & Turner, 2010).
Hague Convention and U.S. Regulations
The Hague Convention on Protection of Children and Co-operation in
Respect of Intercountry Adoptions (hereafter, "the Hague
Convention") has provided some helpful guidelines (Hague Conference
on Private International Law, 1993). Ratified or acceded to by 83
countries as of April 2010 (Hague Conference on Private International
Law, 2010), the Hague Convention prohibits practices that may constitute
or lead to selling, abducting, trafficking, and exploiting children
(Bartholet, 1993; Duncan, 1993; Roby, 2007). Although the Hague
Convention applies only to international adoptions between member
countries, when implemented by domestic laws, the provisions are legally
enforceable. The United States signed the Hague Convention on March 31,
1994, followed by the passing of the Intercountry Adoption Act (P.L.
106-279) in 2000, and U.S. implementation began on April 1, 2008 (U.S.
Department of State, n.d.). Relevant to the Internet discussion, the
Hague Convention prohibits contact between adoptive and birth parents
until after consent has been signed (Article 29) to prevent improper
inducements for relinquishment. Although electronic contact has not been
expressly prohibited, it is reasonable to assume that such prohibition
is implied. The U.S. Implementation Regulations of the Hague Convention,
under part 96 of the Code of Federal Regulations, provides the first set
of restrictions on Internet use by U.S.-accredited entities (personal
communication with A. M. Coburn, attorney--advisor to the Office of
Children's Services, U.S. Department of State, November 26, 2007).
The use of the Internet is allowed only under circumstances in which
such use:
1. is not prohibited by applicable State or Federal law [of the
United States] or by the laws of the child's country of origin;
2. is subject to controls to avoid misuse and links to any sites
that reflect practices that involve the sale, abduction, exploitation,
or trafficking of children;
3. if it includes photographs, is designed to identify children
either who are currently waiting for adoption or who have already been
adopted or placed for adoption; and
4. does not serve as a substitute for the direct provision of
adoption services, including services to the child, the prospective
adoptive parent(s), and/or the birth parent(s). (Federal Register, 2006)
These aforementioned U.S. law and regulations are helpful, though
further clarification will be necessary for effective implementation.
For example, the "sale, abduction, exploitation, or trafficking of
children" referred to in the Victims of Trafficking and Violence
Protection Act of 2000 (P.L. 106-386) can be debated as to how terms are
defined and applied in specific circumstances (Roby, Turley, &
Cloward, 2008; Smolin, 2005).
RESPONSIBILITY OF THE SOCIAL WORK PROFESSION
The foregoing discussion illustrates that in many cases, both civil
and criminal, social workers have committed wrongdoings, calling for
professional self-regulation. In addition, social work leadership is
essential in guiding the regulation of Internet-assisted adoption
activities for several reasons: The core foundation of adoption
practices should rest on social work expertise and advocacy for the best
interest of the child rather than on economic, political, or purely
legal parameters. Social work has a historical link to the practice of
adoption, and it is still the primary profession delivering adoption
services, particularly in direct contact with the members of the
adoption triad.
Child welfare is a defining field of social work activity. In a
national survey by NASW, next to mental health, child welfare was the
second largest sector of social work practice, with 15 percent of all
social workers involved specifically in adoption and reunification
(Whitaker, Weismiller, & Clark, 2006). However, because the survey
targeted only licensed social workers, a majority of the sample (79
percent) had master's degrees. In reality, it is likely that a
greater percentage of social workers engaged in the day-to-day work of
adoption are bachelor's-level professionals. Richard Barth, author
of the adoption chapter of the Encyclopedia of Social Work (19th ed.)
(Barth, 1995), agrees that social workers dominate the agency adoption
field and that in many states, a social work degree is required for
adoption agency work (personal communication, June 4, 2008). Social
workers play a wide range of roles in adoptions (NASW, n.d.; Reamer
& Siegel, n.d.). They are typically directors of adoption agencies
(see, for example, Utah Department of Administrative Services, Division
of Administrative Rules, 2010), adoption home study evaluators,
counselors, intermediaries between birth and prospective adoptive
parents, disruption therapists, and witnesses at court proceedings
related to adoptions. Finally, the social work profession has a mandate
to address unjust and exploitative practices and emphasize the
importance of relationships, including those relating to adoption (NASW,
1996).
Many professions have established self-regulatory schemes regarding
practice on the Internet. For example, psychologists have proposed that
minimum national standards should include uniform Internet licensure
standards, identity verification, assurance of privacy, and informed
consent (Pergament, 1998). The National Board for Certified Counselors
(n.d.) provides a Code of Ethics related to various aspects of
conducting therapy online, including the need to assist the client in
finding a local professional to transition the case to if necessary. In
a similar manner, the American Medical Association requires that
physicians pass the U.S. State Medical Licensing Examination before
participating in telemedicine. In addition, the Federation of State
Medical Boards has provided parameters for telemedicine, including
ethical issues related to client self-report of symptoms, privacy of
communication on the Internet, and licensure issues (Robin, 2007).
As discussed, child welfare professionals--many of whom are social
workers--have made important strides in providing parameters for foster
care adoption photolisting (Gertenzang & Freundlich, 2003). Is it
possible to expand the social work profession's self-regulatory
scheme to the sphere of other Internet-assisted adoption activities? We
believe it is not only possible but imperative. Obviously, regulating
social work activity will not provide broad protection for members of
the adoption triad from each other when they are engaged in adoption
activities without social worker oversight. However, because social
workers are predominantly involved in adoption activities, professional
self-regulation may provide a significant inroad toward regulation.
Currently, NASW's (1996) Code of Ethics has far-reaching impact on
social work regulation, both through professional disciplinary
mechanisms and as supported by state statutes. The code already requires
that "social workers who provide services via electronic media
(such as computer, telephone, radio, and television) should inform
recipients of the limitations and risks associated with such
services" (Section 1.03[e]).This section could be the foundation on
which pragmatic regulations are built. The requirements to protect
client confidentiality (Section 1.07), to avoid deceptive practices
(4.04), and to maintain professional competence (4.01) are also relevant
pieces. Furthermore, the social work values of service, social justice,
dignity and worth of the person, importance of human relationships, and
integrity and competence are directly applicable to Internet-assisted
adoption activities.
Beyond self-regulation, the social work community should provide
leadership in initiating a nationwide effort to regulate Internet-based
adoption activities. It is a rather daunting task, but one that must be
addressed. Here, a framework envisioned by Freidmutter (2002) may be
relevant, in which regulation of adoptions would include national
accreditation standards; legally binding service contracts and estimates
of fees to be paid, reinforced by mandatory liability insurance for
agencies and other adoption professionals; access to information about
service quality of the adoption facilitator or agency and access to
records, and an ombudsman to investigate unprofessional practices. These
points of practice, although suggested for adoption in general, could
easily incorporate practices related to the Internet. The four points
offered under the U.S. Hague Convention implementation regulations may
also be relevant, particularly on the need for face-to-face counseling
rather than counseling over the Internet. In addition, a nationwide task
force including child welfare, legal, and Internet experts should be
convened to draft recommended ethical and legal guidelines. The social
work community could then lobby for appropriate legislation, as it has
done in the past regarding many other pertinent issues.
CONCLUSION
The Internet will continue to be used for adoption-related
activities. Leaders in adoption policy seem to agree that
regulation--particularly in domestic infant adoption--is necessary, but
the topic is not receiving the deliberate and careful attention that it
needs. The current state of regulation relies on derivatives of common
law principles and statutes that were not developed with the Internet or
adoption in mind; these have no explicit regard for the best interest of
the child and, hence, tend to be piecemeal or ill suited for application
to adoption cases. Unlike medicine and psychotherapy (Rigby, 2002), the
social work profession has not begun the necessary debate beyond
photolisting of foster children, and no ethical guidelines exist to
address the remainder of this burgeoning social phenomenon. Given the
profession's mandate to protect the best interest of the children
and to promote social justice, leadership should rise out of the social
work community. A good starting point is professional self-regulation
from within the profession. The next step could be initiating a dynamic
national task force consisting of experts from multiple disciplines to
draft recommended legal and ethical parameters.
Original manuscript received July 15, 2008
Accepted March 12, 2009
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Jini L. Roby, JD, MSW, MS, is associate professor, School of Social
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Health, American Fork, UT.
Table 1: Sampling of Adoption Web Sites and Services
Service
Mutual Photolisting:
Web Site Education Contact Children
Parent Profiles x x
Adoption Online x x x
Adoption.com x x x
Adoption Connection x
The Adoption Guide x
National Adoption Center x
Precious in His Sight x x
Adopting.org x
ABC Adoptions x
Child Welfare x
Information Gateway x
Adopt America Network x x
AdoptUS Kids x x
Photolisting Chat
Web Site Parents Brokering Rooms
Parent Profiles x
Adoption Online x x x
Adoption.com x x x
Adoption Connection x
The Adoption Guide x
National Adoption Center
Precious in His Sight
Adopting.org x
ABC Adoptions x x
Child Welfare
Information Gateway
Adopt America Network x
AdoptUS Kids