Landscape: Politics and Perspectives.

Tacon, Paul S.C.

'What a lovely landscape', remarked the elderly lady to the man standing beside her, 'Where?', he replied dully. 'I don't see it.' 'Over there, over there!' she shouted but he still did not know what she was talking about. 'That's not a landscape!' he snorted; 'that's our home!'

The term landscape means different things to different people, archaeologists, artists and anthropologists among them. This certainly is evident in the rather eccentric but very exciting collection of 10 papers in Barbara Bender's Landscape: politics and perspectives. But what really is a landscape? Is true wilderness a landscape or does there need to be some human element involved? For instance, often we hear the tease: If a tree falls in a forest and there is no one to hear, see or otherwise experience it, did it really fall? But the same can be asked about landscape: If there is no human boundary, mark or vantage point on the land does landscape exist? Are there landscapes within cities? Are there gendered landscapes? How do we recognize or even begin to understand the landscapes of antiquity? How have landscapes changed over time and what metaphysical or mythological structures underlie the ways in which humans view their surrounds? Why are landscapes so important to humans at all? These are some of the though-provoking questions that run through the book, although each author addresses them in very different ways.

The first chapter consists of an excellent introduction that is well worth reading as it gives the reader a good idea of both the book's general and specific content. Various concepts are discussed and the chapter subjects are briefly outlined. Finally, on p, 17, Bender beautifully sums up what the book is about:

'The reader may be perplexed at the seemingly eclectic coverage offered in the book -- prehistoric, historic, contemporary, the overdeveloped and underdeveloped world, town and country -- and by some of the juxtapositions. The intention is to force a recognition of the multiplicity of experience through time and space, and at any given moment of time and place; to relativise "our" own experiences and to recognise both their particularity and that they are part of a process and therefore continually open to change; and, finally, to permit an exploration of the ways in which people, differentially engaged and differentially empowered, appropriate and contest their landscapes.'

An eclectic collection it is indeed, but I do not wish to say too much about each chapter so as not to give away the plots. A few comments will suffice. Chapter 1, by Julian Thomas, is ideally placed as it highlights some of the difficulties archaeologists encounter when using the term 'landscape' and shows how politics always raises its ugly head. 'Landscape' is not a universal concept, argues Thomas, and this is a very important point. We realize this further in chapter 2, one of the better-written and more solid chapters. Christopher Tilley has a way with words that draws the reader into the landscapes he describes. He enters into and interacts with not only ancient landscapes of Sweden but also landscapes of the mind. His descriptions of the hazards of fieldwork are memorable but, more importantly, they serve to propel the archaeological reader into a familiar landscape so that they can better negotiate the unfamiliar of prehistoric Scandinavia. A good read!

In chapter 3 we journey to the present and the island of New Ireland where we encounter the Malangan, their art and landscapes. Susanne Kuchler introduces us to new relationships between the body, sculpture, land, past, present, politics and memory. It is at this point that we truly believe that there is no universal concept of landscape.

If we did not believe this, we most certainly do after reading chapters 4 and 5! Neil Jarman and then Felicity Edholm guide us through the streets of Belfast and Paris respectively. These are landscapes built around politics and differences, whether they be religious, wealth or gender-based. Landscapes of exclusion, landscapes of power, landscapes of conflict. The landscapes of cities are not always what we think they are!

By now we are dizzy but we cannot get off this ride. Suddenly we find ourselves traversing the frozen landscapes of Alaska in chapter 6. Barbara Bodenhorn is critically examining the public/private model of gendered space and we are introduced to a very different way of life and landscape. Interestingly, there are links with Paris and New Ireland, but in unexpected ways. There are also links with the subsequent chapters, mainly by way of the importance of cosmology. Lots of significant and meaty conclusions are found in this chapter. For instance, think about this one on p. 200:

'One could argue that it is the gendering of space -- whether mental or physical -- that creates exclusion from which difference leads to differential evaluation. The fact that space is thus gendered in many societies is uncontestable. It cannot be taken as a given.'

From cold to hot and on to north Australia with Howard Morphy in chapter 7. The Roper River region of the Northern Territory is the focus of discussion, and we are introduced to a landscape that has been perceived in quite a number of very different ways over the course of only 150 years! Australian Aboriginal, European explorer, government, miner, farmer, and police perceptions of the landscape are all presented and changes among all of them over time are also noted. The concluding section is aptly titled 'Conclusion: Conflicts and Competition'.

A visit to some of the more important and diverse landscapes of the planet Earth would not be complete without Stonehenge. And you thought you knew everything about Stonehenge! In chapter 8 Barbara Bender tells us more and makes us believe more than ever that this is truly a contested landscape.

From contested landscapes of Australia and England we move to those of Europe and North America in the last two chapters. Denis Cosgrove's chapter 9 is particularly perceptive as he convincingly guides us through the mythological structures that have shaped both Western thought and landscape during the last 2500 years. Kenneth Robert Olwig continues in this vein in the final chapter, but he is not as convincing. He makes many strong points but contradicts some of Cosgrove and the others. I found this chapter the most disagreeable, but others would argue that in discussions or journeys across landscapes there is often controversy.

As can be seen, an exciting journey can be had traversing the pages of Bender's book. But it is a bumpy ride, made even rougher by inconsistencies in referencing, footnoting and the captioning of illustrations. But I suppose this only underscores the point that all peoples do not perceive landscapes in the same ways. Unfortunately, however, it felt like I was thrown off the train soon after my journey had begun. For after reading four pages of chapter 1 there was suddenly a repeat of the front pages, contents and introduction (17 pages in total!). Then chapter 1 began again. I hope not all copies of the book have this printing error, as it clutters and detracts from an otherwise excellent volume. Then again, one of the lessons one learns from Bender's book is that landscape, like beauty, is in the eye of the beholder. You will never forget this after reading this book!

PAUL S.C. TACON Anthropology, Australian Museum, Sydney