Civics exam: schools of choice boost civic values.
Wolf, Patrick J.
Do assigned public schools have a comparative advantage over public
schools of choice and private schools in steeping their charges in the
civic values necessary for democratic citizenship? The theoretical
argument in favor of such an advantage is both intuitive and popular. As
free government schools, open to all on equal terms, public schools make
an important statement about equality, a fundamental democratic value.
Former education secretary Richard Riley aptly captured this
perspective, noting that civic values are "conveyed not only
through what is taught in the classroom, but by the very experience of
attending [a public] school with a diverse mix of students."
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Many supporters of school choice argue that neighborhood assignment
to public schools results not in what public school advocates celebrate
but in just the opposite: schools that are less likely to contain a
diverse mix of students and that are more internally segregated along
racial lines than are schools of choice. In recent years, a number of
empirical studies of the effects of school choice on civic values have
been published. As the extent of school choice in American education
continues to grow--the latest data from the Department of Education show
that 26 percent of American students attended a school other than their
closest neighborhood public school--it is time to take stock of the
evidentiary record on whether assigned public schooling better prepares
students for their responsibilities as citizens in a democracy.
Studying the Effects of Choice on Civic Values
For this review, I examine the results of 21 quantitative studies
regarding the effects of school choice on seven civic values that relate
to the capacity of individuals to perform as effective citizens in our
representative democracy. The values, in order from the most studied to
the least studied, are political tolerance, voluntarism, political
knowledge, political participation, social capital, civic skills, and
patriotism.
The studies are divided into two categories, based on the
statistical rigor with which the investigation was conducted. To qualify
for inclusion in this review, a study had to be a quantitative analysis that controlled for observed differences in the backgrounds of the
students attending different schools. To be classified as rigorous, the
study also had to attempt to correct for the tendency of students and
families to sort themselves into different schools and school sectors
based on unobserved factors, a research challenge commonly referred to
as selection bias. Those studies classified as rigorous used
experimental data or employed sophisticated statistical techniques that
credibly adjust for the possibility of selection bias when analyzing
nonexperimental data. These more-rigorous studies should be weighted
more heavily in any assessment of school sector impacts.
Most of the studies included in the analysis focus on students in
private schools. Only three studies present results for students in
charter or magnet schools. Therefore, the results described below
primarily map out the effects of private schooling on civic values.
Findings are divided into three categories. A finding is
categorized as signaling a traditional public school advantage if the
evidence suggests that such a schooling arrangement produced a
statistically significant (at the 90 percent confidence level or better)
increase in the realization of the particular civic value. A finding is
classified as supporting a choice school advantage if attendance at a
public or private school of choice generated a statistically significant
positive effect on a civic value. Findings of no significant difference
between traditional public and choice schools are classified as neutral.
As can be seen in Figures 1a and 1b, the 59 findings from existing
studies suggest that the effect of private schooling or school choice on
civic values is most often neutral or positive. Among the group of
more-rigorous studies, 12 findings indicate statistically significant
positive effects of school choice or private schooling on civic values
and 10 suggest neutral results (see Figure 1). Only one finding from the
rigorous evaluations indicates that traditional public schooling
arrangements enhance a civic value.
The studies that employ only basic adjustments for likely
self-selection paint an even rosier picture of the positive effects of
school choice on civic values (see Figure 1). Of the 36 findings, 21
indicated a school choice advantage in promoting preparation for
citizenship. Thirteen neutral results appear in this collection of
analyses, and two findings show benefits from traditional public
schooling. The reader is cautioned not to draw strong conclusions from
these studies, however, since they employed only rudimentary methods for
addressing the problem of selection bias. We now consider the specific
civic values that appear to be affected by school choice arrangements.
Studies of Political Tolerance
Democratic citizenship requires that we respect the rights of
others, even if we profoundly disagree with their opinions. The most
commonly used method of measuring such political tolerance first asks
respondents to either think of their least-liked political group or
select one from a list that includes such groups as the Ku Klux Klan,
American Nazis, the religious right, and gay activists. It then asks
whether respondents would permit members of the disliked group to
exercise constitutional rights such as making a public speech, running
for political office, and teaching in the public schools. Other studies
simply ask respondents whether they would permit various activities from
a group with whom they disagree, without first asking them to choose
their least-liked group. In either case, responses are aggregated into a
tolerance scale.
With one exception, the findings regarding the effect of school
choice on political tolerance are confined to the neutral-to-positive
range. Eleven findings--five of them from the more-rigorous
studies--indicate that school choice increases political tolerance. For
example, one experimental voucher study in Washington, D.C., found that
nearly one-half of the students who switched to a private school said
they would permit a member of their disliked group to live in their
neighborhood, compared with just over one-quarter of the students in the
public school control group. Three studies that used sophisticated
nonexperimental techniques to control for selection bias also found
positive effects of choice arrangements on political tolerance. These
studies were of 8th-grade students in Dallas-Fort Worth attending
private secular and nonevangelical religious private schools, 8th-grade
students in private secular schools in New York City, and Massachusetts
students attending secular private schools.
The more-rigorous studies produced eight findings that school
choice arrangements neither increase nor decrease political tolerance.
For example, three experimental studies found neutral results of school
vouchers on the political tolerance of middle-school students, in the
Washington program after three years, a Dayton program after two years,
and a San Francisco program after two years.
Six of eight findings from the less-rigorous studies of the effects
of school choice on political tolerance indicate a school choice
advantage. Three studies concluded that secular private schools have a
positive effect on political tolerance. One analysis reported that
Catholic schooling boosted tolerance. Another study found that religious
schools in general increase the political tolerance of their students. A
third report concluded that private schooling of any type improves
political tolerance among Latinos.
An observational study by Jay Greene and his colleagues reported no
effect of school type on the political tolerance of Texas adults, and
David Campbell's analysis of the National Household Education
Survey (NHES) found that students in traditional public schools had
higher levels of political tolerance than students in non-Catholic
religious schools.
Studies of Voluntarism
The ideal citizen not only tolerates dissent but also actively
serves the community. With one exception, studies regarding the extent
to which private schooling or school choice affects the likelihood that
students or parents will volunteer their time in community enterprises
range from neutral to positive.
Four voluntarism findings emerged from rigorous studies, with three
of them favoring school choice. The study of 8th graders in New York
City and Dallas-Fort Worth found that private school students are 21
percent more likely to volunteer--and dedicate more hours to community
service--than comparable public school students. A study using just the
sample of 8th graders in New York City found that private schooling
promotes volunteer activity if the students attend religious private
schools. A third rigorous study looked at the effects of school choice
on the likelihood of parents volunteering in New York City and the New
Jersey suburbs and found that parents in school choice districts are
about 6 percent more likely to volunteer than are comparable parents in
non-choice districts. Finally, students in private secular schools in
New York City are nearly 17 percent less likely to volunteer than
comparable public school students, a finding that favors traditional
public schooling arrangements.
Studies of voluntarism employing less-rigorous statistical methods
produced 10 findings; half favor school choice, whereas the other half
report no effects of school type. The findings in support of school
choice show higher voluntarism among students in religious schools,
parents of students in religious schools, parents who home school,
students in any type of private school, and students in public charter
schools. Other studies reported that voluntarism rates were similar
between the students in secular private, non-Catholic religious, and
magnet schools and their peers in traditional public schools. Two
studies reported similar rates of volunteering between the parents of
students in secular private and traditional public schools.
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Studies of Political Knowledge
Presumably, democratic citizens will be more active and effective
in public forums to the extent they are knowledgeable about politics and
current events. Researchers typically measure political knowledge by
administering brief civics quizzes of 3 to 10 items pertaining to
central features of the U.S. Constitution as well as contemporary public
figures. Five studies produced nine findings regarding the effect of
school choice on political knowledge. Only three of these findings are
from rigorous studies. R. Kenneth Godwin and Frank Kemerer, in their
analysis of students in schools in New York City and Dallas-Fort Worth,
found that choice students scored higher than traditional public school
students on political knowledge regardless of whether they attended
private schools in general or evangelical private schools in particular.
The only experimental study of school choice and political knowledge
found no significant difference in average political knowledge levels
between recipients of vouchers and comparable students in public
schools.
Three studies that employed basic statistical methods report six
findings regarding the effect of school choice on political knowledge,
two showing a choice school advantage. Richard Niemi and his colleagues
drew on the NHES data to conclude that private schooling increases
political knowledge. David Campbell's more fine-grained analysis of
the same data reported that only Catholic private schools demonstrated a
clear political knowledge advantage. Campbell found that students in
non-Catholic religious, secular private, and public choice schools all
evidenced political knowledge levels that were comparable to students in
traditional public schools. In the earliest known empirical study of the
effect of school choice on civic values, James Coleman and Thomas Hoffer
concluded that students in Catholic and public schools were similar in
their average levels of political knowledge.
Studies of Political Participation, Social Capital, Civic Skills,
and Patriotism
Beyond being tolerant, community minded, and well informed, we also
expect well-trained citizens to be politically active possessors of
social capital with civic skills who are loyal to their country.
Unfortunately, relatively few studies have queried the extent to which
school choice arrangements foster such attributes. One rigorous study,
by Thomas Dee, concluded that Catholic schooling increases voter turnout
as adults. Jay Greene and his colleagues conducted less-sophisticated
studies that found that Latinos who received all of their K-12 education
in private schools were 16 percent more likely to say they voted in the
last presidential election than comparable Latinos who were educated
exclusively in public schools. They also reported that Texas adults who
were educated at least partly in private schools were 9 percent more
likely to have voted recently, all else being equal. An observational
study by Christian Smith and David Sikkink found that parents who enroll
their children in private religious schools or who home school them are
more politically active than are otherwise comparable parents who enroll
their children in public schools. Parents of students in private secular
schools do not differ significantly from public school parents in
political participation.
Two rigorous studies reported findings regarding the effects of
school choice on social capital, typically defined as a close connection
with one's community via social networks, group norms, and
cooperation for mutual benefit. Mark Schneider and his colleagues
concluded that the responsibility to choose their child's school
increases the social capital of parents. Paul Peterson and David
Campbell reported no difference in the levels of social capital between
voucher users and control group members in their experimental analysis
of the Children's Scholarship Fund.
In the first study of education and social capital, Coleman and
Hoffer employed basic statistical methods and found that Catholic
schooling was associated with higher levels of social capital. Greene
and his colleagues replicated those results on a national sample of
Latino adults.
No experimental studies have been conducted on the effects of
school choice on civic skills or patriotism. Two studies that applied
basic statistical methods to the 1996 NHES data generated diverse
findings regarding the effect of school choice on civic skills. The
survey asked students, During this school year, have you done any of the
following things in any class at your school: Written a letter to
someone you did not know? Given a speech or an oral report? Taken part
in a debate or discussion in which you had to persuade others about your
point of view? Students in private high schools were more likely to have
engaged in these three activities than comparable students in public
high schools, according to one study. The second study found that
students in Catholic schools scored slightly higher than comparable
students in assigned public schools. No significant differences in civic
skills were uncovered between students in assigned public schools and
comparable students in non-Catholic religious or secular private
schools.
An observational study of patriotism employed an index that
includes five questions about students' visceral attachment to
their country and its symbols (such as the flag and the Pledge of
Allegiance). New York City 8th graders in private schools scored
somewhat lower on patriotism, on average, than comparable students in
public schools. One weakness of this analysis is the patriotism scale
employed, which could be interpreted as a measure of national chauvinism or jingoism.
The Catholic Schooling Effect
Several prominent scholars have claimed that Catholic schooling may
be largely responsible for the generally positive school choice effects
on civic values. Would the likely effects of choice on political
tolerance, voluntarism, and other democratic values disappear or turn
negative with Catholic schools out of the picture? Figure 2 excludes all
results based on comparisons between public and Catholic school
populations or that focus exclusively on the experiences of Latinos
(who, if privately schooled, predominantly attend Catholic schools).
Study groups identified simply as "private religious" are
considered Catholic and excluded for purposes of this analysis, since
most religious private schools in the U.S. are Catholic. Twenty-two
results showing a school choice advantage remain, suggesting that
secular private schooling enhances political tolerance, that charter
schooling increases voluntarism, and that education at an evangelical
private school increases political knowledge. Twenty findings indicate
that school choice has no clear effect, positive or negative, when
schools other than Catholic schools are chosen.
Three findings showing a traditional public school advantage
remain, suggesting that evangelical Protestant schools reduce political
tolerance, that secular private schools decrease voluntarism, and that
private schooling of any sort may diminish a particularly passionate
form of patriotism. As all the negative effects shown in Figures 1 also
appear here, it seems non-Catholic schools of choice are responsible for
the few negative effects of choice arrangements on civic values observed
here. However, non-Catholic schools of choice also appear to generate
many positive outcomes regarding democratic values. These results
suggest that the expansion of school choice is more likely to enhance
than diminish the civic values of our next generation of citizens, even
if none of the new choosers end up in communitarian-infused Catholic
schools.
Discussion
All of the studies reviewed draw on data either about the various
school sectors as they existed in the 1980s and 1990s or from modestly
sized school choice experiments. The demographic composition of the
various school sectors and the independent effects of private schooling
and school choice on the civic values reviewed here would likely change
somewhat under a complete or even larger-scale school choice regime. One
should therefore be cautious in drawing strong conclusions from the
empirical record to date on school choice and civic values.
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The empirical picture regarding the effects of school choice on
civic values raises some concerns. The lone study on fostering
patriotism indicates that public schools may hold an advantage over
schools of choice. In one study of voluntarism, attending private
secular schools apparently reduced the likelihood of volunteering.
Attending an evangelical Protestant school was found to decrease
political tolerance in one study and increase political knowledge in
another, causing scholars such as Stephen Macedo to worry that such
schools may produce young adults who are strongly equipped to act
politically on their intolerance. The Madrassa schools of radical Islam
remind us that private schools of choice can serve to undermine
democratic values. It would seem reasonable to require some minimal
oversight and regulatory constraints on private schools that accept
public monies, such as prohibitions against teaching hate. As important
as these concerns are, the record to date suggests that civic values
tend to be enhanced, or at least not harmed, by the exercise of school
choice.
What aspects of choice schools generate these modestly positive
civic values outcomes? No direct evidence yet exists regarding the
specific conditions or practices of choice schools relative to
traditional public schools that would explain this pattern of results.
One theory is that schools of choice foster strong education communities
typified by regular parental involvement and a concern for the welfare
of all members. Yet several other plausible explanations also deserve
attention. Teachers in private schools may be freer to infuse instruction with moral values and discuss controversial issues than
public school teachers. Students who regularly encounter value-based
claims and perspectives may become more tolerant of people with
value-based positions that differ from their own. They also may feel
more motivated to volunteer for activities that seek to bring about
social and political change.
The most intriguing explanation, in my opinion, for the apparent
school choice advantage in promoting civic values is a generally higher
level of order and discipline in schools of choice. Public charter
schools and private schools tend to be more well-ordered education
institutions than neighborhood public schools, especially in urban
environments. A well-ordered and nonthreatening education environment
likely contributes to students' feelings of security and
confidence. Such feelings might be a necessary precondition for young
people to develop a willingness to tolerate potentially disruptive political ideas and political groups and to venture out into the
community to promote social causes, an idea suggested by Alan Peshkin in
his case study of a Christian fundamentalist school. There is a clear
theoretical justification for linking a well-ordered education
environment with stronger civic values, and I hope that future studies
will explore this possibility.
Other aspects of schooling might also promote higher levels of
civic values among students, be they in assigned public schools or
schools of choice. Effective instruction itself likely promotes civic
values, as better-educated citizens tend to be more knowledgeable about
politics, more tolerant, and more active in their communities. Some
preliminary studies suggest that students are more likely to embrace
civic values as adults if they had the opportunity to participate in
student governance or voluntary activities as students, or at least
witnessed adults who modeled proper civic behaviors in their schools.
There is less empirical support for curricular interventions aimed at
boosting civic values. Civics classes appear to increase civic values
such as tolerance only modestly, and only if they are customized to
focus explicitly on that particular value. There is no evidence that
taking a required civics course in junior high or senior high school, in
and of itself, enhances civic values.
In summary, the empirical studies to date counter the claims of
school choice opponents that private schooling inherently and inevitably
undermines the fostering of civic values. The statistical record
suggests that private schooling and school choice often enhance the
realization of the civic values that are central to a well-functioning
democracy. This seems to be the case particularly among ethnic
minorities (such as Latinos) in places with great ethnic diversity (such
as New York City and Texas), and when Catholic schools are the schools
of choice. Choice programs targeted to such constituencies seem to hold
the greatest promise of enhancing the civic values of the next
generation of American citizens.
Patrick J. Wolf is professor of education reform and 21st century
chair in school choice at the University of Arkansas College of
Education and Health Professions.
A complete list of the studies is provided in the appendix to the
unabridged version of this essay at www.hoover.org/publications/ednext/.