Individual perceptions of distributional fairness in China.
Bishop, John A. ; Liu, Haiyong ; Qu, Zichong 等
We should attach great importance to the issue of income
distribution and better handling income allocation methods. We should
encourage some areas and some of the people to get rich first through
honest working and lawful business, and thus to promote other areas.
Besides economic development, we should decrease the income gap between
regions and individuals to achieve a better distribution situation by
reforming the tax system, increasing public spending, increase transfer
payments and other measures.
INTRODUCTION
While China's recent transition to a market economy has
reached unprecedented levels of economic growth, it has also been
accompanied by an unprecedented level of growth in economic inequality.
Figure 1 plots per capita income growth and the Gini coefficient of
inequality for the period 1975-2009.(1) Riskin et al (2002) While
incomes grew 26 fold, the Gini coefficient more than doubled,
characterize this recent period of economic transition with a fitting
book title, China's Retreat from Equality.
During their tenure as Party General Secretary, Hu and Premier Wen
proposed a model of development called the Harmonious Society. Their aim
was to reduce inequality and redirect the strategic planning away from
the current 'GDP First and Welfare Second' policies. Hu and
Wen recognized that certain segments of the Chinese population had been
left behind and took a number of high-profile trips to the poorest areas
of China with the stated goal of understanding these areas better. Hu
and Wen also attempted to move China away from a policy of favoring
economic growth at all costs and toward a more balanced view of growth
that factors in social inequality and environmental damage.
In order to assess Chinese people's responses to rising
inequality during a period of economic transition we incorporate data
from two sources, the Chinese Household Income Project (CHIP) and the
World Values Survey (WVS). Both of these data sources contain responses
to questions related to income distribution. These questions contain
subtle differences in their wording and may elicit different responses
from the respondents. However, in each case we hypothesize that those
who have benefitted most from the economic reforms will be less critical
of the current income distribution.
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
Previous literature
While there is much anecdotal evidence in the press (c.f., Xinhua
News Service, 2005) as well as in statements by government leaders (see
above quotation) that the Chinese people believe that the current growth
path is 'unfair' there has been very little systematic
research on this topic. Wang and Davis (2008) and Whyte (2010) provide
evidence from the 2004 China Justice Survey that more than 80 % of urban
households considered income inequality 'too large'.
Furthermore, in the same data they find that more than 70% of households
found that the income distribution became 'more polarized'.
Han and Whyte (2009) use survey data on opinions of distributive
injustice in China to assess the likelihood of widespread discontent.
Similar to Knight et al. (2009) who study happiness, Han and Whyte find
that subjective variables (such as feelings about the degree of
corruption) are more useful than objective variables such as age and
education. Han and Whyte state that 'distributive injustice
attitudes in any society are influenced not simply by current objective
status positions, but also and sometimes even more powerfully by
subjective factors', such as subjective perceptions of one's
social status, past experiences with upward and downward mobility,
relative aspirations and using other reference groups to judge
one's success or failure. They conclude that 'objective status
is a poor guide to perceptions of current inequalities as unjust,
subjective measures of relative status and mobility experiences are a
much better guide'.
Han and Whyte (2008) compare popular attitudes toward distributive
injustice between Beijing and Warsaw. They suggest that 'it is
apparent that objective social status predictors generally have fairly
weak and inconsistent associations with the four distributive injustice
scales" and conclude that 'generally subjective predictors
have stronger and more consistent association with these distributive
justice scales than do the demographic and objective social status
measures'. Grosfeld and Senik (2010) provide evidence of changing
attitudes to inequality during the transition to a market economy. They
argue that 'the subjective perception of inequality is one of the
key elements of the attitudes toward reforms' (p. 2). Similar to
the case of China they find 'increasing public sentiment that the
process of income distribution is flawed and corrupt' (p. 1).
Finally, Sanfey and Teksoz (2007) use the WVS to study the effect
of economic transitions on subjective well-being. They find mixed
results in terms of the relationship between happiness and inequality.
For non-transition countries, a higher Gini coefficient is associated
with higher levels of reported happiness. For transition economies, they
find the opposite result that they attribute to a 'lingering
dislike of inequality that was characteristic of socialist systems'
(p.726).
Econometric analysis with subjective variables
The use of subjective variables in analyzing people's attitude
toward fairness can be problematic. For example, there may be cognitive
factors that affect the way people answer the survey questions.
Furthermore, the ordering of the questions can affect the answers: if
people are asked their employment status before being asked about
primary factors of inequality, it is more likely for them to answer
'unemployment' in the later question. The survey wording is
also important. People often provide different answers based on the
positive or negative framing of the question. Finally, the social nature
of the survey procedure also appears to play a large role in shaping
answers to subjective questioning. Respondents might try to avoid
answering questions that might bring negative consequences to themselves
such as questions about income, tax, and other social issues when the
survey is administrated by a government agent.
These survey design issues result in several possible sources of
measurement error. First, the mean of the measurement errors will not
necessarily be zero within a survey. For instance, this could be caused
by the design of the survey such as positive/negative framing, and as a
result the upward and downward biases may not cancel each other in the
survey sample. In addition, the measurement error may be correlated with
observable individual characteristics. It is also possible that the
misreporting/accuracy of the questions may vary in different demographic
groups. For example, in politically more liberal regions citizens may be
more likely to point to corruption as a source of distribution
unfairness. For a more complete discussion of measurement error in
survey data see Greene (2012, pp. 784-798).
One way to address the criticisms of subjective survey results is
to use multiple data sets. In our empirical analysis we use both the
CHIP and WVS data. We also estimate alternative models using different
measures of income to assess the robustness of our analysis and comment
on the predictive power of various control variables.
THE CHIP AND 'FAIRNESS'
In order to study the Chinese response to rising inequality during
the economic transition to a market economy we use two different data
sets, the CHIP and the WVS. The 2002 CHIP data contains a set of
'intention' questions. The most important of these are our
dependent variables: 'do you think the income distribution is fair
or not at all around the nation' and 'do you think the income
distribution is fair or not at all in your city'. This part of the
questionnaire also includes current income prospects, your current
perceived income quartile, the main social problem in your city (eight
choices, including corruption), and your self-reported happiness (our
measure of current status).
The CHIP data also contain a wide range of demographic and economic
variables, including income, marital status, household size, heads age
and income, employment status, Communist Party affiliation and so on.
The data source definitions used in this study are presented in Table 1.
(2) Summary statistics are provided in Table 2.
Descriptive statistics
The descriptive statistics for the 6,374 families included in the
sample are reported in Table 2. The families are divided into three
different groups based on their subjective perception of fairness: fair,
unfair, and extremely unfair. There are 804 families that report
'fair', 3,276 families that report 'unfair', and
2,294 families that report 'extremely unfair' (see Figure 2).
Among these three different response groups, the 'fair'
group has the highest average income of [yen] 25,249, followed by the
'unfair' group ([yen] 24,748) and the 'extremely
unfair' group ([yen] 21,841). Figure 3 illustrates some differences
between the three response groups. Beginning with some objective
measures, we find that low-income households are more prevalent in the
extremely unfair group (17.89 % of the total) than the fair group (4.73
% of the total), that elder people are more likely to choose fair over
extremely unfair (38% versus 35%), and that heads with a high school
degree or above have a higher 'fair' response rate (47.9%)
than an 'extremely unfair' response rate (39.7%). Other
objective variables such as Party membership or low to middle education
(not shown) do not vary widely in their responses to the income
distribution fairness questions.
Turning to the subjective variables, family heads in the
'fair' group are more likely to be 'happy' (79%)
than those in the 'extremely unfair' group (44%). Current
income expectations are different among the three groups; 63 % of all
families in the 'fair' group report rising incomes whereas
only 39% of persons in the extremely unfair group report rising incomes.
Households that believe that the income distribution is 'fair'
are somewhat less likely to report corruption as the most pressing
social issue than those in the extremely unfair group.
[FIGURE 3 OMITTED]
Regression analysis
Our hypothesis is that reform 'winners' will be more
accepting of the current income distribution, whereas reform
'losers' are more likely to believe that the income
distribution is extremely unfair. We hypothesize that the winners are
those with high education and income; losers are the poor and
illiterate. Our prediction for Party member is ambiguous: rank and file
Party members may have suffered under reform while higher ranked Cadre
saw the economic outcome improved. To account for this we include both
Party and Cadre on our regression. Respondents with rising income
prospects should also be less likely to view the income distribution as
extremely unfair. Households with strong negative attitudes toward
corruption should be more likely to view the income distribution as
extremely unfair. Finally, we include controls for age, gender, and
residing region of the country.
We propose three models that differ only by the measure of income
used: the first model uses a subjective measure of income, the second
model uses an objective measure of income, and the third model uses
education indicator variables as a proxy for income. In particular, we
estimate the following four ordered logit regressions. (3)
logit(outcome [less than or equal to]k) = [[alpha].sub.k] +
[[beta].sub.1] (Perceived Income Quartile) + [[beta].sub.2] (Region) +
[epsilon](using subjective income) (1)
logit(outcome [less than or equal to]k) = [MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION
NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Actual Income Quartile) + [[??].sub.2]
(Region) + u(using objective income) (2)
logit(outcome [less than or equal to] k) = (Education) +
[[??].sub.2] (Region) + v (using education indicators) (3)
logit(outcome [less than or equal to] k) = [MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION
NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Perceived Income Quartile) + [[??].sub.2]
(Actual Income Quartile) + [[??].sub.3] (Education) + [[??].sub.4]
(region) + [xi](Using subjective, objective income, and education
indicators) (4)
In each of the above equations k is the value of fairness
perception; in our model there are three possible responses. If k= 1,
the respondent perceives 'fair', if k=2, the respondent
perceives 'unfair'; if k=3, the respondent perceives
'extremely unfair'. In these parsimonious logit
specifications, all slope parameters are the same for different outcomes
while each level of outcome is allowed to have a different intercept
term. Furthermore, we repeat each model described above with a set of
controls for Party official (Cadre), Party Member (Chinese Communist
Party (CCP)), Young, Male, attitudes about the government (Corruption),
attitudes about one's current situation (Happy), and current income
prospects (No Better). We described each of these controls (and the
omitted groups) in detail in Table 1.
Table 3a shows our estimation results from the ordered logit
regressions without additional controls. Recall that the regressions
differ only by the measure of income, where Column 1 provides results
using subjective income, Column 2 objective income, and Column 3 proxies
income with education. The percentage of concordant varies between 55.1%
for education and 58.7% for subjective income. Column 4 provides a
combined model with both income types and education. The combined model
has a slightly higher percentage of concordant (61.1%).
We find that the coefficients of the income quartiles, whether
subjectively (Column 1) or objectively (Column 2) measured, are
negative, significant, and declining in magnitude, relative to the
omitted group (the lowest quartile). This implies that higher income
households are less likely to perceive the income distribution as unfair
or extremely unfair. For education, we also find that higher educated
household heads are progressively less likely to perceive the income
distribution as unfair or extremely unfair. When we combine subjective
income, objective income, and education, we find that subjective income
plays the prominent role. Only one of the objective income indicators is
significant (actual top quartile) and none of the education indicators
are significant.
Table 3b repeats the model presented in Table 3a with the addition
of control variables other than income or education. In each case, we
find the percentage of concordant rises with increases ranging from 3.7
percentage points to 8.0 percentage points. Importantly, we note that
the models including subjective income (Columns 1 and 4) have the
greatest predictive power. Again we find neither actual income quartiles
nor the education indicators to be significant. Overall for education we
find mixed results; education is statistically insignificant in models
including subjective income. (4)
Examining the additional controls individually we find that all are
significant in all four models except gender and Party membership (CCP).
While Party membership is not significant, being a Party official
(Cadre) does decrease the probability of viewing the income distribution
as unfair or extremely unfair. Happy persons, and young householders,
those with brighter economic prospects, and those who do not view
corruption as a major social problem are more likely to have a positive
view of the current income distribution.
To further investigate the additional controls in predicting a
householder's view of the income distribution, we drop each of the
controls separately to determine the marginal contribution to the
percentage of concordant. Table 4 presents these marginal contributions.
The largest contributors are Happy (2.1 percentage points), Regions
(1.1), and Corruption (0.6). All combined the controls (less regions)
add 5.7 percentage points to the percentage of concordant.
WORLD VALUES SURVEY
The World Values Survey (WVS) is a worldwide survey that collects
information about changing social values and their impact on
people's economic, social, and political life. The WVS provides
representative national samples for up to 97 countries in six waves. The
data for our study is from the fourth (1999-2004) and fifth (2005-2008)
WVS waves (sixth wave data is not yet available). For China the actual
years surveyed are 2001 and 2007. We create a pooled sample as well as
examining the 2007 data separately.
This data set has been prominently studied recently by Alesina and
Angeletos (2005), who investigate the role of luck and effort with
regard to people's preferences for redistribution. We considera
related but somewhat different question, preferences for equality. The
WVS question of particular interest to us is: 'Incomes should be
more equal ... or do we need larger differences in income as
incentives?'
Table 5 provides the responses to this question for our complete
pooled sample. The responses can range from 1 to 10 with 1 being the
strongest preference for equality and 10 being the strongest preference
for inequality. For convenience we define a preference for 'more
equality' as responses 1, 2, or 3, and less equality as responses
8, 9, or 10. In this case, we have surprisingly 'fat tails'
with 29 % of the respondents preferring greater equality and 43%
preferring less equality. Clearly, respondents to the WVS express a
weaker equality preference than the CHIP respondents.
How do we interpret the differences between the two sets of
responses? It is important to note the differences between the CHIP
question and the WVS question. The CHIP question simply asks, 'Do
you think the income distribution is unfair', while the WVS
question points out the role of incentives. Whyte (2010) shows a similar
pattern in the China Justice Survey data. When asked if the
'national income gap is too large' more than 70% (see his
Table 11.la) respond affirmatively. However, the same respondents are
asked 'does the income gap foster hard work' more than 80% of
the respondents are neutral or affirmative in response. Our question is
then: Do the same factors that lead to extremely unfair responses in the
CHIP data also lead a stronger preference for equality in the WVS data?
Table 6 provides the summary statistics for the independent
variables used in the logistic regression. Our logistic model using the
WVS data is similar to our combined model using the CHIP data. Unlike
the CHIP data, we use a binary dependent variable, the 'more
equality' variable equal to one when the responses to the equality
question are 1, 2, or 3 and 'more equality' equal to zero
otherwise. Income in the WVS data is reported in one of the 10 income
classes (not deciles) and the average respondent in our sample is near
the top of the fourth income class (mean=4.883). Also included are age,
gender, education, and Party membership indicator variables. The
subjective independent variables are 'happiness' (scale: 1-4)
and 'attitudes toward bribery' (1 = no tolerance and 0
otherwise). Attitudes toward bribery are used to proxy the
'corruption' variable used in the CHIP data.
Table 7 provides logit regression results using the WVS data. We
present two sets of WVS results: a pooled model (2001 and 2007) with a
year indicator, and a separate set of estimates for 2007. We provide
separate estimates for 2007 as the Party variable is not available in
2001. Unlike the earlier CHIP results we find that Party membership is
significant; Party members are less likely to desire greater equality.
Importantly, bribery in the WVS data, like corruption in the CHIP data,
is statistically significant in both models. Both education and income
are significant and show the expected signs. The overall predictive
power of both the pooled model (64.1% concordant) and the 2007 only
model (66.8% concordant) is similar to the CHIP models in Table 3b.
Interestingly, the indicator for 2007 is negative; this suggests that
preferences for equality are weakening over time.
Table 7, Column 3 provides CHIP results with a model specification
similar to that used with the WVS data. In the binary model, a fair or
unfair response is given a value of zero, while extremely unfair is one.
Higher income households, higher educated heads (the omitted group),
people who tolerate corruption, and people who report being happy are
all less likely to report that the income distribution is extremely
unfair. Again, we find that in 2002 Party membership is not significant.
Happiness, significant in the CHIP data, is not statistically
significant in either of the WVS models.
CONCLUSION
In the wake of China's enormous success transitioning to a
market economy, it is widely believed by policymakers that the
country's income distribution has become excessively unfair. We
hypothesize that reform 'winners' (educated, high income,
higher ranking Party officials) will express less dissatisfaction with
the current income distribution and reform 'losers' (less
educated, lower income, lower ranking Party members) will express
greater dissatisfaction with the current income distribution.
To test this hypothesis we use two data sets, the 2002 CHIP and the
WVS, both of which ask questions regarding equality preferences. The
questions asked in each survey contain subtle differences in their
wording and elicit different responses from the respondents. However, we
find that the same factors that lead to unfair or extremely unfair
responses in the CHIP data generally lead to a stronger preference for
equality in the WVS data. In both the surveys, we find that the
perception of unfairness is highly correlated with perceived (subjective
income) income, current prospects, and status of Party membership.
Higher ranking Cadre members are more likely to view the income
distribution as fair. Rank and file Party members in the 2002 CHIP data
are no more likely than non-members to find the current income
distribution fair; however, in 2007 WVS Survey Party members are more
likely to appreciate the role of incentives when expressing preferences
for equality. The role of education is mixed--higher educated persons
are more likely to recognize the role of incentives, while the role of
education in identifying households who view the current income
distribution as unfair is sensitive to the model specification,
particularly in the presence of subjective income. A strongly negative
attitude toward corruption is associated with both an unfair (or
extremely unfair) view of the current income distribution in the CHIP
data and a strong preference for greater equality in the WVS data. One
final observation can be made from the WVS data: a negative year
indicator in our pooled model suggests that the average
respondent's preference for equality is falling over time. This
suggests that the 'lingering dislike of inequality' in a
former socialist country is declining over time.
In conclusion, it appears that the average Chinese person
recognizes the current income distribution as 'unfair' while
he is also aware of the disincentive effects associated with greater
equality. Thus, while greater equality may well be desired it is not
desired at 'any cost'.
APPENDIX
Ordered logit specifications used in this paper In this paper, we
adopt a parsimonious logit specification and all the slope parameters
are the same for different outcomes while each level of outcome is
allowed to have a different intercept term. Suppose the unconditional
probability of each outcome is denoted as [p.sub.k] = Prob(outcome = k),
k = 1, 2, 3, then the logit specification is given by the following:
logit ([p.sub.1]) = log [p.sub.1]/[1-[p.sub.1]] = [[alpha].sub.1] +
[beta]'X logit ([p.sub.1] + [p.sub.2]) = log [[p.sub.1] +
[p.sub.2]] = [[[alpha].sub.2] + [beta]'X [p.sub.1] + [p.sub.2] +
[p.sub.3] = 1
This specification assumes proportional odds, as the odds ratio of
the outcome Y [less than or equal to] k is independent of the category
k. The odds ratio is assumed to be constant for all categories.
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(1) See Lee (2000) for an explanation for the dip in the Gini
between 1995 and 2000.
(2) We consider the urban households only as they provide a more
reliable measure of household income. We examine only the
'inequality in the nation' responses as the city responses are
quite similar.
(3) See Appendix for a description of ordered logit.
(4) In Table 7 we compare CHIP results with WVS data, which lacks a
subjective income variable. In this case education is statistically
significant.
JOHN A BISHOP [1], HAIYONG LIU [1] & ZICHONG QU [2]
[1] East Carolina University, Brewster A439, 10th St, Greenville,
NC 27858, USA. E-mail:
[email protected]
[2] Georgia State University, Andrew Young School of Policy
Studies, Atlanta, GA, 30302, USA.
Table 1: Data source definitions CHIP (2002)
Variables Definitions
Fairness = 1 if fairness to respondent's
perception is 'fair'; = 2 if fairness to
respondent's perception is 'unfair';
= 3 if fairness to the responder's
perception is 'extremely unfair
Subjective perceptions
Perceived top quartile = 1 if respondent perceives his/her
income as the top 25% of the
population; = 0 otherwise
Perceived second quartile = 1 if respondent perceives his/her
income as the top 25%-50% of
the population; = 0 otherwise
Perceived third quartile = 1 if respondent perceives his/her
income as the 50%-75% of the
population; = 0 otherwise
Perceived fourth quartile = 1 if respondent perceives his/her
income as the bottom 25% of the
population; = 0 otherwise
Corruption = 1 if the respondent think corruption
is the main social problem in
his/her city; = 0 otherwise
Happy = 1 if the respondent feels happy;
= 0 otherwise
= 1 if the respondent feels unhappy;
= 0 otherwise (omitted group)
= 1 if the respondent feels extremely
unhappy; = 0 otherwise (omitted group)
No Better = 1 if the respondent feels the living
standard had increased compared
with 1995; = 0 otherwise
Income great = 1 if the respondent expected to have a
great increase in income in the
future; = 0 otherwise (omitted group)
Income little = 1 if the respondent expected to have
little increase in income in the
future; = 0 otherwise (omitted group)
Objective perceptions
Actual top quartile = 1 if the respondent's income is among
the top 25% of the population;
= 0 otherwise
Actual second quartile = 1 if the respondent's income is among
the second 25% of the population;
= 0 otherwise
Actual third quartile = 1 if the respondent's income is among
the third 25% of the population;
= 0 otherwise
Actual fourth quartile = 1 if the respondent's income is among
the fourth 25% of the population;
= 0 otherwise
CCP = 1 if the respondent is member of CCP;
= 0 otherwise
Cadre = 1 if the respondent is cadre member of
CCP; = 0 otherwise
Young = 1 if the respondent's age is under 25;
= 0 otherwise
Mate = 1 if the respondent is male; = 0 if the
responder is female
Educational dummy variables
ES = 1 is the respondent has a highest
degree of elementary school;
= 0 otherwise
MS = 1 is the respondent has a highest
degree of middle school; = 0 otherwise
HS = 1 is the respondent has a highest
degree of high school; = 0 otherwise
SC = 1 is the respondent has finished some
college; = 0 otherwise
HC = 1 is the respondent has a college
degree or higher; = 0 otherwise
Regional dummy variables
LN = 1 if the respondent lives in Liaoning
Province; = 0 otherwise
BJ = 1 if the respondent lives in Beijing;
= 0 otherwise (omitted group)
HN = 1 if the respondent lives in Hunan
Province; = 0 otherwise
is = 1 if the respondent lives in Jiangsu
Province; = 0 otherwise
AH = 1 if the respondent lives in Anhui
Province; = 0 otherwise
HB = 1 if the respondent lives in Hubei
Province; = 0 otherwise
GD = 1 if the respondent lives in Guangdong
Province; = 0 otherwise
SX = 1 if the respondent lives in Shanxi
Province; = 0 otherwise
GS = 1 if the respondent lives in Gansu
Province; = 0 otherwise
YN = 1 if the respondent lives in Yunnan
Province; = 0 otherwise
Table 2: Summary statistics, in different fairness groups CHIP (2002)
Fairness perceptions
1 (Fair) 2 (Unfair)
N=804 N=3276
Standard Standard
Variables Mean deviation Mean deviation
Perceived top quartile 0.015 0.121 0.008 0.089
Perceived second quartile 0.478 0.500 0.561 0.496
Perceived third quartile 0.459 0.499 0.353 0.478
Perceived fourth quartile 0.047 0.212 0.075 0.264
Corruption 0.566 0.496 0.588 0.492
Happy 0.791 0.407 0.587 0.492
Unhappy 0.039 0.193 0.075 0.264
Ex unhappy 0.009 0.093 0.011 0.106
No Better 0.143 0.350 0.187 0.390
Income great 0.034 0.180 0.021 0.144
Income little 0.607 0.489 0.487 0.500
Young 0.281 0.450 0.259 0.438
Male 0.694 0.461 0.674 0.469
Illiterate 0.053 0.225 0.056 0.230
ES 0.128 0.334 0.140 0.347
MS 0.340 0.474 0.346 0.476
HS 0.167 0.374 0.178 0.383
SC 0.225 0.418 0.205 0.403
HC 0.086 0.280 0.076 0.265
Household income 25249 15702 24748 15713
Actual top quartile 0.280 0.449 0.279 0.448
Actual second quartile 0.264 0.441 0.256 0.436
Actual third quartile 0.245 0.430 0.239 0.427
Actual fourth quartile 0.211 0.409 0.226 0.419
Communist Party 0.398 0.490 0.392 0.488
Cadre 0.366 0.482 0.344 0.475
Fairness perceptions
3 (Extremely unfair)
N=2294
Standard
Variables Mean deviation
Perceived top quartile 0.006 0.075
Perceived second quartile 0.575 0.495
Perceived third quartile 0.239 0.426
Perceived fourth quartile 0.178 0.383
Corruption 0.660 0.474
Happy 0.445 0.497
Unhappy 0.157 0.364
Ex unhappy 0.041 0.198
No Better 0.277 0.448
Income great 0.021 0.145
Income little 0.374 0.484
Young 0.219 0.414
Male 0.669 0.471
Illiterate 0.051 0.220
ES 0.167 0.373
MS 0.386 0.487
HS 0.165 0.371
SC 0.172 0.377
HC 0.060 0.237
Household income 21841 14898
Actual top quartile 0.199 0.399
Actual second quartile 0.237 0.425
Actual third quartile 0.267 0.443
Actual fourth quartile 0.297 0.457
Communist Party 0.363 0.481
Cadre 0.275 0.447
Table 3a: Perceptions of fairness and individual characteristics
CHIP (2002), without controls
Subjective Objective
income income
Perceived -1.6017 --
top quartile (0.2832) ***
Perceived second -0.8601 --
quartile (0.0823) ***
Perceived third -1.3662 --
quartile (0.0877) ***
Actual top quartile -- -0.6319
(0.0715) ***
Actual second -- -0.4108
quartile (0.0690) ***
Actual third -- -0.2164
quartile (0.0685) ***
MS -- --
HS -- --
SC -- --
HC -- --
Percentage of 56.6 58.7
concordant
Education Combined
variables variables
Perceived -- -1.4533
top quartile (0.2866) ***
Perceived second -- -0.8178
quartile (0.0849) ***
Perceived third -- -1.2628
quartile (0.0942) ***
Actual top quartile -- -0.2119
(0.0800) ***
Actual second -- -0.0911
quartile (0.0742)
Actual third -- 0.00343
quartile (0.0712)
MS -0.0299 0.0705
(0.0677) (0.0690)
HS -0.1860 -0.0252
(0.0798) ** (0.0821)
SC -0.3211 -0.0783
(0.0768) *** (0.0804)
HC -0.4075 -0.0428
(0.1054) *** (0.1106)
Percentage of 55.1 61.1
concordant
Notes: Robust standard errors in parentheses. * significant at 10%;
** significant at 5 %; ***significant at 1%; all regressions include
regional indicator variables. Positive sign implies greater
dissatisfaction with the income distribution.
Table 3b: Perceptions of fairness and individual characteristics
CHIP (2002), with controls
Subjective Objective
income, income,
education education
Perceived top quartile -1.0482 --
(0.2892) ***
Perceived second quartile -0.6419 --
(0.0866) ***
Perceived third quartile -0.9467 --
(0.0997) ***
Actual top quartile -- -0.3431
(0.0770) ***
Actual second quartile -- -0.2086
(0.0723) ***
Actual third quartile -- -0.1126
(0.0702)
MS -- --
HS -- --
SC -- --
HC -- --
Cadre -0.1443 -0.1544
(0.0561) ** (0.0568) ***
CCP 0.0559 0.0452
(0.0533) (0.0534)
Corruption 0.3078 0.2962
(0.0507) *** (0.0505) ***
Happy -0.6423 -0.7310
(0.0530) *** (0.0517) ***
No Better 0.1552 0.3488
(0.0664) ** (0.0618) ***
Young -0.1645 -0.1825
(0.0586) *** (0.0586) ***
Male -0.0326 -0.0270
(0.0541) (0.0541)
Percentage of concordant 64.6 63.7
Education
without Income and
income Education
Perceived top quartile -- -0.9888
(0.2917) ***
Perceived second quartile -- -0.6298
(0.0887) ***
Perceived third quartile -- -0.9098
(0.1039) ***
Actual top quartile -- -0.1728
(0.082) **
Actual second quartile -- -0.0662
(0.0754)
Actual third quartile -- -0.00071
(0.0721)
MS 0.0390 0.0996
(0.0692) (0.0700)
HS -0.0466 0.0324
(0.0829) (0.0843)
SC -0.0592 0.0499
(0.0869) (0.0890)
HC -0.0229 0.1348
(0.1156) (0.1187)
Cadre -0.1821 -0.1327
(0.0613) *** (0.0619) **
CCP 0.0255 0.0667
(0.0538) (0.0542)
Corruption 0.2894 0.3087
(0.0504) *** (0.0507) ***
Happy -0.7651 -0.6336
(0.0513) *** (0.0532) ***
No Better 0.3867 0.1470
(0.0612) *** (0.0665) **
Young -0.1531 -0.1815
(0.0594) *** (0.0600) ***
Male -0.0102 -0.0421
(0.0539) (0.0544)
Percentage of concordant 63.4 64.8
Notes: Robust standard errors in parentheses.
* significant at 10%; ** significant at 5%; *** significant at 1%;
all regressions include regional indicator variables. Positive sign
implies greater dissatisfaction.
Table 4: Marginal contribution to percentage of concordant with both
income and education variables CHIP (2002)
Marginal contribution
Variables to percentage of concordant
CCP/Cadre 0.1
Corruption 0.6
Happy 2.1
No Better 0.1
Young 0.1
Male 0.0
Regions 1.1
Table 5: WVS'Equality' response (pooled data)
Desires more equality
1 2 3 4 5
11.9% 9.4% 7.4% 3.8% 8.2%
Desires less equality
6 7 8 9 10
7.0% 9.4% 15.9% 10.7% 16.3%
Notes: Question: Incomes should be more equal (1) ... Or
do we need larger differences in income as incentives (10)?.
Data Source: Author calculations
Table 6: WVS summary statistics (pooled data)
Variables Mean Standard error
More equality 0.287 0.000
Scale of incomes 4.833 0.046
Young 0.452 0.011
Male 0.505 0.011
Illiterate 0.119 0.007
ES 0.146 0.008
MS 0.147 0.007
Political affiliation (a) 0.091 0.006
Bribery 1.577 0.032
Happiness 2.063 0.015
Year 2007 0.598 0.101
(a) Available for 2007 only.
Table 7: WVS and CHIP logit results
(1=more equality/extremely unfair; 0=otherwise)
Pooled 2007
Variables estimate estimate CHIP
Intercept -0.788 * -1.173 -0.021
Income -0.045 * -0.071 * -0.011
(0.027) (0.038) (0.002)
Young -0.009 0.135 -0.249 ***
(0.134) (0.137) (0.066)
Male -0.222 ** -0.189 -0.024
(0.101) (0.132) (0.060)
Illiterate 0.643 *** 0.666 *** -0.185
(0.216) (0.201) (0.128)
ES 0.797 *** 0.779 *** 0.152 *
(0.198) (0.192) (0.84)
MS 0.568 *** 0.540 *** 0.131 **
(0.189) (0.192) (0.063)
Happy -0.236 * -0.126 -0.667 ***
(0.123) (0.163) (0.056)
Bribery/Corruption 0.434 ** 0.595 *** 0.289***
(0.208) (0.2453) (0.050)
Political affiliation/Party -- -0.569 * -0.013
(0.224) (0.059)
Year 2007 -0.350 * -- --
(0.184)
Percentage of concordant 64.4 66.7 63.8
Sample size 2156 1288 6374
Notes: * significant at 10%; ** significant at 5%; *** significant
at 1%; standard errors are in parentheses.
Figure 2: Percentage of respondents with fairness perceptions
Fair (n=804) 12.61%
Unfair (n=3276) 51.40%
Extremely Unfair (n=2294) 35.99%
Source: Author calculations from CHIP(2002)
Note: Table made from bar graph.