The first four months in a new foster placement: psychosocial adjustment, parental contact and placement disruption.
Delfabbro, Paul H.
Intake and four-month follow-up measures were obtained for 235
children referred into a new foster care placement over a 12-month
period in the Australian State of South Australia. Twenty-five percent
of the sample returned home within 4-months, and for those who remained
in care throughout, there had been modest gains in behavior,
psychological adjustment and adjustment at school. On the other hand,
there were considerable levels of placement disruption, a high degree of
non-compliance with parental visiting plans, and a high proportion of
children fell outside ninety-five percent confidence intervals for the
general adolescent population on most well-being measures, particularly
conduct disorder.
Introduction
Despite the fact that child welfare legislation everywhere advances
child well-being as one of its most fundamental objectives, efforts to
measure the well-being of children in state care have been surprisingly
rare and unsustained. Altshuler and Gleeson (1999), for example,
recently noted that measures of success in foster care are dominated by
indicators of permanency and safety, while child well-being is rarely
incorporated into administrative databases or built into the evaluation
of system performance. No doubt one of the reasons for this omission is
that whereas permanency and safety can be readily inferred from
administrative data such as re-abuse and re-referral rates, the
measurement of child well-being is a more subjective and potentially
labour-intensive task.
In a recent paper on the measurement of child well-being, Barber and Delfabbro (2000) argued that for well-being assessments to become
routine, there is a need for briefer, more useable measures than are
currently available; measures that can be incorporated into the
day-to-day casework of child welfare professionals. Many of the more
commonly advocated measures of child well-being such as the Child
Well-Being Scales (Magura & Moses, 1986) and the Child Behavior
Checklist (Achenbach, 1981) are much too laborious to pass this test.
Another problem with the available research into foster child well-being
is that most studies have been cross-sectional (see Altshuler &
Gleeson, 1999 for a review). In the most common research design, the
functioning of children in foster care is compared with that of children
in the general population or from comparable groups in the child welfare
population at a single point in time (cf. Kinard, 1994). Such designs
provide no adequate baseline against which to compare change in foster
care outcomes. What longitudinal studies have been conducted are mainly
retrospective. Large archival data-sets, such as those routinely
maintained by agencies, have been used to examine the long-term outcomes
of care (e.g., Courtney, 1994, 1995; Courtney & Wong, 1996;
Fernandez, 1998; Goerge, 1990). These studies have proved highly
effective in predicting changes in case-status over time, but have been
limited by the range of variables included, the sophistication of the
measures available, and by the absence of follow-up measures more
proximal to the outcomes predicted. For example, it is questionable
whether particular outcomes can be clearly associated with factors such
as abuse which may have occurred 5-10 years earlier.
Accordingly, prospective longitudinal studies are increasingly
advocated in the child welfare field (Courtney et al., 1998; Fanshel,
1975a; Wulczyn, 1997). In addition to being able to compare subsequent
results with a consistent baseline, prospective studies are in a
position to collect a greater volume of information, and to choose what
information should be collected. Archival or case-file information can
be combined with child self-reports and reports from others who have
regular face-to-face contact with the child. Furthermore, although
concerns can be raised about potential biases resulting from the
selective loss of subjects over time, a prospective study often has the
capacity to identify, and maybe control for, any systematic differences
between the retained sample and those who drop out.
The present study represents the first stage of a prospective study
into foster child well-being. Brief measures of behavioral disorder,
psychological adjustment and adjustment at school were routinely
administered at intake and again four months later. The frequency and
reliability of parental visiting was also assessed because it has been
consistently related not only to family reunification (Fanshel, 1975b;
Gibson et al., 1984; Lawder et al., 1986; Milner, 1987; Seaberg &
Tolley, 1986) but also to children's well-being in care (Cantos,
Gries, & Slis, 1997; Fanshel & Shinn, 1978; Poulin, 1985). Given
that details of family contact are often not adequately documented in
case-files (Grigsby, 1994; Hess, 1982; Hess, Mintun, Moelhman, &
Pitts, 1992), the use of face-to-face interviews in the present study,
combined with pre- and post analysis, may offer a more accurate and
detailed insight into this key area of practice.
Method
Study Design
Two-hundred-and-thirty-five children referred into out-of-home care
over a twelve-month period were recruited for the study. Baseline
information was obtained from the children's case files and from
face-to-face interviews with their social workers. Four-months later,
the 164 (70%) children who remained in care were followed-up, (1) and
their social workers reinterviewed. This study reports on placement
movements between intake and follow-up for the whole sample (n = 235),
and on the behavioral, psychological, and educational progress of the
170 children who remained in care throughout the study period. Scores on
behavior and psychological measures for adolescents in the sample were
also compared with a normative sample (n = 985) of adolescents from the
general population.
The Foster Care Sample
The original sample involved 235 children (121 boys, 114 girls)
with a mean age of 10.8 years and an age range of 4-17 years. Children
were selected if they were referred for a new placement between May 1998
and April 1999. Excluded from the sample were children on detention
orders, children placed into supported accommodation, those referred for
family preservation services, those referred for respite from a
continuing placement, and those with placements expected to last for
less than 2 weeks. The final sample represents the entire cohort of
children meeting the selection criteria referred via the central
referral agency for both metropolitan and rural areas of South Australia
during the study period. Included in the sample were 39 (16%) Aboriginal
children and 195 (84%) non-Aboriginal children (1 missing item).
Sixty-three (27%) children were from rural areas of South Australia and
172 (73%) were from the metropolitan area of Adelaide. A breakdown of
the intake sample by age showed that 65 (28%) were aged 4-8 years, 80
(34%) were 9-12 years and 90 (38%) were aged 13-17 years. At intake
there were 110 children aged between 12 and 17 years but by the
follow-up point 85 adolescents in that age group remained in the sample.
The Normative Sample
Comparative data for the adolescent foster children were obtained
from a data-set involving 985 parents drawn form the general population
in Canada. All parents in the sample had children drawn from 95 Canadian
schools in the province of Alberta. One school was randomly selected
from each of the 9 school districts and within these schools individual
students were selected by stratified random sampling according to age
group from 12 through 17 years. Individual school districts were
responsible for drawing the sample based on a required sample size.
Following identification of the students, mailing labels containing
parents' names and addresses were prepared by each school district.
Each of these parents was dispatched a letter describing the study and
inviting them (the parent) to participate. The parents who agreed to
participate had children whose mean age was 14.31 years (s.d. = 2.51),
comprising 502 males (51%) and 483 females (49%). Although the normative
sample and the foster care sample came from different countries, recent
research indicates that the general Canadian and Australian adolescent
populations display very similar levels of well-being (Barber, 2001).
Measures and Procedure
1. The Foster Care Sample
In order to recruit the foster care sample, referral records at the
central agency were monitored each week. Data on the children selected
were recorded along with the contact details and location of the social
worker responsible for each case. Information was collected from central
agency records and government databases, and verified in face-to-face
interviews with social workers. Four-months later most of the measures
described below were reobtained for those children (n = 164) who
remained in care.
Among the variables extracted from agency records were: (a)
demographic characteristics, (b) placement history, and (c) details of
current placement, including type of legal order and type and frequency
of contact with family of origin. The types of contact included:
information only, indirect contact (e.g., telephone), direct visits, and
overnight stays. Frequency of each type was measured on a 6 point scale:
1 = never, 2 = monthly or less often, 3 = 2-3 times per month, 4 = once
per week, 5 = 2-6 times per week, 7 = daily or more often. The referral
form also provided a checklist of factors that were taken into account
when making the referral, such as whether or not the child had been the
victim of abuse, child mental health problems, suicide attempts,
substance abuse, developmental delay, self-destructive behaviors,
offending, truancy, and other general behavioral problems.
Among the measures obtained from interviews with the child's
social worker was an abbreviated form of Boyle et al.'s (1987)
Child Behavior Checklist (CBC). The CBC contains four subscales: conduct
disorder, hyperactivity, somatization disorder and emotional disorder.
All subscale items were designed by Boyle et al (1987) to operationalize
DSM criteria for the relevant disorder. The items selected from the CBC
for inclusion in this study were those found in a previous study
involving the senior author of over 2,000 junior and senior high school
students to possess the highest item-total correlations within their
relevant subscales (Barber, Bolitho & Bertrand, 1998; 1999a; 1999b).
Using this approach, 6 of the 15 conduct disorder items could be
extracted without negatively affecting alpha for the conduct disorder
subscale. Similarly, 3 of the 6 items comprising Boyle et al's
(1987) hyperactivity subscale, 5 of their 13 emotionality items, and 4
of their 11 somatization items were selected for the remainder of the
abbreviated CBC. Internal consistency for each of the abbreviated
subscales was found to be acceptable using the intake sample from the
present study: [alpha] = .83, .87, .82, and .84 for the conduct
disorder, hyperactivity, emotional disorder, and somatization disorder
subscales respectively.
In addition to behavioral and psychological adjustment measures,
social workers were asked to respond to 10 items concerning the
child's behavior and adjustment at school. All items were scored on
4-point scales: 1 = often, 2 = sometimes, 3 = rarely, 4 = never. Four
items referred to general school performance: `Has been
well-organised', `Has been interested in his/her studies',
`Has produced work of a good standard', `Has been attentive in
class'. Six items referred to the child's behavior and level
of cooperation: `Has not completed homework or set work', `Has been
disruptive in class', `Has refused to take part in school
activities', `Has been disciplined by teachers and other staff
members', `Has been late to class' and `Has wagged (skipped)
school'. If the child was not attending school, workers were asked
to indicate why this was so on a short checklist which included:
left-school, excluded, school refusal. Finally, as an objective
indicator of school adjustment, social workers were asked to indicate
how many times the child had changed school, been suspended or excluded
during the 12 months prior to entering the study (at intake) and in the
four-months since intake (at follow-up).
2. The Normative Sample
Parents of the adolescent children selected for the sample were
asked to complete the long form of Boyle et al.'s (1987) CBC in
relation to their child. Items included in the abbreviated CBC were
extracted from the parent dataset for analysis in this paper.
Results
1. Placement Change and Stability
The overall sample can be divided into three groups: 1) new
referrals to care (n = 40); 2) those who were returning to care after
going home from a previous placement (n = 89); and 3) those who were
currently in care but were changing placements (n = 106). Figure 1
identifies these 3 groups and describes the status of the sample at the
follow-up point.
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
Analysis of the reasons for the 123 placement changes during the
four-month period revealed that 83 (67%) of the children were moved for
reasons beyond their control, such as because better or more permanent
arrangements became available or because of changes in carer circumstances. However, 40 (33%) of the children who experienced at
least one placement change were moved because the foster carer had been
unable to cope with the child's behavior. The mean number of
placements experienced by these 40 children in the 4-month period was
5.7 (s.d. = 4.2).
Table 1 shows that placement status at follow-up varied
significantly depending on the group to which the children belonged at
intake. Proportion difference tests showed that new referrals were
significantly more likely to return home than the other two groups, z =
3.99, p < .01, whereas children who were already in the system at
intake were no more likely to change placement overall, z = 1.61, p >
.05, but were more likely to experience a placement change due to their
disruptive behavior, z = 3.25, p < .01. As 59 of the original sample
had returned home by the follow-up point (and were therefore no longer
under State supervision), comparisons between intake and follow-up
measures in the remaining sections were confined to the children who
remained in care throughout the study period (n = 164).
2. Family Contact
Analysis of case plans indicated that almost all (n = 212 or 90%)
of the children in this study did have explicit plans in relation to
family contact, although in 52 cases (22%), the plan was for no contact
(2) and only 127 (54%) were expected to have direct, personal contact,
as opposed to telephone contact. When contact was planned, in whatever
form, it was usually planned to occur at least weekly. Furthermore, half
of the children for whom no contact was planned did, in fact, receive
family contact over the period anyway. McNemar change tests, which
compared the intake and follow-up frequencies for each contact category,
showed that children were significantly less likely to have `no
contact' than had been anticipated (predicted=22%, actual=11%, p
< .05), and stayed overnight more often than predicted (intake=11%,
actual=27%, p < .001). Further analyses compared the predicted and
actual frequency of contact by collapsing the original 6 response
categories into separate binary frequencies (1 month or less vs. 2-3
times per month or more). This analysis showed that frequency of all
three types of contact (indirect, direct visits and overnight stays) did
not differ from what had been predicted.
Further analyses revealed that the generally high level of
conformity with family contact plans at the aggregate level masks a
considerable degree of non-compliance at the individual level. Planned
contact did not occur between 6% and 19% of the time, depending on the
type of contact in question. And in around 20% of cases, contacts were
made when no such plans had been made.
3. Psychological Adjustment
Table 2 presents mean item scores on three of the CBC subscales for
the children in care at intake and follow-up. (There were no changes in
somatization scores). Mean item scores were obtained by adding all items
completed and dividing by the total number of items completed. Within
samples analysis of mean item conduct score revealed an improvement in
conduct from intake to follow-up. Analysis of individual conduct
subscale items showed that the change in overall score was due to a
significant reduction in 2 of the 6 conduct items, with children being
less likely to destroy property or lie and cheat once they had been in
care for 4 months. Similarly, there was a significant reduction in
overall hyperactivity, due in this case to 2 of the 3 items:
concentration problems and distractibility. Finally, the change in
overall emotionality score was due to improvement in 1 of the 5
items--"worried a lot". Taken together, then these analyses
suggest that children in care were generally better behaved, less
agitated and less worried than they had been at intake. However,
assessments of effect size based upon a comparison of mean difference
scores and the standard deviations (Cohen, 1992), revealed that the
effect sizes (d) for all comparisons were only small (i.e., < 0.30).
Figure 2 depicts the distribution of mean conduct scores for the
normative sample and for children between the ages of 12 and 17 years
who were in foster care at intake and follow-up. Sixty-percent of foster
children at intake and 41% at follow-up fell outside the 95th percentile for the normative population. Notwithstanding the apparent decline in
the number of foster children within this outlier group, independent
samples t-tests showed that the foster care sample scored significantly
higher than the normative sample on overall mean score at both points in
time ([p.sup.s] < .001). Similar results were obtained for the other
two CBC subscales. Twenty-eight percent of foster children fell outside
the 95th percentile for hyperactivity at intake, compared with 21% at
follow-up, and 25% fell outside the 95th percentile for emotionality at
intake compared with 23% at follow-up.
[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]
4. Behavior at School
Table 3 indicates that a substantial number of children were
experiencing significant problems in school at intake. Approximately a
quarter were often disruptive in class and were not completing set work,
over a third were often disciplined by staff members, and nearly a third
were skipping school often or sometimes. Between 1 in 5 and 1 in 3
children at intake were reported as rarely or never being attentive in
class, interested in their studies, or producing work of a good
standard. Encouragingly, results showed some improvement in school
performance. McNemar change tests compared the relative percentage of
children in the often + sometimes group for each item compared with the
percentage in the rarely + never category. Children were significantly
less likely to skip school in their new placement (29% at intake versus
16% at follow-up, p < .05), and to refuse to take part in school
activities (51% at intake versus 35% at follow-up, p < .05). On the
other hand, social workers reported no significant improvement in how
much interest children were showing in their studies, in the quality of
work produced, level of organisation, or general attentiveness.
A more objective measure of school adjustment could be derived by
comparing the rate of school suspensions and exclusions prior to and
following placement. Sixty of the children in receipt of care throughout
the study period had been suspended at least once in the 12-months prior
to the study for a mean duration of 14 days, and 9 had been excluded.
During the first follow-up period, 26 children were suspended with 8
having been suspended on 3 or more occasions. Each suspension was for
approximately 2-7 days. There were also 6 exclusions, with 4 of these
children not returning to school at all. An approximate suspension rate
can be calculated by dividing the pre-placement mean by 3 to give mean
suspension per quarter rate (i.e., 0.95/4 =0.32). This compares with
0.17 for the first follow-up period using the same algorithm. Thus, both
social worker ratings and suspensions data demonstrate a decrease in
problematic school behaviors during the first four months in a new
placement.
Discussion
This paper began by arguing the need for quick, reliable measures
of child well-being that can be readily integrated into the casework of
foster care workers. While the abbreviated CBC scales developed in the
present study certainly proved to be both easy to administer and
reliable, a feature of the dataset was the large amount of missing data
on the abbreviated CBC because social workers simply did not know the
answer. This finding underscores an observation we have made more than
once before (Barber & Delfabbro, 2000; Delfabbro, Barber &
Cooper, 2002) that the amount and quality of information on which child
welfare decisions are commonly based tends to be very limited. We have
further suggested that this problem is endemic in the child welfare
field because so many of the relevant variables refer to inherently
private states and behaviors and because respondents frequently have
some incentive to disguise the truth. Interestingly, the degree of
missing data in our abbreviated CBC corresponds quite closely to that
recorded by Boyle et al. (1987) for the longer version of the CBC.
Notwithstanding the problem of missing data, results of this
prospective study are consistent with the conclusion that foster
placement tends to be accompanied by improvements in the short-term in
levels of conduct disorder, hyperactivity and emotional disorder. The
present study also found a statistically significant improvement in
foster children's attendance and participation at school between
intake and follow-up. This improvement in school behavior was reflected
in a lower rate of school exclusions once the children came into foster
care.
Offsetting these positive results somewhat was the finding that
when the well-being of adolescents in foster care was compared with a
normative sample from the general population, a sizeable proportion of
the foster children fell outside acceptable confidence intervals at
intake and at follow-up. It must be acknowledged, however, that the
extent to which this result is attributable to the different raters used
for the two groups of children (social workers for foster children
versus parents for normative children) is unknown. It must also be
emphasised that in the absence of an adequate control condition,
improvements in behavior and well-being cannot be attributed to foster
placement itself. Among the more obvious threats to the internal
validity of this conclusion, for example, are: (a) child maturation and
(b) instrumentation, particularly changes in social worker expectations.
Moreover, as Nelson, Singer, and Johnson (1978) note, improvements in
the child's functioning on entering care may be short-lived as most
children can be expected to conform at least temporarily to the
behavioral expectations of a new setting. In order to assess this
possibility, further follow-up of the children in this study is planned.
Results of the family reunification data showed that nearly
twenty-five percent of the sample had returned home prior to the
four-month follow-up point, although this aggregate figure masked considerable variation between referral types. Of particular concern is
that the most difficult group to reunify--those referred for a change of
placement--was also the most numerous. Whereas around forty percent of
new referrals and one-third of children returning to care from home were
reunited with their families within four months, only around nine
percent of those referred for a change of placement could be reunified
within four-months. Moreover, around half of the children referred for a
change of placement were forced to change placement again at least once
within four-months, in almost fifty-percent of these cases because the
foster carer was unwilling or unable to tolerate the child's
disruptive behavior any longer. Results of the family contact data also
suggest that social workers were aware of the importance of explicit
plans in relation to family contact, as ninety-percent of the children
in care throughout the study period did have a family contact plan.
However, the data showed a considerable level of non-compliance with the
plan.
Taken together, then, our findings present a mixed picture of the
first four months in foster care. Of particular concern is the number of
children who appear to be adrift in the foster care system. That is to
say, they wander from foster home to foster home, neither returning to
their families nor settling down with alternative carers. The present
study suggests that over half of the children in South Australia who are
referred into out-of-home care will, for one reason or another, be
forced to change placement at least once in the first four-months. While
it is acknowledged that some of these moves constitute transition
arrangements, such as where a child needs an emergency placement while
more stable arrangements are worked out, this does not alter the fact
that placement change is a very disruptive experience. For this reason,
one of the most fundamental objectives of an alternative care system
must surely be to provide placement stability from the outset.
Table 1
Status at follow-up by origin of child
New into Returning Changing
Care to care placement
(n = 40) (n = 89) (n = 106)
Returned home 20 (50.0%) 29 (32.6%) 10 (9.4%)
Still in care
In 1 stable placement 11 (27.5%) 30 (33.7%) 35 (33.0%)
Changed placement 7 (17.5%) 30 (33.7%) 54 (50.9%)
Change due to child's 3 (7.5%) 10 (11.2%) 27 (25.5%)
behavior
Table 2
Means, standard deviations (in parentheses), and valid cases for CBC
subscales at intake and at 4 months
Intake 4-months t-value Effect
size(d)
Conduct
Damaged property 0.50 (0.64) 0.40 (0.67) 1.88 0.15
Destroyed property 0.68 (0.67) 0.48 (0.72) 3.01 ** 0.29
Disobedient at school 0.92 (0.75) 0.84 (0.76) 1.07 0.11
Lied or cheated 1.13 (0.69) 0.97 (0.76) 2.41 * 0.22
Stole things 0.49 (0.70) 0.40 (0.66) 1.53 0.13
Physical attacks 0.52 (0.69) 0.41 (0.63) 1.94 0.17
Mean score 0.71 (0.51) 0.59 (0.52) 3.02 ** 0.21
Hyperactivity
Couldn't concentrate 1.33 (0.72) 1.17 (0.81) 2.26 * 0.21
Couldn't sit still 1.00 (0.79) 0.93 (0.82) 1.21 0.09
Distractible 1.20 (0.72) 1.02 (0.79) 2.89 ** 0.24
Mean score 1.17 (0.66) 1.00 (0.70) 3.08 ** 0.28
Emotionality
Unhappy, sad or 1.21 (0.59) 1.14 (0.61) 1.14 0.12
depressed
Not as happy as other 1.21 (0.60) 1.11 (0.69) 1.43 0.16
children
Nervous and tense 0.94 (0.76) 0.86 (0.75) 1.14 0.11
Too fearful or anxious 0.81 (0.73) 0.78 (0.64) <1 0.04
Worried a lot 1.11 (0.65) 0.95 (0.72) 2.22 * 0.23
Mean score 1.07 (0.53) 0.93 (0.51) 2.80 * 0.19
* v < .05. ** v < .01
Table 3
School performance and adjustment at intake and follow-up (follow-up
figures in bold, negative items shaded)
n Often Sometimes
Has not completed 21 (25.6) 35 (42.7)
homework or set 82 16 (19.5) 34 (41.5)
work.
Has been attentive in 29 (30.9) 48 (51.1)
class. 94 33 (35.1) 38 (40.4)
Has been disruptive in 27 (22.9) 41 (34.7)
class. 118 19 (16.1) 50 (42.4)
Has refused to take 11 (13.4) 31 (37.8)
part in activities. 82 9 (11.0) 20 (24.4)
Has been well- 21 (26.9) 20 (25.6)
organized. 78 17 (21.8) 29 (37.2)
* Has been interested 26 (29.2) 43 (48.3)
in studies. 89 27 (30.3) 43 (48.3)
Has been disciplined 31 (33.7) 41 (44.6)
by staff. 92 23 (25.0) 38 (41.3)
Has produced work of 18 (21.2) 43 (50.6)
a good standard. 85 21 (24.7) 38 (44.7)
Has been late to class. 18 (22.5) 15 (17.6)
80 7 (8.8) 14 (16.5)
Has wagged 16 (17.0) 11 (11.7)
(skipped) school. 94 6 (6.4) 9 (9.6)
Rarely Never
Has not completed 16 (19.5) 10 (12.2)
homework or set 9 (11.0) 13 (15.9)
work.
Has been attentive in 16 (17.0) 1 (1.2)
class. 12 (12.7) 3 (3.6)
Has been disruptive in 14 (11.9) 16 (13.6)
class. 19 (16.1) 20 (16.9)
Has refused to take 16 (19.5) 24 (29.3)
part in activities. 13 (15.6) 33 (40.2)
Has been well- 28 (35.9) 9 (11.5)
organized. 19 (24.4) 6 (7.7)
* Has been interested 16 (18.0) 4 (4.5)
in studies. 11 (12.4) 3 (3.4)
Has been disciplined 9 (9.8) 11 (11.6)
by staff. 10 (10.9) 8 (8.7)
Has produced work of 18 (21.2) 6 (7.1)
a good standard. 11 (12.9) 6 (7.1)
Has been late to class. 9 (11.3) 38 (47.6)
10 (12.5) 33 (41.3)
Has wagged 6 (6.4) 61 (64.9)
(skipped) school. 10 (10.6) 62 (66.0)
Notes
(1.) Follow-up was undertaken for children whose case were still
open (or only recently closed) irrespective of their status. However,
our analyses are confined to those children still in care.
(2.) Contact is often proscribed because of the risk of abuse to
the child.
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JAMES G. BARBER
University of Toronto
Faculty of Social Work
PAUL H. DELFABBRO
University of Adelaide
Department of Psychology