Coping with unexpected loss of water supply among regular exercisers.

Devonport, Tracey J. ; Lane, Andrew M. ; Crone, Diane 等

On the 20th July 2007 severe flooding hit Gloucestershire, UK, affecting many houses and businesses, including the local water treatment works. For some individuals, the floods posed a natural disaster in that homes were flooded, and unfortunately, there were fatalities resulting directly from the floods (cited by BBC news, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/in_depth/629/629/6911778.stm. Accessed 18th June 2009). For the vast majority, the floods posed an inconvenience, and most notably water supply was unavailable to many areas for up to two weeks after the water treatment works were flooded. When exploring literature concerning natural disasters it becomes apparent that with few exceptions (Reacher, McKenzie, Lane, et al., 2004), published literature has primarily focused on individuals whose homes are damaged by the elements (Beggs, Haines, & Hulbery, 1996; Blaikie, Cannon, Davis, & Wisner, 1994; Cutter, Boruff, & Shirley, 2003; Tunstall, Tapsell, Green, et al., 2006). However, high dependency on natural resources such as water can leave individuals vulnerable to changes in resource conditions. As such exploring the experiences of individuals that have endured water loss presents a worthy line of investigation.

Within the natural disaster literature, vulnerability has been defined as 'the characteristics of a person or group in terms of their capacity to anticipate, cope with, resist, and recover from the impact of a natural hazard' (Blaikie et al., 1994, p. 9). This definition takes into account the significance of behaviors during the different phases of a natural disaster. This concurs with theoretical proposals that the relevance and effectiveness of a particular coping response varies with the phase of a stressful transaction (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Lazarus, 1990, 2000).

Coping is regarded a complex, dynamic stress process that involves the person, the environment, and the evolving relationship between them (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004). Coping efforts are initiated in response to an appraisal that personally meaningful goals have been harmed/lost (damage has already occurred), threatened (anticipated future harm or loss), and/or challenged (a potential opportunity for personal growth/gain) (Lazarus, 2001). As a stressful encounter progresses, there is a continuous interaction between appraisals, coping and emotional responses, each changing as the transaction unfolds (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984).

There was a clear rationale for selecting regular exercisers as the focus of the present study. Previous research has demonstrated that people utilize exercise as a self--regulatory behavior offering positive outcomes for health and well--being. For example, it has been found that exercise associates with an increases in pleasant affective states and reduction in unpleasant ones (Berger & Motl, 2000; Biddle, 2000; Scully, Kremer, Meade, et al., 1998). Exercise is also associated with an increase in positive self--perceptions of body image (Hausenblas & Fallon, 2006). Further, exercise appears to be an effective strategy to help cope with daily hassles (Rostad & Long, 1996). Given the perceptual nature of stress and coping, when placed under stressful conditions, individuals might identify a number of barriers that they believe prohibit exercise. Such barriers might exacerbate stress symptoms by disrupting the use of exercise as a preferred self--regulatory behavior. For example, one consequence of natural disasters may be to affect the exercise strategies people use to regulate their mood (Thayer, Newman, & McClain, 1994). Flooding and water loss might affect the type of exercise available with activities such as running and cycling being restricted. This is significant, as individuals appear to accrue greater benefits when they can choose activities by preference (Lane, Jackson, & Terry, 2005). Therefore, an individual might not anticipate experiencing pleasant affective states following exercise when they are unable to pursue their preferred mode of exercise.

The present study should be set in the context of examining how exercise might act as a coping strategy to assist normal functioning and the extent to which sudden and unexpected loss of water supply presents a series of challenges when seeking to maintain exercise (e.g., accessing sports facilities and washing post exercise). Findings from the study have practical implications for sport and exercise practitioners whose goals include enhancing enjoyment, performance and well--being benefits associated with exercise. We suggest that given the role of exercise as a self--regulatory strategy, there is a need to consider the potential impact of unexpected stressors and develop methods through which coping could be supported. In doing so, it might be possible to enhance an individuals' ability to maintain their exercise regimen and associated benefits. The present paper focuses on unexpected water loss, but it should be noted that this represents an example intended to prompt practitioners to consider the requirements for successful adaptation to any unexpected stressors.

The present study used qualitative methods to explore personal accounts of loss of water supply among regular exercisers. The aim was to explore the impact of water loss on exercise and identify coping strategies intended to manage the situation and consequences. Qualitative methods were used as these facilitate an exploration of coping with this unique situation.

Method

Research context

Approval for this study was attained from the first and second authors University ethics committee. Participants signed informed consent forms for participation prior to undertaking an interview, and no incentives for participation were offered.

Participants

Nine volunteer participants (four male, five female; age: M = 39.10 years, SD = 10.89) were recruited via convenience sampling. Participants were approached at sports facilities within the region affected by water loss. Upon offering consent to take part in interviews inclusion criteria were then utilized to attain individuals exercising at least three times per week at moderate to vigorous intensity, and residing within the affected areas over the duration of water loss. These criteria were applied to ensure that all participants were habitual exercisers and experienced water loss. The participants exercise routines ranged from a minimum of one--hour three times per week to daily exercise for 60 to 90 minutes.

Pseudonyms are used to maintain confidentiality and protect the identity of all participants. Methods advocated by Creswell (1998, 2009) were used to ensure trustworthiness including peer review and debriefing wherein the authors coded the interviews both individually and during group meetings. Emergent themes were subject to ongoing discussions until such time that consensus was attained. Member checking occurred on two occasions, firstly when producing interview transcripts and second, when reviewing a final draft of the article intended for submission. This was in order to ensure an accurate portrayal of participants' perceptions. The participants and their experiences are described in detail, this is done to add depth and context to the data and ultimately enhance trustworthiness.

Interview procedure

Participants completed semi--structured interviews within a week of the reintroduction of water supply to facilitate accurate recall. All participants were provided with information regarding the nature and purpose of the semi--structured interview. This included the interview rationale, the use of interview data, issues of confidentiality, topics to be discussed, and procedures for tape recording and transcribing the interview. The schedule covered four themes of enquiry including: 1) consequences of water loss; 2) exercise behaviors during water loss; 3) coping behaviors intended to manage the situation and resultant consequences and 4) temporal changes during the water loss encounter. Open questions such as 'Can you tell me what your experiences have been when faced with the recent lack of water supply?' and 'Can you describe the ways in which you sought to overcome problems resulting from a lack of water supply?' were followed by clarification and elaboration probes. At the end of the interview, participants were asked whether there was anything else they could tell the interviewer concerning their experience with the loss of water supply. During interviews participants referred to the term "gym use", which in the present study refers more to where the activity takes place than what was done. Gym use refers to all activities that can occur in health and fitness centers including weights, cardiovascular equipment, gym classes (e.g., formal exercise classes with an instructor) and a swimming pool. The authors collaborated in an initial review of the data to determine thematic content and to establish when data saturation had occurred, i.e., no new themes were emerging within the interview data provided.

Data Analysis

Data preparation and analysis began shortly after each interview was completed. QSR NVivo--2 (2002) was the software used as a tool to host data analysis. Using inductive coding, quotes were extracted from the interviews and categorized into raw themes that represented a meaningful point.

Results

The perceptions of nine participants regarding the impact of water loss on exercise behaviors are explored along with resultant consequences. We acknowledge that interviews are co--constructions, and as such, where possible we offer extended quotations so that readers might consider alternative interpretations of the data.

Impact of water loss on exercise behaviors and resultant consequences

During the six months leading up to the point of water loss, all participants completed a minimum of three 30--minute sessions of moderate to vigorous intensity exercise per week. All participants stated that during the period of water loss, they modified their exercise regimen.

There were many attributions offered in the narratives of participants for changes in exercise behaviors following water loss. These included; a) spending a greater amount of time planning where and when each exercise session could take place; b) challenges of maintaining hygiene; c) a sense of increased sensitivity to the perceptions of other people (a concern that others might judge personal hygiene and priority for water use as a result of exercising); d) closed sports facilities; e) health and safety concerns; f) continued poor weather; g) priorities for the use of water; h) pursuing other priorities; and, i) curiosity to see flood sites. The personal consequences of modified exercise regimens ranged from minimal influences to considerable changes (gains and losses) in psychological and possibly physiological well--being. The consequences experienced appeared influenced by an individual's beliefs concerning exercise behaviors in terms of exercise conditions (e.g., exercise form, intensity, duration and location) and the benefits of exercise (e.g., mood regulation, body image).

When faced with sudden water loss, individuals holding fixed exercise beliefs (which we explain shortly) were more likely to perceive a reduction in exercise. As a consequence they were more predisposed to experiencing increases in unpleasant emotions, concerns regarding weight gain and loss of tone, and concerns regarding the ability to resume exercise routines. An example of a fixed beliefs evidenced by participants was that exercise must involve activities of a sufficient intensity to elicit sweating. As will be demonstrated in the data presented, although such individuals might have engaged in alternative activities, they failed to recognize these as exercise as they were not sweat--inducing. Consequently, their-perception was that their exercise regimen had reduced along with the self--regulatory outcomes of exercise. By contrast, individuals holding flexible exercise beliefs appeared to pursue and/ or recognize alternative exercise conditions more readily. These individuals were able to acknowledge the contribution of alternative exercise regimens toward their self--regulatory goals thereby maintaining the benefits associated with exercise.

Individuals presenting evidence of fixed exercise beliefs included Tony, June, Kate, Mary, and Jenny. With the exception of Jenny, these individuals reported a reduced exercise regimen and experienced negative outcomes of water loss. Those individuals evidencing flexible exercise beliefs included Lucy, Nick, Cody, and Terry. Without exception, they maintained, albeit modified, their exercise regimen and experienced positive or minimal consequences following water loss. Findings of the present study suggest that exercise beliefs influenced behavioral, cognitive and emotional responses to water loss. The following exploration by participant offers a deeper insight into these beliefs and their influence on the impact of water loss on exercise behaviors and resultant consequences.

Jenny (female)--perceived exercise as increased

Jenny is a 50 year--old female teaching assistant. At the time of the water loss she was on annual leave from school. When the gym re--opened she noted it was much quieter than usual. She indicated that

   I probably exercised more because the gym was very quiet and there
   was nobody here [gym] really so it was quite pleasant because it's
   quite hot in there [gym] and it wasn't so warm ... it was something
   to do rather than sitting at home and be depressed thinking about
   the water, and exercise makes you feel a bit better when you've
   done some exercise.

Jenny repeatedly expressed feelings of depression resulting from the domestic inconvenience of water loss. For her, exercise was a means of managing these negative mood states.

Cody (male)--perceived exercise as modified but maintained

Cody is a 30--year old male fitness instructor employed by a local health and fitness centre that closed during the floods. He modified his exercise habits during the period of water loss as a consequence of having more free time, safety considerations and to indulge curiosity. He surmised;

   my bike's not particularly safe [a racing bicycle with thin tyres]
   and I knew there was a lot of gravel washing up onto the surface,
   but I did go out for a jog just to look around town, I actually
   went out because of the floods because I wanted to go and see the
   spectacle of it all. I went jogging into town and waded through
   water to look around.

He felt he was not exercising any less, but pursued exercises that were not reliant upon the gym. He noted an increase in exercise using the natural environment, for example, hill walking. He felt that this break in gym routine was a positive outcome. Cody made reference to beliefs concerning the role of water in the ritual of exercise noting

   I was interrogating someone about why it [water loss] was such a
   big deal? He said he just doesn't want to exercise without having a
   shower afterwards, its part of society I suppose, all these
   facilities we have got access to and we expect them. When we
   haven't got them, we have to think more about what we are doing.
   People don't necessarily want to do that which I think is good in
   that it challenges people but it is bad because people don' t
   generally have answers of how to get around it.

Cody felt that a strip wash was sufficient to maintain hygiene following exercise.

Nick (male)--perceived exercise as modified but maintained

Nick is a 54 year--old retired male, he felt his exercise regimen was modified not because of the water loss, but due to the persistent rain that occurred during this time. He noted that he walked and did the gardening less so he used the rowing machine and bike at home also noting that "I was coming in here [gym] anyway and probably spending a bit more time in here than I was before 'cause of the weather so you know, not a problem, it was good compensation". He acknowledged these modifications as helping to maintain his exercise outputs.

Lucy (female)--perceived exercise as modified but maintained

Lucy is a 41 year--old female solicitor on long--term sick leave at the time of the water loss. She wished to continue her normal exercise routine explaining that the gym was a safe exercise environment due to her health condition. She commented that: "I'm recovering from surgery that went wrong, if something happened physically and I was out on my own on a hill ... that's my main reason I prefer the gym". However, with the gym closed, she indicated that

   I was just feeling a bit worded that I was going to put on weight
   really ... I only usually go out on my bike if I've not been to the
   gym or if I feel particularly well ... so it's actually been good
   for me to break the routine ... I think maybe the gym is something
   that can be integrated into these other activities rather than
   instead of.

Lucy felt that the water loss had forced her to pursue alternative exercises producing positive outcomes.

Terry (male)--perceived exercise as modified but maintained

Terry is a 46 year--old male employed by the air--force. He noted that his normal exercise routine reduced because "it's just harder to keep clean afterwards, strip washes instead of showers ... you're trying to keep clean for longer rather than wearing clothes and getting them sweaty because you have no washing machine". However, Terry observed that the floods and water loss presented alternative ways of exercising,

   some of the houses in our street were flooded and everybody pitched
   in helping to move sandbags, furniture, providing drinks, food so
   they'd got something ... you do it for two or more hours and you
   certainly knew about it the next day ... and you feel good about it
   as well, you get that high from thinking I've achieved something
   for somebody else.

Terry clearly expresses positive consequences accrued from helping others whilst completing an alternative form of exercise.

Tony (male)--perceived exercise as reduced

Tony is a 46 year--old male whose occupation involved promoting and supporting the uptake of physical activity. Tony felt his exercise routine had reduced during the water loss because other priorities had taken precedence. "Well I haven't run at all ... there was the issue of not having water from the point of view of going running.... It wasn't that I couldn't use the shower, it was the preoccupation [with finding water]". Tony felt that the water loss provided an alternative physical activity "the lugging the water up and down, 15 litres of water from there to the car, going back doing it again, ... carrying this thing is physical activity".

Despite acknowledging the physical demands of transporting water Tony spoke of routines, particularly for running, and the disruption to his routine produced psychological consequences "I do feel the buzz you feel when you do a run so I would say that it [not running] was more irritating and frustrating". He explained "I'd reached the point where I was going to start running again before we were told the water was coming on because you have to sort of adapt". For Tony, he did not perceive the physically demanding act of carrying water as meeting his self--regulatory goals. For example, in respect of weight management he noted that, "I routinely weighed myself so you have an awareness of where you are in and around your general routine, I mean I don't count everything as I'm not that kind of person but within the range you don't want to let yourself go". As the water loss endured, he became increasingly frustrated by the lack of perceived exercise and intended to regulate these feelings by exercising despite the ongoing challenges presented.

June (female)--perceived exercise as reduced

June is a 22 year--old female who worked on the service desk for an information technology company. She did not complete any of her usual exercise regimen during the period of water loss because of perceived difficulties in maintaining cleanliness and personal hygiene following exercise. As a consequence of reduced exercise, she became more conscious of energy intake, expenditure and weight. She indicated that:

   because I wasn't exercising as much I was sort of thinking,
   normally I have my big lunch at work and then I go to they gym and
   I feel like I'm burning it off ... I was watching what I eat more
   than I normally would ... looking back it's quite funny I didn't
   realize it at the time, but normally I drive everywhere, whereas I
   was walking more places, even when I could get around in my car
   when the floods subsided I was still wanting to walk just because I
   hadn't had any exercise that day.

However, June believed that the gym was the exercise forum in which to bum off calories and as such did not acknowledge the contribution of walking to her weight management goals. June consequently evidenced body image concerns

   I'm sure I've put weight on (laughs), and I probably have because
   even though I was trying to watch what I eat I probably was eating
   the same as I normally do ... my bodies used to having exercise and
   stuff and I think when you're used to doing exercise when you don't
   have it for a week you feel a bit sluggish as well.

Kate (female)--perceived exercise as reduced

Kate is a 30 year--old female who worked in information technology. She felt her exercise routine had reduced. As a horse rider/owner, her ten mile round trip to ride and maintain the horse became a seventy mile round trip due to flooded roads. She commented that: "the time I would spend riding was actually spent getting there" and consequently, she did not ride during the duration of the water loss. Furthermore, her running routine altered. She became more conscious of factors associated with exercise including the practicality of showering. She indicated that:

   if you'd just had a shower you wouldn't do anything after it. You
   needed to plan ahead what you were doing ... when I went out
   running I'd be thinking people would be looking at me thinking I'd
   be dirty and not having a shower (laughs) ... l just knew I'd be
   able to have a shower when I got back which I had to plan rather
   than spontaneously do.

Kate explained that a disrupted exercise routine reduced automaticity and therefore increased the perceived effort required in maintaining her exercise routine: "if I hadn't had a break from running I'd still be running, and now I can't get back into it".

Mary (female)--perceived exercise as reduced

Mary is a 30 year--old female exercise instructor who regularly works one--to--one with clients. She did not exercise for seven days during the period of water loss. She explained that: "I couldn't face the thought of being that dirty, wet hair dripping with sweat and everything and then not being able to have a proper shower afterwards, so I didn't train for a week". Mary also evidenced body image concerns,

   it sounds ridiculous because I know it's not happening but you can
   just feel yourself expanding, I just didn't feel so good about
   myself and also with the situation you were just having a few more
   bad things to eat than you would normally do. Everything was a bit
   "topsy--turvey", your eating habits and your exercise habits so 1
   just felt a bit bloated and not as good as I would normally.

Temporal coping responses during water loss

In order to explore vulnerability to water loss, and to try to understand the challenges in maintaining exercise behavior, we considered the significance of cognitive, affective and coping responses during different phases of the natural disaster. We focused on the day that the impending water loss was announced, during the first three days of water loss, and, thereafter until running water was re--established.

The day water loss was announced

Table 1 presents those responses identified by participants following the announcement that the Gloucestershire area would lose water supply. It was consistently noted among participants that there was a degree of uncertainty with local radio and television announcing that water loss would occur within a 'couple of days' and last 7--10 days.

As Table 1 indicates, individuals felt uncertain about future events when first hearing about impending water loss. This sentiment expressed by all participants, reflected a perceived lack of control over events, and was associated with affective states such as panic, fear, anger and shock. At this point participants noted that in an attempt to cope they utilized emotion--focused strategies (e.g., humor, denial, social support for emotional reasons) and problem--focused strategies (e.g., water/food stocking, problem solving, risk assessing).

Terry exemplified the confusion that quickly stimulated problem--focused coping following the announcement of impending water loss. He indicated

   initially there was a bit of confusion about what to do and what
   was going to happen, but very quickly people started to realize,
   well, collect water in buckets, dustbins whatever just to conserve
   it, there was a bit of a rush at first to get bottled water, doubts
   whether it would be there tomorrow.

June described the panic she initially experienced, and in order to help dissipate this intense emotion she became more practically focused.

   When you heard water was going you started to really panic, and
   then rather than panic let's do something about it ... which I
   suppose gave us something to focus on as opposed to just sitting
   there thinking well when's it going to go.

These illustrative quotes clearly highlight the uncertainty experienced by all participants when hearing of impending water loss. They also exemplify problem--focused coping (e.g., planning, resource accumulation) evidenced by all participants. Whilst a range of strategies evidenced were intended to be emotion--focused (e.g., distraction, social support and alcohol), for some individuals problem--focused strategies also helped to manage emotions as they became a distracter. At this stage of water loss, the clear priority for individuals was to accumulate resources including informational (e.g., about the impending water loss) and tangible resources (e.g., water, water storage facilities). Due to the preoccupation with the accumulation of water resources, there was little consideration of exercise including the pursuit of exercise, consequences of disrupted routines and so on.

First three days of water loss

During the first three days of water loss participants focused their efforts on learning to source and adapt their use of water. As such, when exploring responses during the first three days of water loss there was a shift evidenced in thinking and coping towards a greater problem--focused orientation (see Table 2). Participants became conscious of water in terms of quantities required, its collection, and prioritizing how to use water. This was evidenced by Kate,

   everything just takes longer, cooking you have to stop and think
   and you still go to turn the tap on and there's no water there, or
   you go to flush the loo and there's not water there so it's a case
   of being mindful all the time that the situations a bit different.

Participants referred to the unprecedented situation they faced, and all participants believed this communal challenge increased community spirit. There was a great deal of informational and practical support seeking and giving among participants, which included showering and washing clothes at friends and family. Many participants described helping to distribute water, clearing flooded houses, moving sandbags, checking on neighbors and seeking to help those less fortunate. This increased communal interaction was seen as a positive outcome resulting from the water loss. Terry explained, "I think you meet more people that you would have done normally going in your house at five o'clock and shutting your door, I met people I'd never known before that lived a few doors away".

The increased communal support also engaged participants in activities recognized to varying extents as alternative forms of exercise by participants. Nick and Terry both felt that activities such as carrying large water bottles and moving sandbags provided alternative exercise. Whilst Tony acknowledged such activities as alternative forms of exercise, he observed that they did not provide the 'buzz' he attained from running, an activity he ceased to undertake during the water loss. As such, these activities failed to attain his self--regulatory objectives.

During this stage of water loss, with one exception (Jenny), participants holding fixed exercise beliefs identified perceived barriers to exercise. For example, Mary made comment that a desired characteristic of exercise was that the intensity should be sufficient to be sweat--inducing. June felt the gym environment provided the forum in which to bum off calories at the end of a working day. Tony believed that he could only attain the 'buzz' he desired to enhance his mood from running.

These fixed beliefs presented a barrier to pursuing and/or recognizing alternative forms of exercise. For example, Mary did not wish to get sweaty due to the lack of shower facilities and a reliance on strip washes. Tony could not accommodate his running routine for similar reasons. June's gym was closed and she failed to identify an alternative venue for exercising. These individuals did not acknowledge activities of lesser intensity as exercise (e.g., walking), nor did they acknowledge the potential contribution of such activities toward their self--regulatory objectives.

Those individuals holding flexible exercise beliefs sought to resume their pre--water loss exercise regimen, and where this was not possible pursued alternative exercise. This was evidenced by Lucy,

   I packed my gym kit and I thought I'll just phone them [Gym] and
   then I found out they were closed, so initially I thought, 'oh',
   'cause I wanted to go up, but then 1 thought well of course it will
   be closed. It was maybe a bit optimistic to think they would carry
   on as Tewksbury went under you know (laughs) so initially there was
   that disappointment and then I thought well I'll just try and go
   out on my bike instead, which I don't normally do but I was just
   feeling a bit worried that I was going to put on weight really,
   worried that I was going to get out of shape, and I guess there was
   probably some physiological element to it you know ... I think I
   did need the exercise I really enjoyed it.

Here Lucy evidences adaptation to her exercise regimen that enabled her to maintain her self--regulatory objectives for exercise.

As water loss endured

As the period of water--loss endured beyond three days there appeared to be a further change in behavioral, cognitive, emotional and coping responses. The narratives offered indicated a desire for circumstances to return to normal and an increased consciousness regarding factors such as water use, hygiene, community spirit and exercise (see Table 3). Whilst participants indicated that community spirit persisted, it was also noted that the novelty of circumstances waned. The desire to see a resumption of water supply and the waning resolve resulting from ongoing inconveniences was described succinctly by Mary who said, "I was getting more and more frustrated with the whole situation".

The ongoing challenges and associated thoughts resulted in an increased unpleasant affect with terms such as fed--up, miserable, irritated, and depressed being used to describe this shift. Jenny presented one of the more intense emotional responses to the enduring water loss. This is evident in the following quote;

   by the Friday of the week that we lost the water I did get totally
   fed up with it the fact that it was another day without water,
   trying the taps to see if any came out and it was quite depressing
   really, the rain as well that didn't help (laughs) ... I'd had
   enough by then and wanted it all to be over.

As water loss continued providing extended circumstances beyond their control, participants began to engage more emotion--focused strategies including wishful thinking, positive thinking and social support. Kate expressed a desire to remove herself from the situation and observed that others did leave the affected areas.

   If it hadn't have been for the horse [Kate owned a horse which
   required daily care] and having to get around for that, and work
   being open, then I would have just gone home to London for a week
   or so. I know people who did flee the county just for convenience
   sake, trying to carry on with their normal lives.

Participants' use of problem--focused coping continued to focus on prioritizing activities and the use of resources. This was attributed to ongoing challenges that would not abate until water supply returned. As suggested by Kate "the time needed to do things and the knock on effect to organize things like going to see people and going to other places ... even mundane things like doing the washing up take longer".

A further trend evidenced as the period of water loss endured was an increasing awareness of reduced or modified exercise regimens and a greater resolve to resume pre--water loss exercise routines, particularly among those individuals with fixed exercise beliefs. Mary indicated that she did not maintain her usual exercise schedule because she wished to avoid getting hot and sweaty. Mary perceived exercise as comprising of activities of an intensity that resulted in sweating. The consequences of a lack of exercise became more evident as the period of water loss continued.

   I got to the Monday and I was like 'I don't care anymore, I'm
   training today whether I'm dirty or not' so I did and I had a bath
   that night at [friends] sisters ... I was getting more and more
   frustrated with the whole situation, being in here [gym] and having
   nobody here, and not being able to train.

When viewed collectively, the qualitative excerpts and Tables (1, 2, and 3) evidence more emotion--focused coping when anticipating (uncertain, lack of control) the novel stressor and as the stressor endured and resilience was challenged. By comparison, problem--focused coping was evidenced throughout all stages of the water loss. This largely centered on resource accumulation to manage the situation.

In summary of the results, we suggest that the rich narratives offered by participants offer an insight into these coping trends. A finding that appears to have emerged is that individuals holding flexible exercise beliefs also tended to maintain an exercise regime.

Discussion

The present study explored the effects of unexpected loss of water supply on coping strategies used among a sample of habitual exercisers. Results indicate that the loss of water supply influenced the exercise regimens of participants differently. The extent to which participants continued or ceased exercise appeared related to the relative flexibility of exercise beliefs. Participants holding flexible exercise beliefs utilized problem--focused and appraisal focused coping to adapt to the challenges presented by water loss thereby continuing to exercise regularly albeit having to change their regimen. Examples of this include exercising at a lower intensity to avoid sweating, completing activities outside of the gym environment (i.e., walking, exercising in the home), or pursuing a different activity altogether. Additionally, participants holding flexible beliefs tended to recognize that daily life in the absence of running water presented more opportunities to engage in physical activity, with examples including carrying buckets of water and moving sand bags. Conversely, participants with fixed exercise beliefs typically failed to recognize alternative exercise behaviors undertaken (e.g., increased walking, increased physical activity associated with attaining and using water), or pursue exercise of a lesser intensity in alternative venues. It should be noted that these participants reported doing similar tasks, but importantly from a coping perspective, did not recognize that such tasks provided exercise or contributed to self--regulatory goals.

Of the participants investigated, Jenny was the only participant to perceive an increase her exercise. Jenny evidenced fixed exercise beliefs in that she perceived exercise as an activity undertaken in the gym. She visited the gym more regularly during the period of water loss as she found a quieter gym a more pleasant environment to exercise in, she also felt it helped her manage negative moods resulting from the water loss. Jenny's increase in exercise might have been facilitated by the decision to re--open the gym the day following water loss. By contrast, the sports facilities used by some participants remained closed for the duration of water loss (due to flooding) and as such participants who maintained exercise under such conditions adopted a flexible approach toward exercise during water loss because of constraints/considerations such as closed facilities and health and safety concerns (e.g., poor road conditions for cycling).

Cody and Lucy offer examples of participants evidencing flexible exercise beliefs. When faced with constraints to their usual exercise regimen, they consciously pursued and/ or acknowledged other physical activities. They both noted enhanced motivation for exercise resulting from modified exercise routines. The positive impact of modifying exercise regimens has been demonstrated in previous research highlighting the potential benefits of this strategy as a motivational tool (Jensen & Lorish, 1994). In this instance, the changes were enforced, but both participants became cognizant of, and confident with exercise alternatives, and the benefits of varying routines.

Results show participants holding fixed exercise beliefs were more likely to perceive a reduced exercise regimen following water loss. These individuals also reported consequential unpleasant emotions and thoughts. For example, Kate expressed concerns that she would find it difficult to resume her exercise regimen following disruptions. June, Mary and Tony expressed body image concerns having perceived a reduced exercise routine during the period of water loss. Of these participants June and Mary were concerned that they had gained weight and used terms including "bloated" and "sluggish" to describe their corresponding perceptions. Tony expressed a concern that he might have gained weight in the form of increased body fat, and lost muscle tone, something he said was based on factual information as he weighed himself daily during the water loss. It is proposed that these findings indicate that exercise was used as a weight--management strategy and that sudden cessation without a perceived effective replacement led to rapid changes in emotions. Preoccupation with weight and fear of weight--gain has become so pervasive that it has been termed 'normative discontent' (Rodin, Silberstein, & Striegel--Moore, 1985; p. 267). Tony and June both acknowledged engaging in alternative forms of exercising. June acknowledged an increase in time spent walking whilst Tony noted that the daily task of carrying water was a physical activity. We suggest that if these participants were to recognize these activities as exercise contributing to self--regulatory goals, then they might not have experienced these body image concerns.

The references made to body image concerns are consistent with research indicating that people exercise to lose or control weight, alter body shape and enhance perceived attractiveness, particularly among females (Cash, Novy, & Grant, 1994; Furnham & Greaves, 1994; Hausenblas & Fallon, 2006). Results of the present study also offer an insight into the difficulties experienced by individuals when seeking to attain balance between exercise and diet in order to maintain a positive sense of body image. Due to the sudden unexpected nature of the water loss, the resulting changes to exercise behavior had the potential to disturb the homeostasis between diet and exercise. We propose that the sedentary nature of many modes of employment and lifestyle in general can mean that formal exercise represents the only time when people are active. It is possible that individuals became conscious of the sedentary nature of their jobs when habitual exercise completed during leisure time became problematic. Participants might also have become more aware of extrinsic motives for exercise such as body image manipulation.

June was certainly aware of this when describing how she consciously monitored her dietary intake when she was no longer able to exercise in the gym. June subconsciously pursued less vigorous, and therefore less sweat inducing forms of exercise noting "looking back I didn't realize [that she was walking more to compensate for an inability to use the gym] it at the time". Having made this observation, she then reflected further, suggesting that she believed the intention of these behaviors was to address hygiene concerns whilst also seeking to prevent weight gain and maintain positive moods. Had she acknowledged the contribution of these behaviors towards her weight management goals and emotion regulation goals at the time, positive affect and body image might have been more effectively sustained and unpleasant emotions and cognitions avoided (Carver & Scheier, 1990).

We suggest that exercise for many participants in the present study was not only used to regulate body image, but also to regulate mood. Those participants experiencing negative emotions and cognitions resulting from exercise reduction attempted to cope by engaging in a range of behaviors. Some of these behaviors appear to have been undertaken subconsciously as indicated by June. Mary evidenced fixed exercise beliefs in that she perceived the need to exercise at a higher intensity that resulted in sweating. She perceived individuals working at lesser intensities as not 'working hard', "those other people weren't working so hard were like 'well yeah it's okay' [difficulties in showering] and I was like 'yeah that's 'cause you don't work very hard'". She was not prepared to exercise at a lesser intensity, and as she did not wish to become sweaty, she refrained from exercising. As the period of water loss endured, she increasingly experienced the negative affective consequences of abstinence. She eventually sought social support to access showering and laundry facilities so that she could resume exercise and alleviate the frustration and "sluggish" fee lings she experienced. Tony also evidenced fixed beliefs in that he perceived running as the only activity to provide the 'buzz' he craved from exercise. He indicated that he had become so frustrated with a lack of exercise that he reached a point where he was going to resume running again irrespective of the difficulties faced in maintaining hygiene. We surmise that these results support the contention that many exercisers utilize exercise as a self--regulatory behavior, and for those individuals holding fixed exercise beliefs, when exercise routines cease abruptly or are impaired, their fixed exercise beliefs hinder their ability to adapt quickly and efficiently. For such individuals, unpleasant emotions are evidenced until such time that resolution is attained. Within the present study, those individuals holding fixed beliefs took longer to identify a solution to disrupted exercise regimens and as such failed to maintain the self--regulatory functions of exercise.

Lazarus (2000) advocated the use of idiographic and qualitative research methods in order to develop a more complete understanding of the transactional nature of coping. Although a retrospective approach was utilized, collecting data within a week of water supply reintroduction helped facilitate clarity of recollection among participants, as evidenced by the vivid accounts provided. The data provided helps develop an awareness of vulnerability to water loss across the different stages of the stress transaction. Within the interviews participants were asked to consider the stressors and coping responses when hearing about impending water loss, during the first three days of water loss and thereafter. When exploring responses it appears that participants experienced a greater emotional response during impending water loss and following the first three days of water loss. This resulted in the use of more emotion--focused coping when anticipating the novel stressor and as the stressor endured beyond three days thereby challenging resilience. Problem--focused coping was evidenced throughout all stages of the water loss and was primarily concerned with water accumulation and priorities for use.

Personal accounts of the stages of water loss evidenced the interaction between appraisals, coping and emotional responses as the stress transaction unfolded (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). A coping strategy used at one stage of water loss (e.g., hand holding or prioritizing activities/reducing exercise when hearing of water loss) might not be evidenced, or evidenced to a lesser extent in other stages. Furthermore, findings offer support for research indicating that the adaptive outcomes of specific coping strategies with acute stressors might become less effective if the stressor becomes chronic stress (Wethington & Kessler, 1991). Sacrificing exercise on the day water loss was announced was perceived as helping to create time to accumulate water resources and manage the increased demands resulting from water loss. However, as water loss endured, those individuals who did not perceive a resumption/ maintenance of exercise experienced undesired psychological and physical consequences. This was particularly notable among individuals holding fixed beliefs regarding exercise. As the period of water loss endured, sacrificing exercise was no longer seen to be an effective coping strategy. Those individuals still not exercising evidenced an increasing resolve to resume exercise commonly noting the negative impact of exercise reduction on their self--regulatory goals.

Limitations and Future Research

Limitations of the present study include the sample size and sampling methods used. Caution should be exercised when interpreting and generalizing the results of a small sample size. However, the ecological validity and personal meaning captured within this study helped to enhance the credibility of findings. Using convenience sampling, participants were not recruited as a function of the frequency, duration and intensity of their weekly exercise regimen. It is plausible that those individuals with a higher frequency, intensity and duration of exercise might be affected more by loss of water supply. Whilst a range of weekly exercise regimens were described, low participant numbers mean that it is not possible to make inferences regarding exercise habit strength and the consequences of water loss.

In conclusion, results of the present study demonstrate the role of water supply in facilitating exercise in western society, albeit in the context of a specific population and location. When this resource is no longer available, habitual exercisers engage a range of coping efforts in an attempt to maintain or resume exercise. The narratives provided by participants evidence the role of exercise beliefs in coping with unexpected stressors. We suggest that these findings could be translated to represent the beliefs regarding any behavior under threat from unexpected stressors. Exploring the role of beliefs in effectively coping with unexpected stressors represents a fruitful line of future enquiry. This should include studies with sample sizes that facilitate the statistical analysis of suggestions made within this manuscript.

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Tracey J. Devonport and Andrew M. Lane

University of Wolverham pton, UK

Diane Crone

University of Gloucestershire, UK

Table 1
Responses on the day impending water loss was announced

Cognition                Affect       Coping

Feeling helpless,        Panic,       Denial, Humor,
Confused,                Anxious,     Using alcohol, Venting,
Concerned for            Anger,       Support seeking (problem,
self and others,                      information and emotional
Intrigued by novelty     Disbelief,   support),
of situation,
                         Shock,       Water/food stocking,
Uncertainty              Focused,     Risk assessment/ problem
regarding future,                     solving,
Compassion for others,   Fear,        Support giving,
Inconvenienced           Frustrated   Put in perspective

Table 2
Responses during the first three days of water loss

Cognition                   Affect         Coping

Mindful/ conscious          Focused,       Problem solving, Planning,
of water use,
Compassion for others,      Grateful,      Prioritize activities,
Intrigued by                Enjoyment,     Prioritize use of water,
novelty of situation,
Conscious of intensified    Frustration,   Daily focus,
community spirit,           Guilt--not      Resource accumulation,
Feeling blessed,            exercising     Seeking social
                                           support--practical,
Self--conscious                             Put in perspective,
of personal hygiene,                       Distraction,
Perceived catastrophizing                  Offering practical support,
                                           More radical haircut,
                                           Exercising

Table 3
Responses to the latter (4+ days) stages of water loss

Cognition                  Affect          Coping

Mindful/ conscious         Bored,          Positive thinking,
of water use,
Compassion for others,     Sluggish,       Wishful thinking,
Blessed,                   Calm,           Putting in perspective,
Conscious of intensified   Enjoyment,      Distraction,
community spirit,          Frustration,    Alternative routines,
Appreciative of            Positive,       Daily focus,
support services,
Self--conscious of          Guilt----using   Prioritize activities,
personal hygiene,          bottled water   Prioritize water use,
Unable to see the end,     for toilets,    Seek social support
Self--conscious             Depressed,      problem & emotion,
when exercising,
Perceived enduring         Fed up,         Planning,
challenge/strain,          Miserable,      Provide social
Community spirit,          Tedious,        support----practical,
Demands of partner to      Irritated,      Exercising
maintain hygiene,          Guilt---not
Inconvenienced,            exercising
Self--conscious
when exercising,
Self--conscious of
personal hygiene