Too far to walk or bike?
Larouche, Richard ; Barnes, Joel ; Tremblay, Mark S. 等
The latest Active Healthy Kids Canada Report Card on Physical
Activity for Children and Youth indicates that only 25 to 35% of
Canadian children and youth regularly engage in active transportation
(AT; e.g., using non-motorized travel modes such as walking and cycling)
to/from school, and these levels are approximately half of what they
were a generation ago. (1) Moreover, only 5% meet the Canadian physical
activity (PA) guidelines which recommend a minimum of 60 minutes of
daily moderate- to vigorous-intensity PA. (1) Nevertheless, there is a
growing body of evidence showing that AT to/from school is associated
with greater daily PA levels among children and youth, and that cycling
to/from school is associated with increased cardiovascular fitness. (2)
In contrast, motorized travel is a form of sedentary behaviour that
produces exhaust gases emissions that reduce air quality, exacerbate
health conditions and contribute to climate change. (3)
In addition to attenuated AT levels, large decreases in
children's independent mobility--that is their freedom to travel
without adult supervision--have been noted internationally. (4,5) For
instance, Hillman and colleagues (5) reported that in 1971, 80% of
British 7-8 years olds were allowed to go to school without adult
supervision, but this proportion decreased to only 9% by 1990.
Children's autonomy for traveling to other neighbourhood
destinations has also declined over time. (4) However, most of the
literature on AT in children and youth has focused on the trip to/from
school. (6,7)
In this regard, recent literature reviews have shown that distance
between home and school (whether perceived by parents and children or
objectively measured) is the greatest barrier to AT to/from school.
(6,7) For example, in the United States, the proportion of children who
walked or biked to/from school decreased from 41% to 13% between 1969
and 2001, and distance explained about 47% of this decline. (8)
Nevertheless, among American children and youth living within 1.6 km
from school, a reasonable walking or cycling distance, AT to/from school
declined from 86% to 50% during the same time period, suggesting that
other factors lead to motorized trips (i.e., heavy traffic, dangerous
crossings, parental concerns about "stranger danger", etc.).
(8)
Notwithstanding the importance of distance as a correlate of travel
mode decisions, we believe that it should not be viewed as an
insurmountable barrier or an obstacle that makes it truly impossible to
engage in some AT. Below we describe several strategies to overcome this
barrier based on social ecological theory. (9)
Although it is generally assumed that school travel mode choices
are made by parents, at least for young children, (7) recent findings
show that youth who have some input into the decision-making process are
more likely to engage in AT to/from school. (10) This suggests that
interventions targeting youth may be effective in increasing AT. Of
particular interest, even if the school is impractically far to walk or
bike, other destinations may be located closer to home such as parks,
shops, friends' and family members' residence, and sport
fields. AT to non-school destinations may represent a substantial source
of PA. (11) In addition, by demonstrating competence in walking or
biking safely for shorter trips, children could incrementally develop
their independent mobility and distances previously determined to be
excessive for AT may eventually become acceptable.
At the interpersonal level, parents who drive their children to
school could drop them within a "walkable" distance so that
they can walk for the remainder of the trip (accompanied or not). If
parents' schedules make it inconvenient to do this on a regular
basis, they could partner with other parents. Modeling from family and
peers may also facilitate AT, (6) suggesting that if children and youth
see significant others walking or cycling despite what they perceive as
a long distance, they may be more likely to do so as well. Furthermore,
parents' choices regarding the neighbourhood they live in and the
school their children attend can directly influence the distance between
home and school. Hence, if parents register their child in a
neighbourhood school (if possible), the distance will likely be shorter,
rendering AT more feasible.
At the community level, schools could develop partnerships with
other nearby institutions that would allow parents to park their car on
site temporarily while they walk their child the remaining distance to
school. Such a partnership was successfully developed between a school
and a church as part of a Safe Routes to School intervention in Atlanta,
Georgia. (12) Similar partnerships could be established to allow school
buses to park close to, but not at, school. From that point, walking
school buses could be organized as a strategy to alleviate parental road
safety concerns (i.e., heavy traffic, dangerous street crossings, etc.),
which are a common barrier to AT. (7) An added benefit of this type of
approach could be a reduction in motorized traffic in the vicinity of
the school and related exhaust gases emissions. Such an approach may
actually improve the safety for children engaging in AT.
A supportive built environment may also facilitate AT, but research
indicates that urban form correlates of AT differ between children and
adults. (6) For example, while greater population density and street
connectivity may be associated with shorter routes to/from school and
other destinations, these attributes may coincide with greater motorized
traffic and associated road safety concerns. Hence, literature reviews
have indicated inconsistent associations of density and connectivity
with AT to/from school. (6,7) However, a recent study has found that
well-connected networks of sidewalks along low traffic streets can
favour AT to/from school. (13) Similarly, quiet neighbourhoods with
street trees and interesting landscape might also render walking and
cycling more appealing despite long distances.
From a broader policy perspective, decisions regarding school
locations can have a major impact on the proportion of children and
youth living close to their school. However, school location guidelines
have recommended the construction of large schools which tend to have
large catchment areas and are often built on the outskirts of cities
where land is cheaper. (14) As a result, fewer children live within a
"walkable" distance. Counter to this approach, the recent
Canadian child- and youth-friendly land-use and transport planning
guidelines recommend that urban planners and school administrators
consider children's travel to a greater extent. (15) These
guidelines specifically state that school policies and practices should
favour children's AT and minimize car use that deprives children of
an opportunity to exercise, gain independence, and experience their
neighbourhood. Furthermore, urban planning policies may have a direct
influence on distance between home and school. Such policies could
require that new neighbourhoods offer a wide variety of amenities where
children and youth could actively travel, including schools, parks and
sport fields. In existing neighbourhoods, walking and cycling
infrastructure can be improved and traffic calming measures can be
implemented as a strategy to make AT safer and more enjoyable, even for
long trips. Moreover, a recent report from Cancer Care Ontario
recommended that municipality-wide changes be implemented to make it
easier and safer to walk, cycle and use public transport. This may
translate into the adoption of a Complete Streets policy whereby
transportation planners and engineers design the entire street network
for all road users, and not only for car drivers. While such policies do
not directly address distance between destinations, they can make active
transportation more "palatable" despite the distance.
In conclusion, while there is consistent evidence showing that
distance between home and school is a strong determinant of AT, there
are nonetheless many ways by which children and youth can engage in at
least some active trips. We have identified several strategies within
five different levels of influence based on the social ecological
theory. Furthermore, a key feature of ecological models is the
interactions between different levels of influence. (9) For example, a
favourable environment could influence parental attitudes about
children's capacity to walk or bike safely, which would in turn
lead to travel behaviour change. Further research is warranted to
examine such interactions and to investigate the correlates of AT for
non-school purposes. Additionally, social marketing campaigns could be
developed to raise awareness about strategies to incorporate AT into
one's lifestyle, and perhaps to encourage parents to reconsider
what constitutes a "walkable" distance.
Conflict of Interest: None to declare.
La traduction du resume se trouve a la fin de l'article.
Can J Public Health 2013; 104(7): e487-e489.
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Received: July 2, 2013
Accepted: October 2, 2013
Richard Larouche, PhD, [1,2] Joel Barnes, MSc, [2] Mark S.
Tremblay, PhD [1-3]
Author Affiliations
[1.] Healthy Active Living and Obesity Research Group,
Children's Hospital of Eastern Ontario Research Institute, Ottawa,
ON
[2.] School of Human Kinetics, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, ON
[3.] Department of Pediatrics, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, ON
Correspondence: Richard Larouche, Postdoctoral fellow, Healthy
Active Living and Obesity Research Group, Children's Hospital of
Eastern Ontario Research Institute, 401 Smyth Road, Room R242, Ottawa,
ON K1H 8L1, Tel: 613-737-7600, ext. 4191, Fax: 613-738-4800, E-mail:
[email protected]