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  • 标题:Canadian public health under siege/La sante publique canadienne en etat de siege.
  • 作者:Potvin, Louise
  • 期刊名称:Canadian Journal of Public Health
  • 印刷版ISSN:0008-4263
  • 出版年度:2014
  • 期号:November
  • 语种:English
  • 出版社:Canadian Public Health Association
  • 摘要:Although some dissenting opinions have been expressed, (3) this convergence of opinion does not happen by chance. For a number of months, the Federal Government and several provincial governments, including Quebec's, have sought to weaken Canadian public health in many ways and to subject it to their neo-liberal agenda. Under the pretext of austerity measures and increased efficiency, governments impose ways of doing things and organizational models that muzzle public health. In its modern version, public health is an instrument of the State and not of political parties. In Canada today, several of the political parties in power are trying to weaken public health, this perpetual spoilsport. The intensity of, the convergence of attitudes toward and the widespread participation in the attacks to which public health has been subjected for many months, confirm that the efforts of these governments have borne fruit. Less well protected as a result, public health has become an easy target.
  • 关键词:Economic policy;Health policy;Medical policy;Public health;Public health administration

Canadian public health under siege/La sante publique canadienne en etat de siege.


Potvin, Louise


Over the past few months, we have seen numerous attacks that directly target the ability of Canadian public health to fulfill its mandate, namely to prevent illness and to monitor, protect and promote the health of Canadians. These attacks come from a growing number and variety of organizations and, unfortunately, are widely echoed in the press. In the pages of the Globe and Mail, Peter Shawn Taylor concluded his exhortation for public health to concentrate on transmissible disease problems with these strong words ... "It is not the job of public health to have an opinion on taxes, economic policy, free trade or corporate control. Neither should it be their business to interfere in the freely-made choices of adults." (1) The following week, in the online version of La Presse, Alain Dubuc proposed placing limits on public health "to prevent public health from using its medical-knowledge moral authority in fields that do not relate to health sciences ... and to prevent them (public health authorities) from straying from the field of analysis into the area of militancy and social action." (2) [translation]

Although some dissenting opinions have been expressed, (3) this convergence of opinion does not happen by chance. For a number of months, the Federal Government and several provincial governments, including Quebec's, have sought to weaken Canadian public health in many ways and to subject it to their neo-liberal agenda. Under the pretext of austerity measures and increased efficiency, governments impose ways of doing things and organizational models that muzzle public health. In its modern version, public health is an instrument of the State and not of political parties. In Canada today, several of the political parties in power are trying to weaken public health, this perpetual spoilsport. The intensity of, the convergence of attitudes toward and the widespread participation in the attacks to which public health has been subjected for many months, confirm that the efforts of these governments have borne fruit. Less well protected as a result, public health has become an easy target.

The Government of Canada seeks to weaken public health when it strips the Chief Public Health Officer of the Public Health Agency of Canada of his power to act, by removing his organizational responsibilities. In fact, the CPHO no longer runs the Agency. This responsibility now rests with a President who will decide on Agency's priorities without having the technical competence to make health decisions. Canada's chief public health officer, whose sole patient is a population of over 30 million people, becomes a simple advisor. He no longer has the means to define priorities and to direct the Agency's actions. As a result, he cannot implement the solutions he believes to be the most appropriate to tackle the issues. Further, by taking more than 16 months to fill the position left vacant by the resignation for health reasons of Dr. David Butler-Jones, the Harper Government could not be clearer in its message: public health can wait!

The Quebec Government seeks to weaken Canadian public health when they appoint, as Director of Public Health, individuals who do not have the applicable, accredited training for that position. In Canada, responsibility for public health is normally fulfilled by a doctor with specialization in Public Health and Preventive Medicine who is a member of the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons of Canada. In Quebec over the past summer, while a tug-of-war took place between some public health directors of the (now defunct) Regional Health and Social Services Agencies and Quebec's Minister of Health and Social Services over method of payment, six directors resigned. Some of them have been replaced by doctors who do not have a degree in public health and preventive medicine, while others have not yet been replaced. In addition, significant budget cuts have been announced. Whereas public health represents only 2% of the health care budget, it faces budget cuts of up to 30%. Thus, not only can public health wait but, apparently, it can also be done on a shoe string and without recognized expertise!

There is an intention of weakening Canadian public health when the individuals and organizations who are charged with looking after the health of Canada's population can no longer exercise their responsibility to advocate for, and bring forward in all legitimacy and before all relevant courts, the highest interests of the population's health. Quebec's Minister of Health and Social Services recently threatened to seriously limit the ability of public health organizations to advocate and use their power to influence decisions that do not deal directly with health, defined in a narrow and biomedical way. The message is clear: even when scientific evidence is available, public health must not interfere in social and economic matters!

However, the scientific evidence is substantive. It is because public health brought the full force of its influence to bear in obliging governments to develop public policies in support of health and global action strategies that seriously limited the tobacco industry's ability to act, that the prevalence of tobacco in the industrialized world has fallen dramatically over the course of the past number of decades. (4) In Canada, under the leadership of public health, the widespread use of tobacco by adults has decreased from about 50% in 1965 (5) to less than 15% in 2012, (6) thus saving the lives of millions of Canadians. Who other than a strong, competent public health sector would have been able to convince governments to act and legislate on issues involving tobacco? Remember that this ran counter to, and in spite of, the opinion of millions of smoking voters and the tobacco industry's power of persuasion--an industry that employed millions of taxpayers and purchased the output of hundreds of farmers.

The Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) are also seeking to weaken Canadian public health when, in an effort to centralize, they endeavour to diminish the representation of researchers from non-medical fields in the governing of its constituent institutes and reduce the amount that each institute can devote to research development in its specific field. Currently, 5 of the 13 Institutes are more directly involved with issues pertaining to public and population health. Like all the other Institutes, they fall under the responsibility of a scientific director who benefits from the advice of a scientific advisory committee made up, primarily, of researchers in the field. However, the CIHR intends to drastically reduce the number of these advisory committees and have each remaining committee work on behalf of a number of institutes. As a result, the influence of public health researchers in the governance of Canadian health research will be considerably diminished. In addition, recent guidelines require every institute to devote no more than half its budget to the development of its field, the balance having to go to common initiatives that are much more oriented toward care and illness. Clearly, these measures affect most heavily those institutes that, like the Institute of Population and Public Health or the Institute of Aboriginal Peoples' Health, do not target a specific pathology. The message becomes clearer and clearer: research that could inform effective public health practices and strategies to address the determinants of health of Canada's population will be more and more difficult to fund and to accomplish.

Canadian public health is under siege! It is being weakened by cuts to its means and by attempts to limit its action. If we are not careful, the hundred years of efforts and accomplishments that we celebrated in 2010 will become nothing more than glorious memories. Contrary to what some would have the population believe, public health is not simply an endless effort to prevent illness one person at a time and one vaccine at a time. Many decades of research on the determinants of health have shown that the vast majority of avoidable deaths are attributable to factors that are tied to the distribution of resources in society and to daily living conditions. (7) These are all factors that a responsible public health sector must contribute to changing. We know this! In order to accomplish these changes, public health has to be a significant social player, relevant and unswerving in its role of ensuring the right to health for all. Evidently, many have been given the word to limit the role and impact of public health in Canada. We owe it to Canadians to fight the temptation to lower our heads and let the storm pass. We must respond to these attacks and mitigate their detrimental effects. It seems to me that our message is straightforward and clear: for Canadians, a strong and socially-active public health sector is a matter of life and death!

REFERENCES

(1.) Taylor PS. Public health officers should focus on disease, not politics. Globe and Mail, November 17, 2014.

(2.) Dubuc A. Les croises de la sante. La Presse +, November 24, 2014.

(3.) Boileau J. Coupes en sante publique. De l'accessoire. Le Devoir, November 5, 2014.

(4.) Canadian Public Health Association. The winnable battle. Ending tobacco use in Canada. Ottawa, ON: CPHA, December 2011.

(5.) National Collaborating Centre for Healthy Public Policy. The Tobacco Story in Canada: 1900 until today. Available at: http: //www.ccnpps.ca/ timeline.html (Accessed December 10, 2014).

(6.) Propel. Tobacco Use in Canada: Patterns and Trends, 2014 edition. Waterloo, ON: University of Waterloo, 2014. Available at: http: //www.mantrainc.ca/ assets/tobaccouseincanada_2014.pdf (Accessed December 10, 2014).

(7.) World Health Organization. Closing the gap in a generation: Health equity through action on the social determinants of health. Geneva: WHO, 2008.

Louise Potvin

Editor in Chief

On assiste depuis quelques mois a plusieurs attaques en regle qui visent directement la capacite de la sante publique canadienne a realiser l'ensemble de ses mandats qui sont de prevenir la maladie et surveiller, proteger et promouvoir la sante des Canadiens et des Canadiennes. Ces attaques proviennent d'un nombre croissant et varie d'institutions et trouvent malheureusement un large echo dans la presse. Dans les pages du Globe and Mail, Peter Shawn Taylor concluait par des mots tres durs son exhortation a l'endroit de la sante publique de se concentrer sur les problemes des maladies transmissibles. << It is not the job of public health to have an opinion on taxes, economic policy, free trade or corporate control. Neither should it be their business to interfere in the freely-made choices of adults." (1) La semaine suivante dans la version tablette de La Presse, Alain Dubuc proposait de mettre des balises a la sante publique << pour eviter que la sante publique utilise son autorite morale du savoir medical dans des domaines qui ne relevent pas directement des sciences de la sante (...) et pour eviter qu'elles (les Directions de sante publique) quittent le domaine de l'analyse pour entrer sur le terrain du militantisme et de l'action sociale >> (2). Bien que certaines voix discordantes se soient exprimees (3), cette convergence des opinions n'est pas l'effet du hasard. Le gouvernement federal et plusieurs gouvernements provinciaux, dont celui du Quebec, s'acharnent depuis plusieurs mois et de multiples facons a affaiblir la sante publique canadienne et l'assujettir a son agenda politique neo-liberal. Sous pretexte de coupures budgetaires et d'amelioration de l'efficience, les gouvernements imposent des facons de faire et des modes d'organisation qui muselent la sante publique. Dans sa version moderne, la sante publique est un instrument de l'Etat et non des partis politiques. Au Canada actuellement, plusieurs partis politiques au pouvoir cherchent a affaiblir la sante publique, cet empecheur de tuer en rond. L'intensite, la convergence et la generalisation des attaques dont la sante publique est l'objet depuis quelques mois confirment que les efforts de ces gouvernements ont porte fruit: moins bien protegee, la sante publique est devenue une cible facile.

Le gouvernement du Canada cherche a affaiblir la sante publique canadienne lorsqu'il depouille l'Administrateur en chef de l'Agence de sante publique du Canada de son pouvoir d'agir en le dechargeant de ses responsabilites organisationnelles. Dans les faits, il ne dirige plus l'Agence. Cette responsabilite revient maintenant a un President qui decidera des priorites de l'Agence sans avoir la competence technique pour prendre les decisions sanitaires. Le medecin en chef du Canada, celui dont l'unique patient est une population de plus de 30 millions de personnes, devient un simple conseiller. Il n'a plus les moyens de definir les priorites et d'orienter les actions de l'Agence. Il ne peut donc operer les solutions qu'il juge les plus appropriees en fonction de son diagnostic. D'ailleurs, en mettant plus de 16 mois pour combler le poste laisse vacant par la demission pour raisons de sante du docteur David Butler-Jones, le gouvernement Harper ne pouvait etre plus clair dans son message: la sante publique peut attendre!

Le gouvernement du Quebec cherche a affaiblir la sante publique canadienne lorsqu'il nomme au poste de Directeur de sante publique, des personnes qui ne sont pas dument diplomees d'une formation accreditee a cet effet. Au Canada, la responsabilite de sante publique est normalement exercee par un medecin specialiste en Sante publique et medecine preventive, membre du College royal des medecins et chirurgiens du Canada. Au Quebec, au cours de l'ete dernier, alors qu'un bras de fer autour de leur mode de remuneration s'enclenche entre certains directeurs de sante publique des (defuntes) Agences regionales de sante et des services sociaux et le Ministre de la Sante et des Services sociaux du Quebec, six directeurs demissionnent. Certains d'entre eux ont ete remplaces par des medecins qui ne detiennent pas un diplome de specialite en Sante publique et medecine preventive, alors que d'autres ne sont pas encore remplaces. De plus, d'importantes coupures sont annoncees. Alors que la sante publique ne represente que 2 % du budget de la sante, on s'attend a des coupures de l'ordre de 30 %. Non seulement la sante publique peut-elle attendre mais semblerait-il qu'elle puisse aussi se faire sans expertise reconnue et largement amputee de ses ressources!

On cherche a affaiblir la sante publique canadienne lorsque les personnes et les organisations qui ont la charge de la sante de la population ne peuvent plus exercer leur mandat de plaidoyer et porter en toute legitimite et sur toutes les tribunes pertinentes les interets superieurs de la sante de la population. Le Ministre de la Sante et des Services sociaux du Quebec a recemment menace de limiter fortement la capacite des organisations de sante publique a exercer un pouvoir d'influence dans les decisions qui ne touchent pas directement la sante definie d'une facon etroite et medicale. Le message est clair: en depit que les donnees de recherche soient probantes, la sante publique ne doit pas interferer dans les affaires sociales et economiques!

Les donnees scientifiques sont pourtant formelles. C'est parce que la sante publique a joue de tout son pouvoir d'influence pour forcer les gouvernements a elaborer des politiques publiques favorables a la sante et des strategies d'actions globales qui limitent fortement le pouvoir d'action de l'industrie du tabac, que la prevalence tabagique a chute drastiquement dans les pays industrialises au cours des dernieres decennies (4). Au Canada, sous le leadership de la sante publique, la prevalence de l'usage du tabac chez les adultes est passee d'environ 50 % en 1965 (5) a moins de 15 % en 2012 (6), sauvant ainsi la vie a des millions de Canadiens et de Canadiennes. Qui, sinon une sante publique forte et competente aurait pu convaincre les gouvernements de la necessite d'agir et de legiferer en matiere de tabac? Rappelons que cela s'est fait a contre-courant et en depit de l'opinion de millions de fumeurs-electeurs et de la force de persuasion d'une industrie du tabac qui employait des milliers de payeurs de taxe et achetait la production de plusieurs centaines d'agriculteurs.

Les Instituts de recherche en sante du Canada (IRSC) cherchent aussi a affaiblir la sante publique canadienne lorsque dans un effort de centralisation, ils tentent de diminuer la representation des chercheurs issus des domaines non-medicaux dans la gouverne des instituts constitutifs et qu'ils reduisent les sommes que chacun des instituts peut consacrer au developpement de la recherche dans son domaine specifique. Presentement, cinq des 13 Instituts sont plus directement concernes par les questions de sante publique et de sante des populations. Comme tous les autres Instituts, ceux-ci sont sous la responsabilite d'un Directeur scientifique qui beneficie des avis d'un Comite scientifique conseil, compose principalement de chercheurs du domaine. Or, le projet des IRSC est de diminuer drastiquement le nombre de ces comites conseils et de faire travailler chacun de ces comites en fonction de plusieurs instituts. Consequemment l'influence des chercheurs en sante publique dans la gouverne de la recherche en sante au Canada diminuera considerablement. De plus, des directives recentes obligent chaque institut a ne consacrer que la moitie de son budget au developpement de son champ, le reste devant aller a des initiatives communes qui sont beaucoup plus orientees vers les soins et la maladie. A l'evidence, ces mesures touchent plus durement les instituts qui, comme l'Institut de sante publique et des populations ou l'Institut de la sante des autochtones, n'ont pas comme objet une pathologie specifique. Le message devient de plus en plus clair: la recherche qui pourrait informer des pratiques et des strategies de sante publique efficaces pour modifier la distribution de tous les determinants de la sante de la population canadienne sera de plus en plus difficile a financer et a realiser.

La sante publique canadienne est en etat de siege! On l'affaiblit en lui coupant ses moyens et en cherchant a limiter son action. Si l'on n'y prend garde, les cent ans d'efforts et de realisations que nous avons celebres en 2010 ne seront plus que de glorieux souvenirs. Contrairement a ce que l'on veut faire croire a la population, la sante publique n'est pas que la demultiplication a l'infini d'efforts pour prevenir la maladie une personne a la fois, un vaccin a la fois. Les dernieres decennies de recherche sur les determinants de la sante ont montre que la tres grande majorite des deces evitables sont attribuables a des facteurs qui sont lies a la distribution des ressources dans la societe et aux conditions quotidiennes d'existence (7). Ce sont tous ces facteurs qu'une sante publique responsable doit contribuer a modifier. Nous le savons! Pour ce faire, la sante publique se doit d'etre un acteur social important, pertinent et incontournable dans son role d'assurer le droit a la sante de l'ensemble des personnes qui composent une societe. De toute evidence, plusieurs se sont donnes le mot pour limiter le role et l'impact de la sante publique au Canada. Nous devons aux Canadiens de resister a la tentation de baisser la tete et laisser passer la tempete. Il faut repondre a ces attaques et en limiter les effets nefastes. Il me semble notre message est simple et univoque: pour les Canadiens et les Canadiennes, une sante publique forte et socialement engagee, c'est une question de vie ou de mort!

REFERENCES

(1.) Taylor PS. Public health officers should focus on disease, not politics. The Globe and Mail, 17 novembre 2014.

(2.) Dubuc A. Les croises de la sante. La Presse +, 24 novembre 2014.

(3.) Boileau J. Coupes en sante publique. De l'accessoire. Le Devoir, 5 novembre 2014.

(4.) Association canadienne de sante publique. Terminer la bataille. Mettre fin au tabagisme au Canada. Ottawa (Ontario), ACSP, decembre 2011.

(5.) Centre de collaboration nationale sur les politiques publiques et la sante. L'histoire du tabac au Canada: de 1900 a aujourd'hui. Sur Internet: http: //www.ccnpps.ca/timelineFR.html (consulte le 10 decembre 2014).

(6.) Propel. Tobacco Use in Canada: Patterns and Trends, 2014 edition. Waterloo (Ontario), University of Waterloo, 2014. Sur Internet (en anglais): http: //www.mantrainc.ca/assets/tobaccouseincanada_2014.pdf (consulte le 10 decembre 2014).

(7.) Organisation mondiale de la Sante. Combler le fosse en une generation: instaurer l'equite en sante en agissant sur les determinants de sante. Geneve, OMS, 2008.

Louise Potvin

Redactrice scientifique
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