Health insurance and individual labor market decisions.
Madrian, Brigitte C.
It is well accepted that health insurance distorts the demand for
medical services. My research explores a further margin along which
health insurance may affect behavior: by changing the labor market decisions of individuals. This distortion arises because in the current
system of provision of health insurance in the United States, employers
are the primary source of coverage for all but the elderly. As rising
medical costs make health insurance an increasingly valuable component
of employee compensation, we should expect coverage to be an important
consideration in the labor market decisions of individuals.
There has been little previous research on the labor market effects
of health insurance. However, there is growing interest in understanding
this relationship, first because health insurance expenditures
constitute a significant fraction of total employee compensation.
Employers now spend more on health insurance than on any other employee
benefit, including pensions. Health insurance expenditures are also the
fastest growing component of benefit payments, increasing at an average
rate of 15.6 percent annually from 1948-90.(1) Second, and perhaps more
important, any health care reform that alters the current relationship
between health insurance and employment has the potential to affect the
labor market in significant ways.
The rationale for employer provision of health insurance is
straightforward. By pooling their employees into large groups, employers
can lower administrative expenses and reduce the risks of high health
care costs faced by any individual employee. In addition, employer
expenditures on health insurance are tax deductible, while individual
expenditures generally are not. Given these cost advantages, it is not
surprising that the delivery of health care in the United States has
evolved into a system based primarily on employer provision of
insurance.
Job-Lock
One significant disadvantage of employer-provided health insurance,
however, is that it is not typically portable: when an individual quits his or her job, the insurance coverage associated with that job usually
ceases as well. For many individuals, a change in insurers is
inconsequential, but for some, relinquishing their employer-provided
health insurance may be very costly. Exclusions on preexisting
conditions are typical of almost all individual policies, and of many
employer-provided policies as well.(2) In addition, half of full-time
workers face length-of-service requirements before being eligible for
any insurance.(3) Also, there is a growing trend toward medical
underwriting, especially in small firms, in order to exclude serious
ailments from coverage entirely. As a consequence, those with health
problems may find themselves liable for many of their medical expenses
that previously were covered by insurance. If these perceived costs of
changing insurers are great enough, then the labor market decisions that
individuals otherwise might make may be dictated instead by their needs
for health insurance.
Exclusions for preexisting conditions and medical underwriting often
are cited as causes of "job-lock": the tendency for
individuals to stay in jobs they would really rather leave for fear of
losing their health insurance coverage. While the popular press on
several occasions has cited job-lock as a major problem with the current
health care system, until recently there was no empirical evidence on
the magnitude of this problem. This is in part because of the difficulty
of identifying exactly what job-lock is and when it occurs.
Although it is impossible to observe directly whether individuals are
locked into their jobs, in the population as a whole the extent of
job-lock can be inferred by comparing the turnover rates of those who
are more likely to be affected by it with the turnover rates of those
who should not be affected by it. Job-lock should affect only those with
health insurance, and the effect should be greater for those who have
high expected medical expenses. If job-lock is important, the difference
in mobility rates between those with high and low expected medical
expenses should be greater for those with employer-provided health
insurance than for those without it.
In recent research, I consider three different
"experimental" groups to estimate the extent of job-lock:
married men who have an alternative source of coverage in addition to
employer-provided health insurance; heads of large families who are more
likely to have high expected medical expenses simply because of the size
of their family; and married men whose wives are pregnant.(4) I find
that job-lock related to health insurance reduces the voluntary turnover
rate of those with employer-provided health insurance by 25 percent, an
effect that is both economically and statistically significant.
These results have been corroborated in a follow-up study done with
Jonathan Gruber that examines the effect of continuation coverage
mandates on job turnover.(5) Such mandates grant individuals the right
to continue purchasing health insurance through their former employers
for some period of time after leaving their jobs, and thus should reduce
the extent of job-lock. We find that the availability of continuation
coverage indeed increases the job turnover rate. Recent research by
other individuals also has found evidence of job-lock,(6) although these
results have been disputed.(7)
To the extent that health insurance does reduce mobility, there may
be important consequences for economic welfare. First, it will directly
affect the well-being of those who are locked into their current jobs.
Second, and perhaps more importantly, job-lock may be a significant
concern if there is a specific component of productivity that makes
workers more productive in some jobs than in others.(8) The efficiency
of the economy as a whole will suffer if individuals who would like to
move to more productive jobs are constrained to keep their current
positions simply to maintain their health insurance. The actual
magnitude of the welfare loss associated with job-lock is something that
has yet to be estimated empirically.
Retirement Decisions
Closely related to job-lock is the issue of how health insurance
affects the retirement behavior of individuals. The underlying issues
are the same: health insurance in the private market is much more
expensive than the health insurance provided by employers, and
individuals with preexisting conditions may find themselves unable to
secure equivalent coverage if they retire from their job and give up the
accompanying health insurance. However, the incentives facing older
workers contemplating retirement are somewhat different from those faced
by younger workers changing jobs.
First, all individuals become eligible for Medicare upon reaching age
65. Although Medicare is much less generous than most employer-provided
policies, coverage is conditional only upon age and does not exclude
preexisting conditions. Therefore, the costs of relinquishing
employer-provided health insurance are diminished after reaching age 65.
Second, many employers provide post-retirement health insurance to their
retirees. Thus, the possibility of losing health insurance coverage
should not be a deterrent to retirement for individuals who work in
finns that offer this type of coverage.
Several recent papers suggest that health insurance is an important
factor in the retirement decision. My own work and studies by Rogowski
and Karoly both find evidence that the availability of employer-provided
health insurance coverage after retirement is associated with early
retirement.(9) Michael D. Hurd and Kathleen McGarry find that such
health insurance is correlated with expectations of earlier retirement
among those who are not yet retired.(10) Further work by Gruber and me
finds that the availability of continuation coverage encourages early
retirement as well as job turnover.(11)
The increased availability of both employer-provided retiree health
insurance and continuation coverage may be important explanations for
the trend toward early retirement that has been observed over the past
several decades. The previously cited research suggests that these two
sources of health insurance may account for between 10 and 50 percent of
the decline in male labor force participation between 1960 and the late
1980s.(12)
The role of Medicare in the retirement decision is less well
understood. My own research, as well as that of Robin S. Lumsdaine,
James H. Stock, and David A. Wise, finds little evidence to suggest that
the availability of Medicare helps explain the excess retirement that
occurs at age 65, once the financial incentives associated with pensions
and Social Security are taken into account.(13) This may be because
Medicare is a vastly inferior source of health insurance, and therefore
does not affect retirement, even though the availability of more
generous health insurance might. Not only is the coverage provided by
Medicare much less generous than what typically is provided by employer
plans for retirees, but it also is available only to the individual,
while employer-provided health insurance usually covers dependents as
well.
1 J. S. Piacentini and J. D. Foley, EBRI Databook on Employee
Benefits, Washington: Employee Benefits Research Institute, 1992.
2 P. Cotton, "Preexisting Conditions 'Hold Americans
Hostage' to Employers and Insurance," Journal of the American
Medical Association (1991), pp. 2451-2453.
3 U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Employee
Benefits in Medium and Large Firms, Washington: Government Printing
Office, 1989.
4 B. C. Madrian, "Employment-Based Health Insurance and Job
Mobility: Is There Evidence of Job-Lock?" Quarterly Journal of
Economics (February 1994), pp. 27-54.
5 J. Gruber and B. C. Madrian, "Health Insurance and Job
Mobility: The Effects of Public Policy on Job-Lock," Industrial and
Labor Relations Review (October 1994) pp. 86-102.
6 P. F. Cooper and A. C. Monheit, "Does Employment-Related
Health Insurance Inhibit Job Mobility?" Inquiry (1993), pp.
400-416, and "Health Insurance and Job Mobility: Theory and
Evidence," Industrial and Labor Relations Review (October 1994),
pp. 65-68; and T. C. Buchmueller and R. G. Vailetta,
"Employer-Provided Health Insurance and Worker Mobility:
'Job-Lock' or Not?" unpublished paper, University of
California, Irvine, February 1994.
7 J. R. Penrod, "Health Care Costs, Health Insurance, and Job
Mobility," unpublished paper, Princeton University, November 1993,
finds mixed evidence in favor of job-lock; D. Holtz-Eakin, "Health
Insurance Provision and Labor Market Efficiency in the United States and
Germany," in Social Protection Versus Economic Flexibility: Is
There a Trade-Off? R. M. Blank, ed. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1994, finds little evidence of job-lock.
8 B. Jovanovic, "Job Matching and the Theory of Turnover,"
Journal of Political Economy (1979), pp. 972-990.
9 B. C. Madrian, "The Effect of Health Insurance on
Retirement," Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1994), pp.
181-252; L. A. Karoly and J. A. Rogowski, "The Effect of Access to
Post-Retirement Health Insurance on the Decision to Retire Early,"
Industrial and Labor Relations Review (October 1994), pp. 103-123.
10 M. D. Hurd and K. McGarry, "The Relationship Between Job
Characteristics and Retirement," NBER Working Paper No. 4558,
December 1993.
11 J. Gruber and B.C. Madrian, "Health Insurance Availability
and the Retirement Decision," NBER Working Paper No. 4469,
September 1993.
12 B. C. Madrian, "The Effect of Health Insurance on
Retirement," op. cit.; J. Gruber and B.C. Madrian, "Health
Insurance Availability and the Retirement Decision," op. cit.
13 B. C. Madrian, "The Effect of Health Insurance on
Retirement," op, cit.; R. S. Lumsdaine, J. H. Stock, and D. A.
Wise, "Pension Plan Provision and Retirement: Men and Women,
Medicare, and Models, "in Studies in the Economics of Aging, D. A.
Wise, ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994.