Stem and skein: order and evolution in Hopkins.
Williams, Daniel
Under a roof in a country villa, a man lies awake; his friends
sleep nearby. (1) As he reflects, the sound of water coursing through
the channel behind the baths strikes him as out of place: "it
seemed very strange that the sound of the same running water was at one
time quite clear, and again less audible." (2) He ponders the cause
until one of his students reveals that he too is awake and can provide
an answer: "What do you think ... but that leaves of some kind,
which continue to fall in abundance in the autumn, block the narrowness
of the channel by their volume; and that at times they are dislodged and
yield to the pressure of the current, and again they accumulate to stem
the flow?" (Augustine, De Ordine, pp. 17, 19). Accepting this
answer, Augustine presses his student (the poet Licentius) for
philosophical reflections: what is the origin of his own admiration the
causa of this disorder? the nature of ordo as such? The answer becomes
the touchstone for what follows. The sound has a cause beyond the
evident order of things ("praeter manifestum ... ordinem"),
but this is no mystery: "nothing is done apart from order"
(pp. 18, 19).
This charming scene, performing the deviation from ordo that the
subsequent dialogue tries to explain, begins Augustine's short
treatise on providence, design, and the problem of evil, De Ordine. The
first work he composed after conversion, the dialogue was the outcome,
to channel the words of Gerard Manley Hopkins, of hour upon hour of
"extreme enthusiasm" during the summer before his baptism in
386. (3) Hosted by his friend Verecundus in the countryside outside
Milan, Augustine and his friends met daily, read Virgil, and discussed
philosophical and theological questions. De Ordine starts from variation
and disorder in nature and attempts to explain the "integral
fittingness" latent in the world's structure (p. 9). The
inquiry echoes Augustine's abiding concerns and patterns of
argument--that there is no variation that does not form part of a larger
order; that there is no word or sign whose meaning cannot be known
through amor, a passionate will to know, operating under the guidance of
God's light. (4) "Order is that which will lead us to God, if
we hold to it during life; and unless we do hold to it during life, we
shall not come to God" (Augustine, De Ordine, p. 53; emphases
deleted).
Hopkins, in the summer before his ordination in 1877, composed many
of his nature sonnets, reflections in their way on the structure to be
found by contemplating nature's piedness, variation, and hidden
potential--the order to be gleaned from such phenomena as "wilder,
wilful-wavier /Meal-drift" (clouds) and "shining from shook
foil" (lightning) ("Hurrahing in Harvest," no. 124,11.
3-4; "God's Grandeur," no. Ill, 1. 2). Hopkins had his
own version of the phenomenon that puzzled Augustine, in "Winter
with the Gulf Stream" (no. 7): "hoarse leaves" that
"crawl on hissing ground" and a "clogg'd brook"
that "runs with choking sound," "Kneading the mounded
mire that stops/His channel under clammy coats/Of foliage fallen in the
copse" (11. 5, 9, 10-12). (5) In moments that amount to cognitive
and spiritual ignition, Hopkins puts forward, in minutely noticed
phenomena, the thought "that all things are upheld by
instress." (6) This is his version of order, the subjective
apprehension of a structure latent in any inscape (or occurring form).
Through the discerning of a beholder, this vision of ordo binds and
weaves, and nothing obtains apart from it.
In reflections scattered throughout Hopkins's journals,
sermons, and letters, he probes his conception of order in ways that
parallel scientific and philosophical debates in the Victorian period,
articulating a via media between overly materialist factions of the
scientific establishment and unduly exacting arguments in the tradition
of natural theology and design. Scholars including Tom Zaniello, Gillian
Beer, Jude V. Nixon, Daniel Brown, and Marie Banfield have amply
catalogued these connections. (7) "All the world is full of
inscape," Hopkins notes, "and chance left free to act falls
into an order as well as purpose: looking out of my window I caught it
in the random clods and broken heaps of snow made by the cast of a
broom" (Journals, p. 230). The pattern of this observation, as
Zaniello notes, falls cleanly into two halves, one intimating terms for
prevailing skeptical or materialist trends in philosophy and biology
("chance," "random": atomism, natural selection),
the other terms for providential design ("order,"
"purpose") (Hopkins, p. 3). (8) But if Hopkins would often
appear to deploy yet keep his distance from evolutionary and aleatory
terms, he also sets himself apart from natural theology accounts that
would likewise infer, from instances of apparent design in the world,
the presence of a contriving hand. Design arguments found renewed vigor
in the nineteenth century in William Paley's Natural Theology
(1802), the Bridgewater Treatises, and related versions of what has been
called "theistic evolutionism." (9) We find corollary
statements in the writings of Hopkins's contemporaries, most
visibly in John Ruskin's Modern Painters (1843-1860). What Ruskin
terms "Naturescripture"--those "natural ordinances"
that "seem intended to teach us the great truths which are the
basis of all political science"--both invokes the received argument
from design and points beyond it to the designing intuition of the
artist. (10) In Hopkins's insistence on the dynamic of
instress--the subjective capture of an inscape, an intuitive cognition
or apprehension--he envisions a model of order, structure, and purpose
that sets him between evolutionary views and natural theology or design
accounts. Subordinating the harmonies of natural form to the action of a
beholder--as he puts it, "His mystery must be instressed,
stressed" (The Wreck of the Deutschland, no. 101, 1. 39)--Hopkins
implores us to envision the accidental arrangements of nature in the
company of an active onlooker, a subject whose participatory act of
beholding discloses instress as a divine structure undergirding any
inscape. Instress is the "bridge" or "stem of stress
between us and things" (Journals, p. 127). (11) Whatever invisible
hands have given rise to the shapes in the world--whether random
processes of selection or canny contrivances of design--matters little
when compared to the rapturous moment when instress infers a subjective
lattice beneath, the structure to which Hopkins refers when he says that
"all my world is scaffolding." (12)
Departing in some measure from critical views that invoke similar
contextual materials, this essay argues for a reevaluation of
Hopkins's debt to scientific thinking in his poetry and poetics.
Hovering between competing conceptions of nature's structure and
purpose--evolutionary theory, energy physics, natural theology--Hopkins
develops a poetics of order that emphasizes the subjective capture of
patterned experience, what, following Augustine, could be seen as the
ordo behind surface disarray. Registering at different felt and formal
levels, this phenomenology of order reveals Hopkins mining opposing
views and traditions, framing ideas drawn from the ambient scientific
discourse with kindred notions in a longer literary and philosophical
purview, and freighting natural theology arguments with images that have
the novel feel of scientific thinking. If the "urgency of his
writing is coiled upon contesting forces" (Beer,
"Helmholtz," p. 119) and expresses a "polarity" of
response (Banfield, p. 175), Hopkins's way of accounting for
purpose and pattern can define itself against scientific accounts of the
world and also against their counterweight in natural theology, since
his conception of ordo exhibits its greatest force as an aesthetic
catalyst. (13) "These things, these things were here,"
contextual accounts say, to which Hopkins's aesthetic innovations
add, "and but the beholder/Wanting" ("Hurrahing in
Harvest," 11. 11-12).
After reframing several contexts in recent scholarship on Hopkins,
I develop the conceit of ordo in two kindred poems from the 1870s that I
see as representative of his nature sonnets of that decade, canvassing
less familiar source materials and linking contemporary thoughts about
the formation of species to theological and philosophical notions of
order. In reviewing "The Caged Skylark" (no. 122) and
"The Sea and the Skylark" (no. 118), I focus my discussion of
order on the problem of the body, natural and resurrected, one locus of
theological resistance to Darwin and to the materialism underscoring
evolutionary theory. I then turn to "That Nature is a Heraclitean
Fire and of the comfort of the Resurrection" (no. 174),
Hopkins's late apocalyptic poem that mobilizes ordo in a more
condensed fashion. Treating the later poem as though it formed the
allegorical conclusion (or sestet) of an aggregated set of sensory and
inscaped impressions (or octaves) recalled from the nature sonnets a
decade earlier, I show Hopkins moving beyond both the formal and
conceptual compromises of those poems and the contexts adduced to read
them.
Finessing the scholarship on Hopkins and science, this essay
redesigns our sense of the poetic uptake of intellectual materials. I
qualify the contextual emphasis on Darwin and his small circle of
scientific supporters to the exclusion of ancillary counterstrains of
evolutionary thought. I see in the vision of order that Hopkins extracts
from the biological and physical sciences, in their commitment to random
flux and chance process, not a doctrinal dismissal but a sophisticated
comment on the dialectic of order and disorder. Finally, I deploy these
materials less to winnow intellectual and cultural contexts than to
showcase, in the poetry, what has been seen as Hopkins's "new
affirmation of form that acknowledges and is able to incorporate the
fluidity of nature" despite the "Darwinian assault upon
essentialism" (Brown, p. 24). In light of recent work on the
popularization of science in the Victorian period, it remains crucial to
see how Hopkins's understanding of scientific advances was mediated
by cultural elision or skewed presentation, in the lectures and
periodicals that formed his mode of access to the outside debates. (14)
Still, aesthetic concerns should retain prominence. An amateur
naturalist who carried his stunning apprehension of natural detail into
poetry, Hopkins found in science principally a storehouse of material
competing in vivacity with the theological doctrines often attested in
readings of his poetry. Refracting these borrowings through conceptual
and philological filters, Hopkins produces syncretic, contradictory
fusions that find their real coherence in formal manifestations.
I
Although Hopkins was an undergraduate at Oxford in a period
(1863-1867) when philosophical materialism consorted with the rising
influence of scientific inquiry against the classical program of Literae
Humaniores, it can be difficult to trace, from his student essays,
lecture notes, and standard intellectual requirements and resources, the
precise nature of his engagement with scientific views. (15) The
relationship between Hopkins and the prevailing intellectual milieu is
an orthogonal one and can only at some stretch be called a context.
Later, as a Jesuit, Hopkins would not have routinely owned or purchased
books, so we are left with conjectures about lectures and discussion
groups within the Society and about his regular periodical fare. (16) If
the connections drawn in the following pages retain an element of
speculation, they nonetheless aid us in revealing aspects of
Hopkins's poetry and poetics that are otherwise out of sight. They
are broadly intended as reflections that supplement existing discussions
in the scholarship on Hopkins's intellectual commitments and
aesthetic craft, and they make visible how any given contextual
possibility can bear out heterogeneous claims for poetic form.
Apart from passing remarks, there are two principal locations for
Hopkins's views on Darwin in his correspondence. The first is quite
personal: a response penned to his mother in which the poet comments on
John Tyndall's recently delivered "Belfast Address"
(1874), the explosive affair that, many people thought, dismantled
long-standing arguments from design by way of Darwin and a version of
atomism. (17) Hopkins writes of Tyndall (whom he had met in the Alps in
1868),
It is not only that he looks back ... to an obscure origin, he
looks forward with the same content to an obscure future--to be
lost "in the infinite azure of the past" (fine phrase by the by). I
do not think, do you know, that Darwinism implies necessarily that
man is descended from any ape or ascidian or maggot or what not but
only from the common ancestor of apes, the common ancestors of
ascidians, the common ancestor of maggots, and so on: these common
ancestors, if lower animals, need not have been repulsive animals.
What Darwin himself says about this I do not know. You should read
St. George Mivart's Genesis of Species: he is an Evolutionist
though he combats downright Darwinism and is very orthodox. (18)
A striking concession to evolutionism in general, Hopkins's
formulation reveals his straining against the uncomfortable implications
of descent from what was often derided by Victorians as the "brute
creation" (without, he admits, having read Darwin's The
Descent of Man [1871]).
Hopkins's invocation of a theory of common ancestors, perhaps
recovering an idea of Edenic archetypes, leads into his recommendation
of St. George Jackson Mivart's riposte to Darwin, On the Genesis of
Species (1871). He relies on Mivart's comments about homology, the
"genetic relationship and affinity" that holds across
organisms as "modified descendants of some ancient form-their
common ancestor" (Genesis, p. 9). (19) A biologist and comparative
anatomist who earned the respect and prompted the unease of Darwin
himself, Mivart was also a fellow convert to Catholicism. (20) On the
Genesis of Species argues against natural selection as the sole
mechanism of evolutionary change and for an orientation that has been
termed "providential evolutionism." (21) If natural selection
can be seen "to lead men to consider the present organic world to
be formed, so to speak, accidentally, beautiful and wonderful as is
confessedly the haphazard result," Mivart's view
"exhibits the whole organic world as arising and going forward in
one harmonious development" (Genesis, p. 23). Positioning himself
as a moderate, Mivart criticized the narrow views of both orthodox
opponents and heterodox supporters of Darwin and refused to see creation
as opposed to an evolutionism whose doctrines might take "their
place in the system [of Christian thought] without even disturbing its
order or marring its harmony" (Genesis, p. 21). (22) Yet his work
(and its provocative title) drew the ire of Darwin's supporters,
Thomas Huxley chief among them. (23)
That Hopkins encountered this work suggests some level of fluency
with the debates, both academic and cultural, that were being waged by
supporters of Darwin such as Huxley and Tyndall. He probably came across
the digests and reviews--some critical, others measured--in Catholic
organs such as the Tablet and the Month, where Mivart's work
initially appeared, anonymously and in contracted form. (24) Hopkins was
also a reader of (and later contributor to) Nature, the weekly
periodical that would have reflected discussions abroad in the
scientific community. On the back page of one issue bearing a letter
from Hopkins, in 1882, we find an advertisement for Huxley's
Memorial No' tices for Darwin, with a blurb from the Academy to the
effect that the book "ought to be read by everyone who honours the
name of the foremost Englishman of this century." (25)
Hopkins's letter had been drafted in response to others in earlier
issues, (26) the first of which leads with a favorable review of
Permanence and Evolution (1882), a book by an author whose name Hopkins
would have recognized, S. E. B. Bouverie-Pusey being the nephew of
Edward Bouverie Pusey, a central figure in the Oxford Movement and the
poet's sometime confessor. This work, like Mivart's, held open
the possibility of evolutionary explanations while asserting the
improbability of "Darwinism proper" and the absurdity of
natural selection. (27)
By the 1880s, Hopkins's more significant contact with the
scientific community--in his reading, his letters to Nature, and his
early engagement with a remarkable group of scientific individuals at
Stonyhurst (1870-1873)--brought him to a solid understanding of the
issues at stake. (28) More specifically, his acquaintance with moderate
arguments that would reconcile aspects of the new scientific views with
doctrine and belief can be discerned in his letters. In 1888, he begins
a missive to Robert Bridges saying, almost impatiently, "I agree
... that 'everything is Darwinism.'" Yet in referring to
Darwin's discussion of instinct in relation to the cell
constructions of bees, Hopkins shows how his curious take on
evolutionary logic has matured over the years. The "honeycomb is
not quite so plain a matter as you think," he chides, for its
symmetry
implies something more than mechanical to begin with. Otherwise the
hexagonal ... cell wd. be the type tended to only and ... seldom or
never arrived at; the comb wd. be like the irregular figures of
bubbles in the froth of beer or in soapsuds. Wild bees do, I
believe, build something like that. But grant in the honey bee some
principle of symmetry and uniformity and you have passed beyond
mechanical necessity; and it is not clear that there may not be
some special instinct determined to that shape of cell after all
and ^which has^ at the present stage of the bee's condition,
nothing to do with mechanics ... but ^is^ like the specific songs
of cuckoos and thrush. (29)
The underlying "principle" that guarantees symmetric
patterning and the ordo that Hopkins seems to imply (gesturing at the
species of medieval Scholastics) in the term "special
instinct" are congruent with one of Mivart's more curious
claims. Drawing an analogy between development in inorganic matter
(crystals) and organic beings, Mivart insists on an internal power that
has a role in shaping external forms. In a vocabulary that Hopkins
echoes, Mivart observes the "special powers and tendencies existing
in each organism" as "analogous to the innate power and
tendency possessed by crystals similarly to build up certain peculiar
and very definite forms," thereby presenting a more elaborate
design argument about "the action of an intelligence resulting ...
in order, harmony, and beauty," which sees a new species as "a
fresh chord in the harmony of nature" (Genesis, pp. 23, 198, 273,
263). (30) Hopkins's late reflections thus present figures for
instress as the "stem" or "scaffolding" beneath
things in terms that, on one level, build out from an earlier logic of
evolutionary change that connects living creatures to inanimate matter
(crystals, bubbles). (31)
In these remarks, Hopkins also extended observations that he had
detailed with sophistication in his undergraduate work at Oxford, where
his essays often turned on philosophical questions of order. In
"The Probable Future of Metaphysics" (1867), he considers the
idea of fixed order, the diatonic instress beneath the chromatic inscape
that it guarantees. "It will always be possible," he writes,
"to shew how science is atomic, not to be grasped and held
together, 'scopeless,' without metaphysics: this alone gives
meaning to laws and sequences and causes and developments" (Oxford
Essays, p. 288). (32) For "metaphysics," one might substitute
"instress," that which is beyond mechanics and guarantees the
"scope" or "scape" of natural forms. (33) Hopkins
mentions in passing the atomistic and evolutionary accounts that mire
themselves in contradiction, "the ideas so rife now of a continuity
without fixed points, not to say saltus or breaks, of development in one
chain of necessity, of species having no absolute types" (Oxford
Essays, p. 289). (34) Against such a view of nature as "a string
all the differences in which are really chromatic," Hopkins
predicts a new account of the fixity of species or types, which would
purport to explain why "there are certain designs forms wh. have a
great hold on the mind and are always reappearing and seem
imperishable" (Oxford Essays, pp. 289, 290). (35) Those things that
strike us "with a conception of unity wh. is never dislodged,"
thereby attaining a necessity, an "absolute existence" whose
explanation is nevertheless opaque--such are the particular inscapes
that, despite their formal variety, intimate the deeper order that gives
them their being (Oxford Essays, p. 290). Hopkins thinks of this
countering of random flux as a recrudescence of "Platonism" or
"Realism," and his essay is redolent of natural theology. Yet
his subjective descriptions belie the essay's metaphysical
idealism. Hopkins may envision unchanging "forms," but it is
crucially the instressing of such forms--their "great hold on the
mind"--that provides a particular guarantee of their absolute
status. In similar fashion, his unfinished "On the Origin of
Beauty: A Platonic Dialogue" (1865) mounts a case for beauty as
less intrinsic than relational. Resting in part on the same distinction
between diatonic and chromatic, the dialogue sees our apprehension of
beauty as dialectical, registering "a mixture of likeness and
difference ... or consistency and variety or symmetry and change"
(Oxford Essays, p. 141). (36) These are early statements of the
sensibility that intuitively finds in flux a "beauty ... past
change" ("Pied Beauty," no. 121,1.10).
In a related position, Hopkins's own views on providential
design run in tandem with his thought that inscapes, in their haphazard
and maculate disarray--their "once skeined stained veined
variety" ("Spelt from Sibyl's Leaves," no. 167, 1.
11)--may be calcified into order and purpose by the in-stressing of the
beholder. In a sermon delivered in Liverpool in 1880, Hopkins writes of
providence as "a million-million fold contrivance ... planned for
our use and patterned for our admiration" but still, nevertheless,
"plainly imperfect"--and the imperfection is us: "Only
the inmate does not correspond" ("In the Valley of the
Elwy," no. 119,1. II). (37) Although the term
"contrivance" is a key synonym for "design" or
"purpose," terms that were at issue in the period for their
implication of a creator (or contriver, designer, artificer), Hopkins is
not after a theodicy here. (38) The way in which the providential ordo
of God has been disaggregated into "a shattered frame and a broken
web" (Hopkins, Sermons, p. 90) holds out, for Hopkins, the
possibility of a reconciliation or consummation that comes piecemeal in
acts of instress: "Complete thy creature dear O where it
fails" ("In the Valley of the Elwy," 1. 13). Lamenting
that "everything is full of fault, flaw, imperfection,
shortcoming" (Sermons, p. 90), he still enjoins his congregation to
such acts of beholding God's ordo. This careful balancing allows
his view to adopt the chromatic miscellany produced by the forces of
natural selection while holding to a diatonic order that intimates an
underlying design and hoping for a day when human beings will hew to
that ordo.
II
Composed within a few months of one another in 1877, "The
Caged Skylark" and "The Sea and the Skylark" provide an
initial axis for a consideration of the order reached through inscapes
of variety and disorder. Both emphasize, through analogies that accrue
levels of complexity, the particular "piedness"--reflected in
figures, epithets, and conceits--held together by a moment of
instressing.
The sublimation of the natural, organic body into the blessed,
resurrected body emerges as the doctrinal telos of "The Caged
Skylark," but Hopkins begins by positing (or, more accurately,
recalling) the analogy between the human spirit enclosed in the body and
a bird confined to a cage:
As a dare-gale skylark scanted in a dull cage,
Man's mounting spirit in his bone-house, mean house, dwells--
That bird beyond the remembering his free fells,
This in drudgery, day-labouring-out life's age. (11. 1-4)
The figure of the body as a "bone-house," a formation
drawing on the Anglo-Saxon ban-fiMS,39 is an insistent one for Hopkins,
often used to launch self-reflexive examinations that modulate into
doctrinal arguments. We find the image at the beginning of The Wreck,
for instance--"Thou has bound bones and veins in me, fastened me
flesh"--and Hopkins repeats it in the self-reproach, "Ah,
touched in your bower of bone,/Are you!" (11. 5, 137-138). Adopting
a more dejected, generalizing tone, we also find this figure in the
later sonnet "The shepherd's brow" (no. 178):
But man--we, scaffold of score brittle bones;
Who breathe, from groundlong babyhood to hoary
Age gasp; whose breath is our memento mori--
What bass is our viol for tragic tones? (11. 5-8)
Here the hiatus interposed by the punctuation and line break before
"Who breathe" performs, as it were, the memento mori that
Hopkins locates in the very rhythm of breath. The figure of the
"bone-house" allows Hopkins to suggest that the ultimate
inscape--the "Manshape" ("That Nature," 1. 13), the
form of our species--bears from the outset the designing marks of an
external power. If God has fastened this "scaffold," fashioned
this "bower," the material substrate of the body is
undergirded by a "stem of stress" that is at once the gift of
God and the substrate we share with him in Christ. This is what Mivart
describes as the "compound" or "double" nature of
man, at once body and soul, animal and rational, material and
immaterial, "a structure of harmony and beauty standing alone in
the organic world of nature" (Genesis, pp. 326-327). Yet Hopkins
calls forth, in the same figure, the temporal locations where the body
is consigned after death, (40) "bone-house" also designating a
mortuary chapel or charnel house, with its sepulchral accoutrement and
macabre associations. He thus points to our divine understructure while
tacitly bemoaning the degradation of human bodies and their remains in
industrial times. He might have agreed with a sentiment of
Ruskin's, delivered in a lecture in the same year as "The
Caged Skylark" and eerily apposite in light of the sonnet's
woods and cage motifs: "And this is what you do, to thwart alike
your child's angel, and his God,--you take him out of the woods
into the town,--you send him from modest labour to competitive
schooling,--you force him out of the fresh air into the dusty
bone-house." (41)
In contrast to the rich appropriation of this first motif, the
topos of the bird in a cage seems rather drab. Classical and literary
loci from John Webster to William Wordsworth readily present themselves.
(42) There was also, apparently, a thriving industry of bird trapping in
the nineteenth century, exemplified by the popularity of a book like
Johann Mattheus Bechstein's Chamber and Cage Birds (1835), which
Darwin owned. (43) Yet the philosophical character of this analogy also
had an importance for scientific debates. Paley had noted that
"[o]f young birds taken in their nests, a few species breed, when
kept in cages; and they which do so, build their nests nearly in the
same manner as in the wild state, and sit upon their eggs,"
evidence he took as "sufficient to prove an instinct." (44)
Scientists in Darwin's circle would question the designed character
of the "instinct" so argued. Charles Lyell offers this
reflection: "A bird which we breed in a cage cannot, when restored
to liberty, fly like others of the same species which have been always
free. This small alteration of circumstances, however, has only
diminished the power of flight, without modifying the form of any part
of the wings. But when individuals of the same race are retained in
captivity during a considerable length of time, the form even of their
parts is gradually made to differ, especially if climate, nourishment,
and other circumstances, be also altered." (45) It matters that the
skylark in Hopkins's poem is a "dare-gale" bird brought
down, "scanted" into confinement. The creature has experienced
flight, not simply as a Platonic memory or an instinct withering in
dormancy. The scientific angle on the problem, latent in classical and
literary versions of the topos, comes to inform an analogy that Hopkins
puts to largely doctrinal uses in the sestet. The theological position
implied by the analogy--the inseparably "flesh-bound" status
of the resurrection-accrues force from Paley, Lyell, and Darwin in a way
it could not have done from Hopkins's usual register of classical
allusion.
The sestet begins with a subordinate qualification ("Not that
...") that would preclude some imagined objection (do not wild
birds need a "perch"?). The analogy proffered by the octave
has somehow been pressed too far:
Not that the sweet-fowl, song-fowl, needs no rest-
Why, hear him, hear him babble and drop down to his nest,
But his own nest, wild nest, no prison. ("The Caged Skylark,"
11. 9-11).
The looping imperatives to "hear him," both bearing
stress, fall away in the meter of the line as we listen to the bird, the
stress and outride on "babble and" allowing the ear and eye to
follow the line mimetically--to "drop down to his nest." This
is a resting place in the order of nature, as the stresses on "his
own nest, wild nest" indicate. It is proposed to allow a more
direct, though unstated, parallel with the natural resting place of the
spirit.
The grammar of the closing tercet shifts from subordination and
objection to a simple future tense, returning the form and tone of
objection in "But ..." while keeping to a quite simple avowal
("is not...") in the final clause:
Man's spirit will be flesh-bound when found at best,
But uncumbered: meadow-down is not distressed
For a rainbow footing it nor he for his bones risen. (11. 12-14)
"Man's spirit," as Hopkins considers it in a
resurrected state, has been simplified down from the earlier
"mounting spirit" (1. 2): it has been brought down to
"meadow-down," a delicate and diminutive image that seems to
have no further need for the analogy with the skylark. Playing on what
W. H. Gardner has called the "ontological precariousness" of
this analogy (1: 190), the final line forges an identity between spirit
and self, the "he" that is, like the tiny layer of down on a
field, entirely untroubled by the insubstantial rainbow-"his bones
risen"--that treads on it, ever so gently, with only one foot (or
segment of the bow). Yet for all this downy lightness, the lines bear
the interlocking heft of plosive alliteration and end-consonant rhyme
(familiar to Hopkins as the Icelandic poetic device of skothending): the
/ and b of "fleshbound when found at best" (a chiastic rhyme
pattern); the d of "meadow-down is not distressed"; the
lengthening rhymes from "rest," "nest," and
"best" to "distressed." (46) This relative weight
works against the sense and against the outrides on
"uncum[bered]" "footing it]" that are meant to mimic
the softness underneath their figures. At a purely sonic level, these
lines belie the second half of the parallel argument that Hopkins
designs in the sestet. They provoke a quiet sense of dissonance, as
though the instress has not been fully achieved, the enabling inscape
not fully realized.
One minutely observed image (thistledown) joins another on a
different scale (rainbow) in manner that recalls other locations in the
1877 sonnets: "skies of couple-colour as a brinded cow," an
image set on a large scale, yoked to the more diminutive
"rose-moles all in stipple upon trout that swim;/Freshfirecoal
chestnut-falls; finches' wings" ("Pied Beauty," 11.
2-4). This hovering among different scales could be seen as an
expression of the difficulty in harmonizing the sensuous to the ethical
and doctrinal. Hopkins moves from the bounded, fleshed body to a
matching figure, the physiology of the blessed body. Yet a lingering
sense of fret and constraint persists from the octave into this tercet,
where it can be traced acoustically. It would not be out of place to
detect some anxiety in the presentation of this doctrine, for scholastic
debates on the precise nature and quality of the resurrected body
engulfed Christendom for well over a millennium. Hopkins appears to take
his cue from the apex of this debate, namely, the resolution of
"formal unity," a position articulated by Aquinas and others
in the thirteenth century to deflect the thorny question of the
integrity of the resurrected body: "If the soul is the one form of
the body (unica forma corporis) and bears the name of homo (including,
as it must, the nature of bodiliness, because it is man's only
form), then soul guarantees self. What self is (including what body is)
will be packed into soul; body will be the expression of that soul in
matter. As Aquinas said: 'It is more correct to say that soul
contains body [continet corpus] and makes it to be one, than the
converse.'" (47) The soul contains the body, holding it
together. It is the "bone-house" of the body, a scaffold
confected of more ethereal strands. Yet in the movement of the sonnet,
this opaque inversion of doctrine pulls against the matter-of-fact
analogy with which the poem begins. There is a torque pulling between
the gossamer delicacy of "meadow-down" and the heavier sounds
that insist on the "uncumbered" soul. Here is the real
instressing of the sonnet, less in raising up the "bone-house"
to the gauziness of the "mounting spirit" it putatively
encloses than in retaining the body's heft and haecceitas in
resurrection.
Whereas "The Caged Skylark" takes two orders--natural
body, blessed body--and considers how they are woven together in visual
and tactile figures, "The Sea and the Skylark" sees the bird
not as a considered, corporeal entity or as an analogy for the spirit or
soul but first as the leading point of song:
On ear and ear two noises too old to end
Trench--right, the tide that ramps against the shore;
With a flood or a fall, low lull-off or all roar,
Frequenting there while moon shall wear and wend.
Left hand, off land, I hear the lark ascend,
His rash-fresh re-winded new-skeined score
In crisps of curl off wild winch whirl, and pour
And pelt music, till none's to spill nor spend. (11. 1-8)
The sonic aggregation in the octave offers a tension between two
models of rhythm. First is the regularity of a pulse expressed in
twinned figures, alliterations, and consonant chimes: "ear and
ear"; "Trench--right, the tide that ramps"; "a flood
or a fall." Second, and intercalated with the "two
noises," is a polyphonic variety in the various Welsh chimes:
"two ... too ... to"; "Left hand, off land, I hear the
lark ascend" (emphasis added). These patterns function as a covert
recapitulation of instress as a diatonic structure underlying the
chromatic, a fixed quantum of variation--of crisping or skeining--in the
otherwise straight string of being. In a journal entry that both recalls
Hopkins's qualified emendation of evolutionary mechanism and
provides a visual instance for what, in this sonnet, occurs as the pulse
between "low lull-off' and "all roar," he notes,
"The laps of running foam striking the sea-wall double on
themselves and return in nearly the same order and shape in which they
came. This is mechanical reflection and is the same as optical: indeed
all nature is mechanical, but then it is not seen that mechanics contain
that which is beyond mechanics" (Journals, p. 252). The sounds and
movements of the sea contain a rhythmic regularity ("double on
themselves") and a chromatic deviation ("nearly the same order
and shape"). (48) Likewise, the "score" dropping away
beneath the skylark, which each flight unwinds in a
"new-skeined" form, condenses the stable back-and-forth of an
eternal rhythm and the variation implied by "crisps" in the
score. Gardner likens the image to a metaphysical conceit (1: 189), and
it was probably drawn from earlier fragments in which Hopkins imagines
the "daring rises/Of the flown skylark, and his traverse
flight," a movement upward that cascades into a falling harmony, as
if "the concording stars/Had let such music down, without
impediment/Falling along the breakless pool of air" ("O what a
silence is this wilderness!," no. 65, 11. 2-3, 7-9). (49) The later
image has strikingly transfused the static harmony of
"concording" and "breakless" into the piedness of a
"new-skeined score/In crisps of curl." The sound of the sea
and the song of the skylark seem akin to the "imperishable"
forms described by Hopkins in "The Probable Future of
Metaphysics," sounding what he elsewhere calls a "changeless
note" ("Let me be to Thee as the circling bird," no.
70,1. 4). The variation evidenced by their sounds issues from a
diatonic, fixed pattern, a form "past change" that guarantees
their "piedness": the sea "ramps against the shore"
from age to age; the skylark's circling pattern is fixed at its
nest or "winch."
Humanity, by contrast, has become radically unmoored from the ordo
designed by God for its perceptual delight. We have drastically fallen
from a special, elected status as "life's pride and cared-for
crown" ("The Sea and the Skylark," 1. 11), an apex often
visualized in Hopkins by ne plus ultra figures. Man is "love's
worthiest" and "World's loveliest--men's
selves"; he is nature's "bonniest, dearest,"
"her clearest-selved spark" ("To what serves Mortal
Beauty?," no. 158,11. 10, 11; "That Nature," 1. 10).
God's "creature dear," "dear and dogged man,"
is "Earth's eye, tongue, or heart," and how otherwise
could it be? Hopkins queries across a line break: "where/Else"
could the pinnacle be but in us? ("In the Valley of the Elwy,"
1. 13; "Ribblesdale," no. 149,11. 9-10). (50) Yet in "The
Sea and the Skylark" we
Have lost that cheer and charm of earth's past prime:
Our make and making break, are breaking, down
To man's last dust, drain fast towards man's first slime. (11.
12-14)
The movement of the last line is entropic. It intimates a deviation
or denaturing of order caused by sin, a corruption of the normal lapping
away of time that Hopkins used, in a sermon, to press his listeners into
right action: "life and time are always losing, always spending,
always running down and running out, therefore every hour that strikes
is a warning of our end and the world's end" (Sermons, p. 41).
(51) The end of this sonnet, though, is also an intimation of a new
start, albeit couched in a strange tone. Although I will put pressure on
the sonnet's last word shortly, it is valuable to remember that
what remains key in Hopkins's disappointment about the
"fragility and vacuity of congregated man" is the
"extremeness of the choice between 'slime' and
'crown'" (Robinson, p. 94). Despite the covert shadings
of Genesis, the sestet has something of a sermonizing feel to it. It
could be seen as a shaming speech act that might galvanize us to change
our actions, to instress that ordo from which we have so lamentably slid
away.
The closing image is a condensate of allusions. As MacKenzie and
others note, "slime" recalls the Douay-Rheims rendering of the
divine creation of man in Genesis 2:7, as fashioned "of the slime
of the earth," in contrast to King James's "of the dust
of the ground." (52) Hopkins may have fused this image with an idea
from Parmenides, who thought that men, as the poet himself noted,
"had sprung from slime" (Oxford Essays, p. 317). There may
also be a reference to Ruskin's account of the young J. M. W.
Turner considering war's aftermath in his homeland, a depiction
that unexpectedly repeats the image of a skylark above the mire:
"No gentle processions to churchyards among the fields, the bronze
crests bossed deep on the memorial tablets, and the skylark singing
above them from among the corn. But the life trampled out in the slime
of the street, crushed to dust amidst the roaring of the wheel"
(Modern Painters, 7: 387). Finally, Gardner's surmise that there is
a "glance at Darwin" (1: 158) here might more properly apply
to the work of the latter's opponents. (53) In defending On the
Origin of Species against the criticisms of Richard Owen, who favored
the Lamarckian idea of "heterogeny" or spontaneous generation
from a "vitally acting slime," Darwin suggested that "the
nature of life will not be seized on by assuming that Foraminifera
[aquatic microorganisms] are periodically generated from slime or
ooze." (54) Hopkins thus makes this image do a good deal of
allusive work, whether by registering the scriptural terms for divine
creation, remembering those of a cognate metaphysics, pointing to the
negative associations of industrial mire, or adapting the lexicon of
scientific debates about origins and spontaneous generation.
A philological concern remains unsatisfied by all these contextual
possibilities, however. Consider the Latin Vulgate version of Genesis
2:7, which brings humanity into being "de limo terrae." The
word limus has a range of meanings (mud, mire, slime, or silt; in
transferred senses, the dregs of wine or any encrustation). It is
cognate with English "slime" but also with "loam."
Another limus, distinct in its etymological pathway, can take adjectival
or adverbial senses (limus or limo: oblique, transverse, aslant) and is
at the root of an important compound form, sub'limis (high,
elevated, lofty). (55) Hopkins projects mankind at the end of this poem
in a downward progression toward "slime," a state that
subtracts two letters from the "sublime" and fresh vision of
the skylark, whose slanted vertical contrasts our oblique and declining
horizontal. In the end, it is not by way of "slime" in
scientific, philosophical, or sonic registers but only by a conceit of
philological ordo that this weary, dejected line can be seen to augur
some loftier telos. (56) Whereas in "The Caged Skylark" the
movement upward, the "mounting spirit," seems compromised by
the aesthetic properties of the sonnet's final image, here the same
is true in reverse. The "dust" and "slime" look up
at a visualization of sublime song, but the possibility of reversing
mankind's entropy finds itself mired in scientific and philological
registers that cannot match the fresh sensuousness of the octave.
The figures of these two sonnets have a possible point of
connection in a section of Boethius's The Consolation of
Philosophy. Although Boethius's text is by no means an established
source for Hopkins (however canonical its status in philosophical and
theological tradition), this excursus will clarify the poetic sense that
patterns order variously as structure, beginning, and cycle. (57) These
likenesses may be no more than coincidental, but they appear
illustrative nonetheless. The poem that ends one section of the
Consolation begins with a reflection on the order of nature, in a Latin
whose strange density anticipates the compactions of Hopkins's
English:
Quantas rerum flectat habenas
Natura potens, quibus immensum
Legibus orbem prouida seruet
Stringatque ligans inresoluto
Singula nexu ...
What great reins of things
Potent nature twists, with what laws
She, provident, guards the boundless
world,
And tightens, binding with
unslacking
Weave, all things ... (11. 1-5)
Boethius gives three figures for how nature twists or returns to
her proper order: lions chained, roused to their natural ferocity by a
chance taste of blood: a caged bird, reminded of its natural habitat,
singing for the wild in fret and distress; and a sapling, bent double
and springing back to its true line. The image of the caged bird is an
arresting depiction of the locus classicus:
Quae canit altis garrula ramis
Ales caueae clauditur antro;
Huic licet inlita pocula melle
Largasque dapes dulci studio
Ludens hominum cura ministret,
Si tamen arto saliens texto
Nemorum gratas uiderit umbras,
Sparsas pedibus proterit escas,
Siluas tantum maesta requirit,
Siluas dulci uoce susurrat.
What the chattering bird from high
branches
Sings, is locked within the cavern of
a cage;
Although for her honey-smeared cups
And lavish banquets, with sweet
concern,
Are furnished by the playing care
of men,
If however hopping in her narrow
web
She should observe the grateful forest
shades,
She stamps with feet her scattered
food,
Woods, she seeks with utter sorrow,
Woods, she whispers with sweet
voice. (11. 17-26)
The concluding lines of this poem compactly perform the natural
confluence of order (ordo), origin (ortum), and orb (orbem) that
Boethius has modeled out of deviations from nature's ordo:
Repetunt proprios quaeque
recursus
Redituque suo singula gaudent
Nec manet ulli traditus ordo,
Nisi quod fini iunxerit ortum
Stahilemque sui fecerit orbem.
And all of them repeat their own
returns
And in their own returning all rejoice
And there is no order set to any one of
them,
Except that each will add its rising to
its end
And stable make its world. (11. 34-38)
The image of the boundless world laced together by stays and ropes
returns at the end, as Boethius intimates that the only ordo existing or
handed down (traditus) over time is the order that beings have insofar
as they join their rising or origin (ortum) to their setting or end. In
a chiastic structure in which two implied terms are omitted--end
(setting), rising (beginning)--the poem manifests its own rules for
ordo, makes of itself an orb, a stable world. Forging a link between
orior (to rise, appear above the horizon) and ordo (row, line, rank,
series, pattern), Boethius hints at the speculative etymology that would
trace ordo to ordior (to lay the warp of a web and, hence, to begin).
(58) In "earth's past prime," we could imagine Hopkins
glossing this set of puns and patterns, the prim-ordial structure of the
world is a text, a manner of weaving.
This strange allegory might be seen as a way of joining together
Hopkins's two sonnets and illuminating the operative conceits they
share. In the first analogy (the caged bird as spirit), a perceived
aberration in the natural order is made to express man's cleaving
to that order and his more-than-natural surge away from it. In the
second, the soaring spirit becomes a cyclical embodiment of song, set
against man's aberration and decline, his spiritual lurch
slime-ward. Yet in "The Caged Skylark," the ethereal body that
will express man's being "at best" is predicated on an
inscape of constraint and limitation, the "bone-house."
Likewise in "The Sea and the Skylark," an image of
mankind's cramped, enervated decline mars the pure, rash rapture of
the lark's song, as though wresting down its cyclical skeins to
entropic slime. In both sonnets, an element of disorder or
curtailment--figurative, tonal, acoustic--consorts with the order that
Hopkins tries to uphold. These sonnets finally do not exemplify the
stable orb of Boethius but exhibit instead a formal version of what
Seamus Heaney calls the "broken arch," the disruption to
Hopkins's sonnets sometimes wrought by doctrinal importations in
the sestets. (59)
III
In a letter to Bridges, Hopkins comments on the notion of what he
terms a being's "Sake" and relates it to the German Sache
(matter, cause, purpose: one of that language's two distinct words
for "thing"), declaring "sake" as "the being a
thing has outside itself, as a voice by its echo, a face by its
reflection, a body by its shadow, a man by his name, fame, or ...
memory, and also that in the thing by virtue of which especially it has
this being abroad,... ^and^ that is something distinctive, marked,
specific^ally^ or individually speaking, as for a voice ... and echo
clearness; for a ... reflected image light, brightness; for a
shadow-casting body bulk; for a man genius, great achievements,
amiability, and so on." (60) Hopkins is commenting on the
alexandrine sonnet "Henry Purcell" (no. 131), in the epigraph
of which he avers that the composer "uttered in notes the very make
and species of man as created both in him and in all men
generally." In "The Caged Skylark," what he elsewhere
terms "that being indoors each one dwells" ("As
kingfishers catch fire," no. 115, 1. 6.) becomes, to adopt this
formulation, precisely the "sake" or "selP by which we
can detect a "being abroad." Man's "sake" is
inseparably his spirit as a kind of mirage or atmosphere cast by the
body but trying to escape it and the heft or "bulk" of the
body itself. (61) Similarly, in "The Sea and the Skylark," the
thisness or "sake" of the bird is the echo of its song, which
goes abroad in the moment of utterance, its temporal externality figured
by a form that drops away from it in space.
If "sake" forms an abstract construct for Hopkins's
nature sonnets of the 1870s--the "stem" or
"scaffold" of being--then this quality finds its most
composite aesthetic articulation in "That Nature is a Heraclitean
Fire" (1888), a late poem composed several years after the death of
Darwin. The "busy preoccupation of nature" (Robinson, p. 125)
in the sonnets is here modulated into a global, endlessly recurrent
system that has been productively read in light of Hopkins's debts
to Parmenides's ontology and contemporaneous developments in energy
physics. (62) Yet if this poem engulfs humanity in a vaster system,
physical or metaphysical, it nonetheless retains human "marks"
in formal and metrical patterns of ordo that raise up their originating
philosophical and scientific models.
Whereas in Hopkins's earlier inscapes, human agency was in
some measure implied or indexed--in the "ooze of oil /Crushed"
or the "the stooks" that "rise / Around"
("God's Grandeur," 11. 3-4; "Hurrahing in
Harvest," 11. 1-2)--now the natural flux, apart from human
activity, sets the figurative register. The "Shivelights and
shadowtackle" patterns, cast as shadows "wherever an elm
arches," make natural phenomena (light, shadow) prior to human
artifacts (splinters from worked wood, nets and fishing tackle), with
which they join forces as epithets ("That Nature," 11. 3-4).
The walls of "roughcast" and "dazzling whitewash"
(1. 3) are clearly traces or "manmarks" of a kind (1. 8), but
in their blaze of reflection, they prefigure the effacement of all such
marking and fretting. In a similar way, the "beakleaved
boughs" in "Spelt from Sibyl's Leaves" are said, in
a figure drawn from material working and embroidery, to "damask the
tool-smooth bleak light; black,/Ever so black on it," the mark of
human distinctiveness prophesying the collapse of all such featuring and
selving into "black, white; | right, wrong" (11. 9-10, 12).
When "manmarks" first appear on the scene in "That
Nature is a Heraclitean Fire," their "treadmire toil
there/Foot fret ted in it" (11. 8-9) appears under the sign of
mutability, merely a different kind of tracery subject to change by the
actions of "the bright wind" that is "Squandering ooze to
squeezed / dough, crust, dust" (11. 5, 7). Hopkins seems to have
foregone his earlier concern, in the 1877 sonnets and elsewhere,
regarding the specifically industrial muck and mire in which
"Generations have trod, have trod, have trod"
("God's Grandeur," 1. 5). He prepares the vision of an
ultimate apotheosis from mere "dust" and "slime":
human agency makes itself radiant for just a moment before being
swallowed up in the darkness:
Man, how fast his ftredint, | his mark on mind, is gone!
Both are in an unfathomable, all is in an enormous dark
Drowned. ("That Nature," 11. 11-13)
"Both are in an unfathomable" leaves the adjective
hanging mimetically in the "dark" at which it has not yet
arrived, unable to find its bearings, to alight on its noun. The
slurring elisions of this line, one of only two without a marked
caesura, submerge almost every unstressed syllable into an acoustic
melange. This engulfment of man in a darkness without spatial, temporal,
or perceptual moorings continues and bleeds over the strict, numerical
close of the sonnet at line 14:
Manshape, that shone
Sheer off, disseveral, a star, | death blots black out; nor mark
Is any of him at all so stark
But vastness blurs and time | beats level. (11. 13-16)
The "mark" that would close the sonnet's movement
cannot even find a grammatical closure, as the second clause finds
itself pulled over the line break into "vastness." This loss
of direction, however, suddenly finds a new guide in the first coda:
Across my foundering deck shone
A beacon, an eternal beam. (11. 18-19)
The image passes quickly, but its implied register is that the
self, about to move from one "flesh-bound" state to its
sublime version, rises up as a ship breasting the waves, an ark of its
own on the fiery and watery flux. Hopkins is no longer, as in his
shipwreck poems, a spectator elsewhere with "they the prey of the
gales" but is himself foundering in an "all of water"
(The Wreck, 11. 188, 258), far removed from his "Fast foundering
own generation" ("The Loss of the Eurydice," no. 125,1.
88).
Although the topos of the body as a ship is as familiar as the
caged bird of the spirit, one important example joins the figure of the
self as buffeted ship to another figurative register in Hopkins's
poem, the "poor potsherd," the "matchwood" at the
close of "That Nature" (1. 23). In the fifth of Francis
Bacon's Essayes, "Of Adversitie," we read, "It was
an high speech of Seneca ... That the good things, which belong to
Prosperity, are to be wished; but the good things, that belong to
Adversity, are to be admired.... This would have done better in Poesy;
where Transcendences are more allowed.... Hercules, when hee went to
unbinde Prometheus, (by whom Humane Nature is represented) sailed the
length of the great Ocean, in an Earthen Pot, or Pitcher: Lively
describing Christian Resolution; that saileth, in the frail Barke of the
Flesh, thorow the Waves of the World." (63) The second, distinct
coda to the poem transmutes the sense of "foundering" or
Baconian "Adversitie," a temporally extended casting about for
moorings, into the instantaneous conjoining of sound and light. The
"heart'-sclarion" and the "beacon, an eternal
beam" (11. 17, 19) form a conceptual chiasmus with
"flash" and "crash":
Flesh fade, and mortal trash
Fall to the residuary worm; | world's wildfire, leave but ash:
In a flash, at a trumpet crash,
I am all at once what Christ is, | since he was what I am, and
This Jack, joke, poor potsherd, | patch, matchwood, immortal
diamond,
Is immortal diamond. (11. 19-24)
This particular transcendence has indeed "done better in
Poesy." On the way toward a final crystallization, the sound
patterns of these lines evince accretions or developments that might be
called evolutionary. Aside from the noted a/o link that leads to
"diamond" as a condensation of alpha and omega,64 we have the
alphabetic sequences i/j/k ("I" to "Jack") and,
somewhat rearranged, p/r/s/t ("poor potsherd").
In fact, whether consciously or otherwise, Hopkins has crafted a
poem in which all the letters of the alphabet are present, save one--the
letter X. (65) This pattern is of itself striking, for X could be said
to present itself in a different manner, as the invisible brace around
which these sonic, formal, and sense patterns crystallize. At a
doctrinal level, this pattern would reveal Hopkins adopting the
cruciform monograms of his faith--the IHS of the Jesuits and the Chi Ro
(XP) of Constantine, both contractions of the Greek for "Jesus
Christ"--into poetic structure. More abstractly, this absent X
recalls moments in Hopkins's earlier writings: the Maltese cross or
quatrefoil that he sketched in an essay titled "Causation" at
Oxford, with its "four dark pear-shaped pieces, their points
meeting ... so that they make a sort of letter X" (Oxford Essays,
p. 200); a journal entry in which he observes a species of water lily
"lying on the water like a Maltese cross"; another in which
leaves growing out from either side of a branch are seen from certain
angles lying "across one another all in chequers and X's"
(Journals, p. 192). Hopkins seems to make the X that is one sign of
Christ the organizing structure of the closing lines. Here is truly a
deus absconditus, a God that "heeds but hides, bodes but
abides" (The Wreck, 1. 256), recuperating all the shattered,
bleared inscapes of his earlier nature poems in an all-consuming
"wildfire": hewn trees, dust and slime, the constraints that
come with being "flesh-bound."
If Hopkins could not he fully aware of the chemical structure of
diamond (clearly established by X-ray spectrometry only in the early
twentieth century), it is nonetheless uncanny that X could also serve to
model the tetrahedral structure of carbon, beginning to be detailed in
the 1870s. (66) An atomic filament thus runs through the poem's
closing structure, a fusion of organic and inorganic registers similar
to Mivart's analogies between crystalline and creaturely evolution.
The natural form that gives off what Ruskin called the "vividest
blaze" (Modern Painters, 7: 208) also shares the elemental
substrate of organic life in carbon. (67) The "bone-house" of
the earlier sonnet goes up in flames yet "preserves both the being
and the thought of man" in the resurrection (Brown, p. 277),
leaving what Hopkins elsewhere calls the "Ground of being, and
granite of it: past all/Grasp God" (The Wreck, 11. 254-255). (68)
The coda's final solidity, for all the doctrinal and
scientific discourse one might marshal in its favor, becomes a concrete
achievement only through metrical emphasis. (69) The tautological
transformation, in stressing the four beats of the repeated
"immortal diamond," draws them in around a single, ringing
beat: "Is." (70) MacKenzie gives the scriptural locus for the
doctrine alluded to in "comfort of the Resurrection" (Hopkins,
Poetical Works, p. 496n): "In a moment, in the twinkling of an eye,
at the last trump: for the trumpet shall sound, and the dead shall be
raised incorruptible, and we shall be changed. For this corruptible must
put on incorruption, and this mortal must put on immortality. So when
this corruptible shall have put on incorruption, and this mortal shall
have put on immortality, then shall be brought to pass the saying that
is written, Death is swallowed up in victory" (1 Cor. 15:52-54;
Authorized [King James] Version). That diminutive "twinkling of an
eye" (identical in Douay-Rheims) obscures the significance of the
Vulgate text, where this access of sound takes place "in momento in
ictu oculi"--in the beat, stroke, or "stress" of an eye.
In Hopkins's notes on rhetoric, he offers a definition that makes
clear his familiarity with the notion: "Beat, Latin ictus, is
metrical accent, the beat, that is the strong beat, as the accent is the
strongest accent, is the strongest beat of a foot" (Journals, p.
271). (71) The composite of ordo--weaving, lining up, and
beginning--thus appears most evidently, like the chiastic X, in an
almost invisible structure. The ictus that flashes between two identical
cuts of "immortal diamond" represents the final transformation
of the sonic, scientific, and philological encumbrances that kept the
instress of "The Caged Skylark" and "The Sea and the
Skylark" away from a full vision of the resurrection.
At the beginning of 1888, Hopkins had complained that it was
"now years" that he had had "no inspiration of longer jet
than makes a sonnet." (72) This "sonnet," if such it can
be called, represents a colossal reflux of energy into Hopkins's
poetics, colliding the cyclical "jet" of the octave, surely
the most astounding description of the water cycle ever imagined, with
another crucial figure of instress--fire, the "blowpipe flame"
("To R. B.," no. 179, 1. 2). Yet Hopkins's efforts at
once to extend and to collapse the sensuous cycles of the sonnet into
the all-consuming "Enough!" ("That Nature," 1. 16)
take a decidedly metrical view of the "stem" or
"skein" of instress that, in undergirding everything, ends by
consuming all that exists. The poem thus offers a conceit of ordo that
transforms Hopkins's earlier, sensuous designs and presents as
sublime that "Jack, joke, poor potsherd" that evolutionary
accounts of life would proffer as our origin. In turning the
"evanescent flare of readily consumed matchwood, the friability of
the pot even when it has been through the kiln" (Beer,
"Helmholtz," p. 133) not merely into a more durable
arrangement of elemental carbon but into an irreducibly metrical
punctum, the poem sheds all inscapes of "slime" and
"dust" and leaves only instress--the skein of being.
"That Nature is a Heraclitean Fire" takes all life evolved out
of carbon, "matchwood," and beats or flattens it against the X
of instress that, for Hopkins, it has always been and yet suddenly and
intuitively "Is."
Hopkins's energetic vision of order, I have argued, draws as
much from counter-Darwinian materials and a broad genealogy of literary
and philosophical thought as from contemporaneous developments in the
biological and physical sciences. His conception of instress as a style
of ordo gives a different cast to his last word in worked language, not
coincidentally a key term in scientific inquiry from his day to ours:
O then if in my lagging lines you miss
The roll, the rise, the carol, the creation,
My winter world, that scarcely breathes that bliss
Now, yields you, with some sighs, our explanation. ("To R. B.," 11.
11-14).
In concluding a poem dedicated to his friend Robert Bridges by
calling the performance an "explanation"--from Latin
ex-planare, to flatten, smooth, or spread out--Hopkins gives a capsule
account of his life that foregrounds one version of its creative power:
the virtuosity with which a patchwork of lived intellectual contexts
finds an amalgam less in the coherent presentation of concepts than in
the pied patterning of beats.
Notes
With gratitude to Helen Vendler and Elaine Scarry.
(1) References to Hopkins's poetry are drawn from The Poetical
Works of Gerard Manley Hopkins, ed. Norman H. MacKenzie, 4th ed.
(Oxford: Clarendon, 1990); the number of each poem is given in
parentheses. I reproduce Hopkins's diacritical marks for stress but
omit other metrical and quasi-musical marks.
(2) Augustine, Divine Providence and the Problem of Evil: A
Translation of St. Augustine's De Ordine, trans. Robert P. Russell
(New York: Cosmopolitan Science and Art Service, 1942), p. 17.
(3) I allude to Hopkins's statement about the 1877 composition
of "Hurrahing in Harvest": "the ... outcome of ... half
an hour of extreme enthusiasm as I walked home alone one day from
fishing in the Elwy"; Gerard Manley Hopkins to Robert Bridges, July
16, 1878, in The Collected Works of Gerard Manley Hopkins, vols. 1-2,
Correspondence, ed. R. K. R. Thornton and Catherine Phillips (Oxford:
Oxford Univ. Press, 2013), 1: 308. Hopkins alludes to Augustine's
conversion in The Wreck of the Deutschland (1. 78). See James Finn
Cotter, "Augustine's Confessions and The Wreck of the
Deutschland," in Saving Beauty: Further Studies in Hopkins, ed.
Michael E. Allsopp and David Anthony Downes (New York: Garland, 1994),
pp. 313-325; and Cotter, "Hopkins and Augustine," VP 39, no. 1
(2001): 69-82.
(4) Augustine, The Trinity, trans. Stephen McKenna (Washington, DC:
Catholic Univ. of America Press, 1970), pp. 292-293.
(5) The poem was composed and published in 1863; I quote the
revised version of 1871. In another early (1866) poem, "The
Nightingale" (no. 76), a woman lies awake wondering about her lover
at sea, while the bird's song interrupts the sound of water:
"He might have strung/A row of ripples in the brooks,/So forcibly
he sung" (11. 30-32), but "as he changed his mighty
stops/Betweens I heard the water still / All down the stair-way of the
copse /And churning in the mill" (11. 43-46). An analogue to the
Augustinian scene appears in Hopkins's undergraduate essay
"Causation," referring to G. H. Lewes's A Biographical
History of Philosophy (1845-1846) and the "friend who did not see
that every thing must have a cause"; Gerard Manley Hopkins, Oxford
Essays and Notes, vol. 4 of The Collected Works of Gerard Manley
Hopkins, ed. Lesley Higgins (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2006), p. 202.
(6) Gerard Manley Hopkins, The Journals and Papers of Gerard Manley
Hopkins, ed. Humphrey House and Graham Storey (London: Oxford Univ.
Press, 1959), p. 127.
(7) See Tom Zaniello, Hopkins in the Age of Darwin (Iowa City:
Univ. of Iowa Press, 1988); Zaniello, "Hopkins' Scientific
Interests: 'Face to Face with a Sphinx,"' Thought 65, no.
259 (1990): 510-521; Gillian Beer, "Helmholtz, Tyndall, Gerard
Manley Hopkins: Leaps of the Prepared Imagination," in Comparative
Criticism, vol. 13, Literature and Science, ed. Elinor S. Shaffer
(Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1991), pp. 117-145; Jude V. Nixon,
Gerard Manley Hopkins and His Contemporaries: Liddon, Newman, Darwin,
and Pater (New York: Garland, 1994); Nixon, '"Death blots
black out': Thermodynamics and the Poetry of Gerard Manley
Hopkins," VP 40, no. 2 (2002): 131-155; Nixon, '"Read the
Unshapeable Shock Night': Information Theory, Chaos Systems, and
the Welsh Landscape of Hopkins's The Wreck of the
Deutschland," Merope 14, nos. 35-36 (2002): 111-149; Daniel Brown,
Hopkins' Idealism: Philosophy, Physics, Poetry (Oxford: Clarendon,
1997); and Marie Banfield, "Darwinism, Doxology, and Energy
Physics: The New Sciences, the Poetry and the Poetics of Gerard Manley
Hopkins," VP 45, no. 2 (20 07): 175-194.
(8) Compare Jude V. Nixon, '"From Pap to Poison':
Gerard Manley Hopkins and the Poetics of Darwinism," in Gerard
Manley Hopkins and Critical Discourse, ed. Eugene Hollahan (New York:
AMS, 1993), pp. 106-107 (arguing Hopkins's embrace of the argument
from design); and Nixon, "Death blots black out," pp. 139-140.
(9) See Peter J. Bowler, Evolution: The History of an Idea
(Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1984), pp. 134-141, 209-216;
Bowler, The Eclipse of Darwinism: Anti-Darwinian Evolution Theories in
the Decades around 1900 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1983),
pp. 44-54; and Bowler, "Darwinism and the Argument from Design:
Suggestions for a Reevaluation," Journal of the History of Biology
10, no. 1 (1977): 29-43. Bernard Lightman notes that the Bridgewater
Treatises espoused what John Brooke has called a "theology of
nature" less rigorous than "natural theology"; Lightman,
Victorian Popularizers of Science: Designing Nature for New Audiences
(Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 2007), pp. 23-24.
(10) John Ruskin, Modern Painters, in The Works of John Ruskin, 39
vols., ed. E. T. Cook and Alexander Wedderburn (London: George Allen,
1903-1912), 5: 191, 6: 132. Hopkins beautifully invokes what Ruskin
calls "the ordinances of the hills" (6: 117) in
"Hurrahing in Harvest," where "the azurous hung
hills" are seen as Christ's "world-wielding
shoulder/Majestic" (11. 9-10). For Ruskin's influence, see
Alison G. Sulloway, Gerard Manley Hopkins and the Victorian Temper
(London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972), pp. 64-114; and Philip
Ballinger, "Ruskin: Hopkins' 'Silent Don,"'
Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review 85, no. 338 (1996): 116-124.
(11) This appears to be the primary meaning of "instress"
for Hopkins (as the OED takes it, for instance, s.v. "instress,
n."), but he also intends transitive and intransitive verbal
senses. See Brown, Hopkins' Idealism, pp. 180-182, 197-201,
219-220, 226-237.
(12) Gerard Manley Hopkins to Robert Bridges, October 2-4, 1886, in
Hopkins, Correspondence, 2: 805. Hopkins's characterization of the
beholder transcends a view of aesthetic appreciation as itself evolved:
in Richard Owen's claim that "the ultimate forthcoming of a
being susceptible of appreciating such beauty" yields
"evidence of the pre-ordaining of such relation of power to the
appreciation"; Owen, Anatomy of Vertebrates, vol. 3 (1868), quoted
in St. George Jackson Mivart, On the Genesis of Species, 2nd ed.
(London: Macmillan, 1871), p. 274.
(13) I differ from John Holmes's claim that Hopkins's
relation to Darwin "was more one of denial than engagement";
Holmes, Darwin's Bards: British and American Poetry in the Age of
Evolution (Edinburgh: Edinburgh Univ. Press, 2009), p. 23. Walter J. Ong
is more on point, noting that Hopkins was "singularly free of
hostility or even uneasiness regarding Darwin's or other new
discoveries"; Ong, Hopkins, the Self, and God (Toronto: Univ. of
Toronto Press, 1986), p. 158.
(14) See Lightman, Victorian Popularizers, pp. 1-38, for an account
of the variety of popularizes in the period and pp. 39-94 for Anglican
theologies of nature after Darwin.
(15) On the intellectual character of Oxford in the 1860s, see
Zaniello, Hopkins, pp. 1-3, 11-34, mentioning the unorthodox character
of Hopkins's tutors (Benjamin Jowett, Walter Pater, T. H. Green);
Michael Allsopp, "Hopkins at Oxford, 1863-1867: His Formal
Studies," Hopkins Quarterly 4 (Fall-Winter 1977-1978): 161-176;
Brown, Hopkins' Idealism, pp. 1-42; and Lesley Higgins,
introduction to Hopkins, Oxford Essays, pp. 1-87.
(16) This fare may have included Nature, the Academy, the Times,
the Month, the Tablet, Fraser's Magazine, the Nineteenth Century,
the Athenaeum, the Cornhill Magazine, and the Contemporary Review
(Zaniello, Hopkins, pp. 134-135, Nixon, Gerard Manley Hopkins, p. 112).
(17) The address was printed under the heading "Science,"
in Academy 120 (22 August, 1874): 209-217, where Hopkins encountered it;
he may also have seen Joseph Rickaby's "Tyndall's
Inaugural Address," in Month and Catholic Review 3 (October 1874):
212-223. On Tyndall's address and its reception by Hopkins and his
philosophical colleagues at Stonyhurst, see Zaniello, Hopkins, pp.
98-101, 112-115.
(18) Gerard Manley Hopkins to his mother from St. Beuno's,
September 20-21, 1874, in Hopkins, Correspondence, 1: 237. In citing
Hopkins's letters, I follow the editorial principles given in
Correspondence, 1: ci-ciii: strikethroughs record deletions; square
brackets enclose editorial insertions; and carat marks denote
Hopkins's insertions. For further commentary on this letter, see
Nixon, "From Pap to Poison," pp. 98-99; Beer,
"Helmholtz," p. 123, mentioning Mivart and the possible
reconciliation of evolutionary theory with Catholicism; Jill Muller,
Gerard Manley Hopkins and Victorian Catholicism: A Heart in Hiding (New
York: Routledge, 2003), pp. 83-85, 91-92; and John Parham, Green Man
Hopkins: Poetry and the Victorian Ecological Imagination (Amsterdam:
Rodopi, 2010), pp. 111-112, arguing that Mivart's work drew Hopkins
to ecological thinking.
(19) See Mivart, On the Genesis of Species, pp. 175-210, for his
argument about homologies, rejecting natural selection as a sufficient
explanation in certain cases.
(20) See Zaniello, Hopkins, pp. 48-49.
(21) Bernard Lightman, "Scientists as Materialists in the
Periodical Press: Tyndall's Belfast Address," in Science
Serialized: Representations of the Sciences in Nineteenth-Century
Periodicals, ed. Geoffrey Cantor and Sally Shuttleworth (Cambridge, MA:
MIT Press, 2004), p. 206.
(22) For Mivart's reflections on evolution, theology, and the
doctrines of creation, see On the Genesis of Species, pp. 273-333. He
appeals to classical authorities, from Aristotle to Augustine, Aquinas,
and Suarez, as precursors to evolutionary thinking (pp. 332, 302-305).
(23) See Thomas Huxley, "Mr. Darwin's Critics,"
Contemporary Review 18 (1871): 443476, a review of Alfred Russel
Wallace's Contributions to the Theory of Natural Selection (1870),
along with Darwin and Mivart, which deflects the latter (referring to
the same classical authorities) in what has been seen as a battle for
scientific authority. See Frank M. Turner, Contesting Cultural
Authority: Essays in Victorian Intellectual Life (Cambridge: Cambridge
Univ. Press, 1993), pp. 190-192, 83-84 (on the anti-Catholic aspects of
scientific naturalism); James R. Moore, The Post-Darwinian
Controversies: A Study of the Protestant Struggle to Come to Terms with
Darwinism in Britain and America, 1870-1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ.
Press, 1979), pp. 62-64, 117-122, 222-223; Jacob W. Gruber, A Conscience
in Conflict: The Life of St. George Jackson Mivart (New York: Columbia
Univ. Press, 1960); and David L. Hull, Darwin and His Critics: The
Reception of Darwin's Theory by the Scientific Community (1973;
repr., Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1983), pp. 351-415.
(24) The digest of Mivart's book appeared in three parts as
"Difficulties of the Theory of Natural Selection," in the
Month 11 (July, August, September 1869): 35-53, 134-153, 274-289. Other
key Catholic periodicals included the Dublin Review and the Rambler,
later the Home and Foreign Review, and all carried articles on
evolutionary topics. Some measured statements by an acquaintance of
Hopkins, John Rickaby, are found in "Evolution and
Involution," Month and Catholic Review 10 (March 1877): 269-285,
and "Some Remarks on the Argument from Design," Month and
Catholic Review 13 (April 1878): 404-419 and 14 (May 1878): 28-46. See
Alvar Ellegard, Darwin and the General Reader: The Reception of
Darwin's Theory of Evolution in the British Periodical Press,
1859-1872 (1958; repr., Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1990), pp.
368-384.
(25) Nature 27 (November 16, 1882): xxiii.
(26) Nature 26 (July 20, 1882): 268; Nature 26 (July 27, 1882):
293; Nature 27 (November 9, 1882): 30-31. See Zaniello, Hopkins, pp.
79-84.
(27) S. E. B. Bouverie-Pusey, Permanence and Evolution: An Inquiry
into the Supposed Mutability of Animal Types (London: Kegan Paul,
Trench, 1882), p. vii. The review is in Nature 26 (July 20, 1882):
265-266. On Hopkins and the elder Pusey, see Higgins, introduction to
Hopkins, Oxford Essays, pp. 11-14.
(28) The Stonyhurst group included Richard F. Clarke, Herbert
Lucas, and the brothers John and Joseph Rickaby. See Zaniello, Hopkins,
pp. 85-117; and Muller, Gerard Manley Hopkins, pp. 89-94.
(29) Gerard Manley Hopkins to Robert Bridges, August 18-19, 1888,
in Hopkins, Correspondence, 2: 948.
(30) See further Mivart, On the Genesis of Species, pp. 106-108,
127-129, 143, 162, 176, 259-263, 270, 306. Mivart appeals to other
scientific writers, among them Herbert Spencer, who draw similar
inferences from crystalline and organic symmetry (pp. 207-210).
(31) Zaniello suggests that "principle" and "special
instinct" are synonyms for "instress" ("Scientific
Interests," p. 516), drawing on his discussion in Hopkins, pp.
115-116; compare Nixon, "From Pap to Poison," pp. 99-100. The
phrase "special instinct" works against Darwin's argument
for "simple instincts," in his account of how this phenomenon
"can be explained by natural selection having taken advantage of
numerous, successive, slight modifications of simpler instincts";
Darwin, On the Origin of Species: A Facsimile of the First Edition
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press, 1964), p. 235. Darwin's
discussion is extensive (pp. 224-235).
(32) I silently occlude the cancellations and revisions preserved
by Higgins in this edition, for ease of reading, except where they seem
significant.
(33) Zaniello suggests that "scope" and "scape"
are cognate and points out how Hopkins would later argue with the
linguist W. W. Skeat about their etymology (Hopkins, pp. 56-57). For
comments on this essay, see Zaniello, Hopkins, pp. 70-72, Brown,
Hopkins' Idealism, pp. 6-7, 24. 41-42, 56, 87-91; and Nixon,
"Death blots black out," pp. 150-151n8.
(34) John Kerrigan sees "type" and "species" as
synonymous with "form"; Kerrigan, "Writing Numbers:
Keats, Hopkins, and the History of Chance," in Keats and History,
ed. Nicholas Roe (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1995), p. 300. For
comparison of this "philosophy of flux" to Darwinism, see
Gillian Beer, Darwin's Plots: Evolutionary Narrative in Darwin,
George Eliot and Nineteenth-Century Fiction, 3rd ed. (Cambridge:
Cambridge Univ. Press, 2009), p. 18; Beer, "Helmholtz," pp.
125-126; Brown, Hopkins' Idealism, pp. 7, 19-20; Nixon, "From
Pap to Poison," pp. 104-105 (commenting on "chromatic"
and "diatonic" as concepts that map Darwinian flux and
Platonic fixity); Muller, Gerard Manley Hopkins, p. 73; and Holmes,
Darwin's Bards, p. 134.
(35) In other lecture notes, Hopkins questions both poles of this
debate: "Try modjern] difficulty of origin of species. It is very
much the same as Plato's. It is said it wd. be solved if we cd.
find or construct types for each species, but what wd. distinguish these
types? What wd. prevent their shading into one another just as the
concrete species do?" (Oxford Essays, pp. 238-239).
(36) See Hopkins, Oxford Essays, pp. 136-168, and pp. 157-159 on
the diatonic/chromatic distinction.
(37) Gerard Manley Hopkins, The Sermons and Devotional Writings of
Gerard Manley Hopkins, ed. Christopher Devlin (London: Oxford Univ.
Press, 1959), p. 90. Hopkins also mentions providence in his letters:
"When a man has given himself to God's service, when he has
denied himself and followed Christ, he has fitted himself to receive and
does receive Afrom GodA a more special guidance, a more particular
providence," one "partly" intimated by "direct
lights and inspirations"; Gerard Manley Hopkins to Richard Watson
Dixon, December 1-16, 1881, in Hopkins, Correspondence, 1: 502.
(38) The word "contrivance" is occasionally used in On
the Origin of Species in the context of plants and flowers (e.g., p. 98)
and is widespread in Darwin's On the Various Contrivances by Which
British and Foreign Orchids Are Fertilised by Insects (London: John
Murray, 1862). Mivart points out that words like
"contrivance," "design," and "purpose" are
figurative in Darwin (On the Genesis of Species, p. 17,
"Difficulties of the Theory of Natural Selection," p. 39).
(39) W. H. Gardner, Gerard Manley Hopkins (1844-1889): A Study of
Poetic Idiosyncrasy in Relation to Poetic Tradition, 2 vols. (London:
Seeker and Warburg, 1944-1949), 1: 114. Gardner also sees the body
cumbering the spirit as an Augustinian topos (1: 35n5). Compare a
journal entry for 1866, in which Hopkins notes the image of "bones
sleeved in flesh" and holds his hand up to candlelight:
"Vermilion look of the hand held against a candle with the darker
parts as the middles of the fingers and especially the knuckles covered
with ash" (Journals, p. 72).
(40) See OED, s.vv. "charnel, n. and adj.," def. 1.b, and
"bone, n.," def. C.3.
(41) John Ruskin, "Yewdale and Its Streamlets," delivered
in 1877, in Deucalion, in Works, 26: 265.
(42) See John Webster, The Duchess of Malfi, ed. Leah S. Marcus
(London: Methuen, 2009), act 4, scene 2, 11. 125-129; and
Wordsworth's late poem "Liberty": "Who can divine
what impulses from God/Reach the caged Lark, within a town-abode, / From
his poor inch or two of daisied sod?/O yield him back his privilege! No
sea / Swells like the bosom of a man set free;/A wilderness is rich with
liberty"; William Wordsworth, "Liberty," in Last Poems,
1821-1850, ed. Jared Curtis, with Apryl Lea Denny-Ferris and Jillian
Heydt-Stevenson (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press, 1999), 11. 27-32.
Gardner sees a parallel in the Emblems (1643) of Francis Quarles:
"My soul is like a bird, my flesh the cage/Wherein she wears her
weary pilgrimage/Of hours" (Gerard Manley Hopkins, 1: 170n2).
(43) Norman H. MacKenzie, A Reader's Guide to Gerard Manley
Hopkins, 2nd ed. (Philadelphia: Saint Joseph's Univ. Press, 2008),
pp. 81-82. Darwin notes that the "common lark is drawn down from
the sky, and is caught in large numbers, by a small mirror made to move
and glitter in the sun"; Darwin, The Descent of Man, and Selection
in Relation to Sex, 1 vols. (London: John Murray, 1871), 2: 112. His
comment occurs in a discussion of sexual selection, a topic about which
Hopkins had his doubts. Commenting on Vernon Lee's
"Impersonality and Evolution in Music," a review of Edmund
Gurney's The Power of Sound (1880), Hopkins dismisses the notion of
an evolved aesthetic sense, mocking the thought "that we enjoy
music because our apish ancestors serenaded their Juliet-apes of the
period in rudimentary recitatives and our emotions are a AtheA
survival--that sexual business will Ain shortA be found by roking [sic]
the pot." Gerard Manley Hopkins to Robert Bridges, January 4-5,
1883, in Correspondence, 2: 561. See Nixon, "From Pap to
Poison," p. 99.
(44) William Paley, Natural Theology; or, Evidences of the
Existence and Attributes of the Deity, 12th ed. (London: J. Faulder,
1809), p. 304.
(45) Charles Lyell, Principles of Geology, Being an Attempt to
Explain the Former Changes of the Earth's Surface, by Reference to
Causes Now in Operation, 2 vols. (London: John Murray, 1830), 2: 6-7.
(46) Hopkins discusses skothending as end-consonant rhyme or
"half rhyme" in his notes on verse (Journals, p. 284). For
discussion of this and similar techniques, see James Milroy, The
Language of Gerard Manley Hopkins (London: Deutsch, 1977), pp. 132-153.
(47) Caroline Walker Bynum, The Resurrection of the Body in Western
Christianity, 200-1336 (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1995), p. 259.
Hopkins may have followed the revision of "formal identity" by
Duns Scotus, who argued that a "form of bodiliness was necessary to
explain resurrection and glorification" (Bynum, Resurrection, p.
261). On Hopkins's preference for Scotus against the more usual
Jesuit sources, see Alfred Thomas, Hopkins the Jesuit: The Years of
Training (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1969), pp. 99, 182-183; and
Muller, Gerard Manley Hopkins, pp. 69-100.
(48) Kerrigan writes of a "stereophony which disperses ...
into sub-verbal, alliterative ringing" ("Writing
Numbers," p. 302) and notes that the chiming mimics what Hopkins
called the "oftening, over-and-overing, aftering of the
inscape" (p. 303, quoting Journals, p. 289). On Hopkins's
"mechanistic ontology" of stress and instress, see Brown,
Hopkins' Idealism, pp. 187-207. Brown points to the physics of
sound waves implied in the lark's "liquid onslaught" (p.
243).
(49) John Robinson, in In Extremity: A Study of Gerard Manley
Hopkins (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1978), notes this source in
discussing Hopkins's use of early fragments (p. 19).
(50) Gardner suggests that there is a gradient for Hopkins's
lack of respect for fallen man--part of the Victorian topos of harking
back to a lost, pristine period--and considers that this poem marks a
low point in comparison to "Ribblesdale" (no. 149) and others
(Gerard Manley Hopkins, 2: 248).
(51) On entropy in Hopkins, see Beer, "Helmholtz," pp.
126-127, 131-133, 139-140; and Nixon, "Death blots black out,"
pp. 137-148.
(52) Hopkins, Poetical Works, p. 375n. On Hopkins's biblical
citation, see Martin Dubois, "Styles of Translation: Hopkins'
Bibles," VP 50, no. 3 (2012): 279-296.
(53) Nixon suggests that "Darwin's primordial germ"
is implied here, but I resist his claim that Hopkins's
"incessant appeal to the act of creation in his nature poems serves
as an alternative to and a polemic against Darwinism" ("From
Pap to Poison," pp. 109, 107). In "Nondum" (no. 78), for
example, Hopkins writes of "life's first germs" (1. 24)
in the context of God's creation.
(54) Charles Darwin, "The Doctrine of Heterogeny and
Modification of Species," Athenaeum 1852 (April 25, 1863): 555. See
Bowler, Evolution, pp. 66-72, 76-84; and Bowler, Darwinism (New York:
Twayne, 1993), pp. 17-21. On "spontaneous generation," see
James E. Strick, Sparks of Life: Darwinism and the Victorian Debates
over Spontaneous Generation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press, 2000).
(55) Oxford Latin Dictionary, ed. P. G. W. Glare (Oxford:
Clarendon, 1996), s.vv. "limus, -i, m." and "limus, -a,
-um, a."; Michiel de Vaan, Etymological Dictionary of Latin and
Other Languages (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2008), s.vv. "limus
1" and "limus 2."
(56) This height is recognized even in the English common noun
designation for these birds: "an exaltation of larks" (OED,
s.v. "exaltation, n.," def. l.c).
(57) There is no mention of Boethius in Hopkins's work.
MacKenzie mentions the Consolation as a possible allusion in the ending
of "Pied Beauty" (Hopkins, Poetical Works, p. 386n). I am
grateful to Shane Bobrycki for furnishing these more literal
translations of Boethius; the corresponding Latin appears in Boethius,
The Theological Tractates and the Consolation of Philosophy, trans. H.
F. Steward, E. K. Rand, and S. J. Tester (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ.
Press, 1973).
(58) Vaan, Etymological Dictionary, s.vv. "ordo,"
"orior, -in," "ordior, -iri."
(59) Seamus Heaney, The Fire i' the Flint: Reflections on the
Poetry of Gerard Manley Hopkins (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1975), p.
18.
(60) Gerard Manley Hopkins to Robert Bridges, May 26-31, 1879, in
Hopkins, Correspondence, 1: 359.
(61) In making the body prior to the spirit, this expression
cleaves to Hopkins's Scotist position on the Incarnation as a
phenomenon prior to the creation of mankind (Zaniello, Hopkins, p. 92,
drawing on Hopkins's 1881 notes on the Spiritual Exercises,
Sermons, pp. 169-173). "Sake" may relate to the Scotist notion
of haecceitas or "thisness," which has been thought to explain
inscape and instress. Muller reads the nature sonnets against the
Scholastic debate on the relationship between man and nature resumed by
nineteenth-century Anglo-Catholic institutions, emphasizing
Hopkins's attraction to haecceitas as reconciling religion and
evolution (Gerard Manley Hopkins, pp. 69-100).
(62) See Brown, Hopkins' Idealism, pp. 179-180, 304; Nixon,
"Death blots black out," pp. 138, 148; and Banfield,
"Darwinism, Doxology, and Energy Physics," pp. 184-185,
190-191.
(63) Francis Bacon, The Essayes or Counsels, Civil! and Morall, ed.
Michael Kiernan (Oxford: Clarendon, 1985), p. 18. "Bacon's
essays" heads Hopkins's 1865 list of "Books to be
read" (Journals, p. 56), but he had an earlier acquaintance with
Bacon (Higgins, introduction to Oxford Essays, p. 17n55). Hopkins even
parodied the style of the Essayes in a letter (Gerard Manley Hopkins to
Alexander William Mowbray Baillie, March 1864, in Hopkins,
Correspondence, 1: 58-59).
(64) James Finn Cotter, "Apocalyptic Imagery in Hopkins:
'That Nature is a Heraclitean Fire and of the comfort of the
Resurrection,"' VP 24, no. 3 (1986): 272-273. Cotter gives a
catalogue of details on this image in " 'Immortal
Diamond': An Image in Hopkins," Thought 65, no. 259 (1990):
563-571. See also D. C. Haggo, "Hopkins' 'immortal
diamond': A Poetic Use of Science," Hopkins Quarterly 7, no. 3
(1980): 91-96; and MacKenzie's note in Hopkins, Poetical Works, pp.
496-497n.
(65) As far as I can tell, this all-but-one pattern is unusual.
Hopkins's shorter poems typically lack more than one
lower-frequency English letter; only longer poems like The Wreck,
"The Loss of the Eurydice," and "The Blessed Virgin"
routinely involve the entire alphabet.
(66) J. H. van't Hoff and J. A. Le Bel independently described
tetrahedral carbon in 1874. From Antoine Lavoisier to Humphry Davy,
similarities in the chemical composition of carbon forms (charcoal,
graphite, diamond) were hypothesized on account of their similar product
of combustion (C[O.sub.2]). In this sense, Hopkins is unaware of the
chemical fact that diamonds are hardly forever. See J. R. Partington, A
History of Chemistry, 4 vols. (London: Macmillan, 1961-1970), 3:
381-384, 3: 704, 4: 60-61, 4: 755-756; and Mary Jo Nye, Before Big
Science: The Pursuit of Modern Chemistry and Physics, 1800-1940
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press, 1999), pp. 137-138.
(67) Hopkins's earlier view of diamonds is less elemental:
"Diamonds are better cut; who pare, repair" runs an untitled
fragment (no. 48, 1. 5). William D. Foltz, in "Hopkins' Greek
Fire," VP 18, no. 1 (1980): 23-34, notes the connection between
carbon and diamond (p. 33).
(68) A parallel in Ruskin's allegory of "help"
against "separation" prefigures Hopkins's fusion of
natural, scientific, and mythical motifs. Ruskin sees an "absolute
type of impurity" in "the mud or slime of a damp, over-trodden
path, in the outskirts of a manufacturing town"; from that
"ounce of slime which we had by political economy of
competition," the "co-operation" of soot transforms it
into diamond (Modern Painters, 7: 207-208).
(69) For Nixon, the poem offers a "religious resolution"
("From Pap to Poison," p. 107). See also Gardner, Gerard
Manley Hopkins, 1: 161-165; Foltz, "Hopkins' Greek Fire,"
p. 31; and Parham, Green Man Hopkins, pp. 261-262.
(70) Foltz notes that "Is" often begins lines in Hopkins,
but only here and in "The Leaden Echo and the Golden Echo"
(no. 148) does it bear stress ("Hopkins' Greek Fire," p.
32). Hopkins's interest in the heft of the verb to be is on offer
in a journal entry: "The truth in thought is Being, stress, and
each word is one way of acknowledging Being and each sentence by its
copula is (or its equivalent) the utterance and assertion of it"
(Journals, p. 129); see Meredith Martin's discussion in The Rise
and Fall of Meter: Poetry and English National Culture, 1860-1930
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press, 2012), p. 55. My comments on
metrical force relate to physiological accounts of Hopkins's
poetics: Martin, Rise and Fall of Meter, pp. 48-78, Joshua King,
"Hopkins' Affective Rhythm: Grace and Intention in
Tension," VP 45, no. 3 (2007): 209-237; Susan Chambers,
"Gerard Manley Hopkins and the Kinesthetics of Conviction,"
Victorian Studies 51, no. 1 (2008): 7-35; Erin M. Goss,
'"Almost unmade': Hopkins and the Body Apocalyptic,"
VP 49, no. 1 (2011): 83-103.
(71) Hopkins worried about the conflation of stress and accent
implicit in the Latin ictus and its simplification of the metrical
quantities of the Greek terms arsis and thesis, discussing the matter
with Bridges and Coventry Patmore. See Martin, Rise and Fall of Meter,
pp. 67-78, 217-218n43.
(72) Gerard Manley Hopkins to Robert Bridges, January 12-13, 1888,
in Hopkins, Correspondence, 2: 914.