Lessons from I Ching: reconceiving intercultural communication from the concept of change.
Holt, Rich ; Chang, Hui-Ching
Introduction
In academic discourse, it is common for the impact of a particular
work to be overestimated; this is certainly not the case with I Ching,
or Book of Changes (1), one of a few standard works of scholarship
(especially among those that encompass such a broad range of human
inquiry) that consistently meets and exceeds expectations. In
introducing just about any discussion of I Ching and the search for
answers to almost any question about any human endeavor, there is the
inevitable comment acknowledging the book's status as one of the
most influential in human history.
We can only add our voices to that consensus. Communication studies
is merely one field where I Ching has made an impact (for pioneering
work conjoining I Ching and studies of communication, see, among several
examples, Chen [1996, 2004] and Holt and Chang [1992]). Outside our
discipline, I Ching has informed an astonishing amount and variety of
scholarship, of which the following examples comprise only a very small
sample: alternative medicine (Gonzalez-Correra, 2004); architecture (Xu,
1998); biology (Petoukhov, 1999); dance (Dalva & Cunningham, 1988);
history (Cambray, 2005); linguistics (Osgood & Richards, 1973);
literature (Stevenson, 1997); mathematics (Brown, 1982); oriental
studies (Ng, 1997); philosophy (Tenhouten, 1995); poetry (Michael,
1983); psychology (Ma, 2005); religion (Lee, 1996); semiotics (Lu,
2008); technical communication (Ding, 2003); and the visual arts
(Russek, Scheinbaum, & Porter, 2004).
The applicability of I Ching to these widely variant endeavors is
testimony to the universality of its themes. I Ching remains one of the
few works to successfully defend a truly "grand theory": the
sixty-four I Ching hexagrams purport to describe, in their entirety, all
patterns of human intercourse. Its insights, drawn and reinforced over
thousands of years of human history, describe patterns applicable to all
human affairs, regardless of time and place.
We use I Ching as a tool for reflection and exploration of expanded
possibilities, focusing on metaphors and asking the book's guidance
about the situation in which those involved in intercultural
communication see themselves. We take as our point of departure a single
hexagram, Chia Jen (number 37, "The Family") to look at the
questions of where we are, as a community; where we came from; and where
we are going. We use these insights to suggest ways to improve the field
in the future. It is this use of I Ching that led one source (Hutchinson
Dictionary, 1995) to remark, "It [the Book of Changes] is
proto-Taoist in that it is not used for determining the future but for
making the enquirer aware of inherent possibilities and unconscious
tendencies" (p. 170).
I Ching Hexagram as Generative Metaphor and the Three Analytical
Stances
The basis of our approach rests on Schon's (1995) notion of
the generative metaphor. As is well known in studies of thought and
creativity, the generative metaphor acknowledges that the "...
metaphoric language one chooses to describe something constrains the way
in which one comes to think about it" (Holt & Chang, 1992, p.
96). Schon insists that our thinking about social problems and their
solutions is structured to a considerable extent by the metaphors we use
to describe them. As an example, he refers to a group of engineers who
were only able to devise a better paintbrush after they stopped looking
at it as something which smeared paint on a surface, and began looking
at it as a pump. The "paintbrush as pump" metaphor allowed
them to address novel design issues that led to a greatly enhanced
product, which probably would not have occurred while they were looking
at the problem in the old way (Schon, 1995).
Likewise, the process of problem-setting, largely governed by
metaphors, conditions the solutions that we eventually find. Turning the
issue over, Schon argues that those who think about social problems can
take a more proactive approach by deliberately adopting a different,
fresh metaphor, one that compels rethinking of the relevant issues and
evidence. Schon's term for this linguistic mechanism is generative
metaphor, so called because it generates new insight through forcing
those who apply it to rethink patterns to which they may have become
accustomed while using other, older, "non-generative"
metaphors.
In looking at the field of intercultural communication, we turned
to the hexagram "The Family" as the basic source for
inspirational generative metaphors. The field's preoccupation with
cultural uniqueness and differences has exacerbated a rigid set of
non-generative metaphors that can be aptly summarized as reflecting an
"ideology of differences" (per Parks' [1982] notion of
"ideology of intimacy" in interpersonal communication). This
is the widespread perception that the most interesting aspects of
intercultural communication studies are those which focus on the unique
qualities of cultures--in other words, what makes them different from
one another.
Such focus tends to blind us to the fact that, as a field, we have
a lot to share, in addition to what we communicate to each other. When
we choose "The Family," this new generative metaphor allows us
to focus on what we share and how this serves to structure the ways in
which we express our differences. Intercultural communication scholars
would do well to think of these commonalities as a source or foundation
upon which surface differences are expressed. Also implied is the
conception of change that similarities and differences are embracing and
reverting to each other.
More specifically, we rely on three analytic stances. First, we
discuss elements of the focal hexagram (Chia Jen), its judgment and
image, along with pertinent commentary, used primarily as examples, on
some of the six constituent lines of that hexagram. Also included in
this discussion is analysis of what happens when a moving line causes
the basic hexagram to change into another. This comprehensive analysis
lays the foundation upon which additional analyses are conducted.
A second, less common, type of analysis is the sequencing of the
hexagrams. Each hexagram is thought to be related to the one numerically
preceding it in a certain way, and in Book III (Commentaries) of the
Wilhelm (1981) translation there is for each hexagram a section called
"THE SEQUENCE" which explains how the given hexagram emerged
from the one preceding it. Looking at the commentary on how "The
Family" emerges from its predecessor (Ming I, 36, or
"Darkening of the Light"), and also how its qualities result
in its successor (Kuei, 38, or "Opposition"), we find a host
of suggestions about the development of intercultural communication.
The third and final technique is analysis and comparison of a set
of four trigrams (three-line patterns) to show both inner and outer
workings of "The Family": the upper and lower trigrams
(sometimes called "outer" and "inner"), and also
what are called nuclear trigrams (also inner and outer). The specific
lines comprising these trigrams are taken up as we turn to these
findings. While each of the analytical stances provides unique insight,
we have also, at various points, integrated them to explicate particular
points.
Seeing the Scholarly Community as Family: An Introduction to Chia
Jen, or "The Family"
One of the most exciting and mysterious discoveries about I Ching
has to do with the way in which, beginning at any point in the work (and
this can be determined through the oracle or just by preference), there
emerge patterns and paths that prove startlingly enlightening and
revealing. So perfect is the fit that the insights that the selected
hexagram provide are seen as having been "made for" the
question one is examining. This phenomenon is testimony to the internal
consistency of the patterns described in I Ching, a reinforcement of a
basic underlying template of simplicity with centuries of systemic
thinking imposed on it. Indeed, systems theorists might see I Ching as
the ultimate source confirming equifinality, the principle that a given
end state can be reached by a number of different paths (von
Bertanlanffy, 1968). Such observations are particularly applicable in
the case of the hexagram Chia Jen.
Because of the importance of kin relationships in Chinese cultures,
Chia Jen describes one of the foundations upon which such cultures rest.
As Confucius famously said, order in the family is the basis for order
in society and the world; Wilhelm (1981) concurs, stating, "THE
FAMILY shows the laws operative within the household that, transferred
to outside life, keep the state and the world in order" (p. 143).
Chia Jen describes just such an orderly family, arguing that what keeps
it orderly is the strength of the woman, as wife: "THE JUDGMENT.
THE FAMILY. The perseverance of the woman furthers" (p. 143). When
the woman is in the appropriate position (here, the second line, the
center line of the lower, or inner, trigram) and all the other lines
representing the other family relationships are in their appropriate
places (as they are), then order is achieved. This order is the
foundation which makes outward expression substantial, as noted in THE
IMAGE: "Wind comes forth from fire: The image of THE FAMILY. Thus
the superior man has substance in his words and duration in his way of
life" (p. 144). As Wilhelm explains,
Heat creates energy: this is signified by the wind
stirred up by the fire and issuing forth from it. This
represents influence working from within outward.
The same thing is needed in the regulation of the
family. Here too the influence on others must
proceed from one's own person." (p. 144)
Chia Jen is perfectly suited for talking about intercultural
communication: as a community, we need to address a multitude of often
incompatible views with an emphasis as much on what we share as on how
we differ. If we can address these issues appropriately--by knowing the
appropriate places, or roles, for the various forms of knowledge in our
body of work--then what comes from our field will have more substance.
What follows, as we discuss the finer points of Chia Jen, using the
three analytical stances we propose, will provide a wealth of
suggestions for grounding ourselves in just this kind of substance.
"The Family" as a Metaphor for Intercultural
Communication Studies
Notice the marked emphasis on categorization in Chia Jen, with the
judgment and image both strongly suggesting that, within this hexagram,
every relationship is as it should be. Even that which would normally be
considered out of place (primarily the yang line [nine] in the sixth
place, customarily the position where one would expect a favorable yin
line) represents the father, or the authority in the family, and so is
actually a good line in a good place--hence the favorable judgment on
that line, "His work commands respect. In the end good fortune
comes" (Wilhelm, 1981, p. 147).
Many intercultural communication researchers have at one time or
another inveighed against categorization. Some complain about
dichotomies (Chang, Holt, & Luo, 2006); some about
"Westcentric" models (Chen, 2006; Miike, 2007); some about the
tendency to reject "area studies" (Chang & Holt, in
press); and so on. Nearly all these critiques rest on being
uncomfortable with categories. Of course, the dictates of methodology,
not to mention the "prison of language," make it impossible to
speak in anything other than categories, though it is always hoped that
we retain the understanding that we are doing our task of accurate
representation imperfectly and under notable constraints. Upon
encountering the strict role categories of family assignments in Chia
Jen, then, one might be discouraged, even thinking this is not an
appropriate hexagram to use in trying to clarify the dynamics of a still
relatively young and emergent field such as intercultural communication.
However, I Ching is far more subtle. It is worth recalling that, in
the use of I Ching as oracle (its primary use) the "meanings"
or "judgments" appended to each line are to be invoked when,
and only when, the line is "moving," that is, when whatever
specific means are being used to generate the hexagram (to
"throw" it, as with coins or yarrow stalks) lead to a line
that is unstable. This unstable line can either be a yang or unbroken
line (referred to as a "nine") or a yin or broken line
(referred to as a "six"). Such a line is called
"moving"--moving lines (also called "old" lines)
change to their opposites, that is, "young" lines of the other
type (yin to yang and vice versa). This means there is an
"original" hexagram, but that when the old lines are changed
there is a resulting hexagram reflecting the switch to the young lines.
Thus, no matter what line the original hexagram identifies as a
supposedly "fixed" prescription for a given role within the
family, if that is a moving or old line, it will without fail not be
that in the resulting hexagram!
This tells us, above all, that Chinese commentators did not expect
the relationships in the family to be reified and taken as unchanging;
so it is with intercultural communication studies. To show how this
works, let us take a moving line, here, the nine in the top position. In
the Wilhelm translation, a great deal is made of the necessity of having
the top position in Chia Jen occupied by a strong male (symbolizing a
father around whom the structure of the family is configured.
The original hexagram we chose suggested that the head of the
household (the father) is the person who holds the family together.
Certainly the field of intercultural communication has any number of
such figures, some of them male (William Gudykunst, E. T. Hall, Geert
Hofstede, and so on) but also some female (Ruth Benedict, Young Kim,
Margaret Mead, and so on). These figures provide solid foundations
(rules, if you will) upon which to base future work. But as a relatively
fledgling field (still young, in other words), we can only depend on
this foundational scholarship for so long. Assuming the top line is that
one that is "old," it will then change: but into what?
With a moving top line (and remember, we are just proposing this as
a possible moving line, in order to see the result), the outcome
hexagram will be 63, Chi Chi ("After Completion"). This is
where the dynamism of I Ching comes into play. Following this potential
configuration out, we see that, based on the emphasis on leadership (of
the strong father figure) in Chia Jen, one is led to a derived hexagram
in which all lines are in the places they are "supposed to be"
(typically and with notable exceptions, yang lines "should be"
in the first, third, and fifth places, yin lines in the second, fourth,
and sixth). As the Wilhelm (1981) commentary puts it: "The
transition from confusion to order is completed, and everything is in
its proper place even in particulars. The strong lines are in the strong
places, the weak lines in the weak places" (p. 244). Based on the
transition from firm leadership (nine in the top position in Chia Jen),
everything seems to have turned out well and is in perfect order.
Isn't that what everyone wants?
Actually, it isn't. According to the principle of reversion expressed most famously in one of the central works of Taoism, Tao Te
Ching, whenever anything reaches the point of its fullest manifestation,
it must revert to its opposite. Thus, when order is complete, it begins
its inexorable march toward disorder. In this moment of "perfect
order," then, are the seeds of chaos (and, of course, vice versa,
chaos reaching its maximum contains the raw material for eventual
order). This means that Chi Chi "indicates the conditions of a time
of climax, which necessitate the utmost caution" (Wilhelm, 1981, p.
244), memorably expressed in the THE IMAGE: "Water over fire: the
image of the condition in AFTER COMPLETION. Thus the superior man takes
thought of misfortune and arms himself against it in advance"
(Wilhelm, 1981, p. 245).
This insight has profound implications for intercultural
communication. When a field of study emerges, it does not do so out of a
vacuum: it must rely on what has gone previously. For our field, these
sources were several: anthropology, psychology, and sociology, to name
only a few (Leeds-Hurwitz, 1990). In order for the fledgling field to
move beyond disorder, we had to depend on knowledge that was, frankly,
not entirely suited to intercultural communication. To take just one
example, Western psychology, a chief source of knowledge about the human
mind, proceeds on the assumption that behavior arises from internal
mental states, a position which (as activity theorists [Engestrom, 1987]
remind us) discounts the role of sociohistorical environment in the
development of mind. This represents a serious disconnect from cultural
influences, which are the very heart of inquiries in intercultural
communication. Yet, given the history of thought, we have had little
choice but to depend on what we know about mind, and what we know is
based in Western psychology.
Thus, it is clear that the dependence on authority in our
"family" is only effective up to a point and the seemingly set
categories are always in the process of destabilization. If that were
all we had to depend on, then the "order" implied in our
approaches might lead to a situation in which everything was under
control--and that would be the beginning of deterioration toward
disorder.
In the early days of intercultural communication, the field
depended on established theories and perspectives in other disciplines.
In the effort to establish an independent identity, scholars turned to
perspectives (spearheaded by influential figures such as the late Bill
Gudykunst, along with his colleagues and students) that espoused a
primarily quantitative, social scientific approach. It could be argued
that this was precisely the strong position in the still fledgling area
of study that was needed. Despite its limitations (principally with
respect to its inability to sense or account for the intricacies and
subtleties of intercultural context) this paradigm nevertheless provided
entree into mainstream communication research venues, compelling a
recognition "outside the family" that intercultural
communication was, after all, "for real."
Let us advance our reflection on this possible nine at the top of
Chia Jen, as an "old" line, a bit further. If we take that
final line as moving, we see in the imposition of order the seeds of
eventual conflict. Once the mainstream communication research community
admitted they had an "acceptable" ("acceptable,"
that is, to this community) approach to the study of this unknown,
"wild" new field, that model was taken as the template for
future research. In other words, and in line with the imagery of Chia
Jen, the work "commands respect" and "in the end good
fortune comes" (Wilhelm, 1981, p. 147). Notice that the commentary
does not say simply, "good fortune," but "in the end good
fortune comes." According with the principle of reversion, it could
very well be that the order promised by this phase of intercultural
communication in which social science dominated was a necessary but
still temporary phase on the road to deeper understanding of what we
study.
A good way to see this is in how the field is coming to acknowledge
and attempting to grapple with what is said to be a Eurocentric bias in
intercultural communication studies. In an upcoming special issue of the
Southern Communication Journal, edited by Katherine Hendrix, the
co-authors of this essay, along with several other contributors, deal
with the upheaval in the field over the exclusion of some kinds of
communication research that the mainstream community deems not
sufficiently rigorous. Of course, the rules for "rigor" are
based on standard methods for social scientific research and these are
nearly always quantitative. Under the "iron grip" of the
quantitative social science paradigm, there is a tendency too easily to
dismiss knowledge that our field has proved time and again is essential
to understanding intercultural communication. Often this kind of
knowledge is consigned to the category of "area studies," and
is thus viewed with suspicion because they are presumably based on an
"insider's" cultural knowledge and hence are regarded as
too subjective to be of value to the dispassionate stance thought
necessary for quantitative social science research. To be sure, this
could be seen as the imposition of order, specified to be necessary for
the nine in the top line of the hexagram (the original hexagram, Chia
Jen).
However, if, in order to actualize the judgment on that line, it
would have to be moving (or "old"), it will inevitably change
into its opposite, which means it turns from being strong, or active, to
being weak, or passive. The resultant hexagram, Chi Chi (number 63,
"After Completion"), depicts a situation that is not simply
not particularly favorable, but in fact the harbinger of misfortune,
against which the superior man is warned to arm himself in advance. THE
JUDGMENT is similar in its cautionary tone: "AFTER COMPLETION.
Success in small matters. Perseverance furthers. At the beginning good
fortune, at the end disorder" (Wilhelm, 1981, p. 244).
It is possible to map the self-satisfied attitude depicted as an
overall judgment on Chi Chi to the response of the communication
research community once it considered social science research as the
preferred methodological perspective. At first everything seemed,
finally, to be in order: there was a predictable, dependable way to
research what had at first seemed an impossibly vast area of study, a
whole world of disparate and variable cultures. All studies in this
specialization could be brought under the microscope of quantitative
social science research, just as had been done with the majority of the
rest of the communication specializations, from mass, to organizational,
to small group, to interpersonal, and so on.
Yet in commenting on Chi Chi as an outcome, I Ching makes an
interesting point about the elements involved: the primary trigrams are
Li (lower, fire) and K'an (upper, water). (In passing, both in Chia
Jen and Chi Chi, these two trigrams [fire and water] predominate, both
in their original formative positions, and as nuclear trigrams--the
discussion of the latter we will take up later). In explicating the
commentary on the image, the Wilhelm (1981) translation notes the
following:
When water in a kettle hangs over fire, the two
elements stand in relation and thus generate energy
(cf. the production of steam). But the resulting
tension demands caution. If the water boils over,
the fire is extinguished and its energy is lost. If the
heat is too great, the water evaporates into the air.
These elements here are brought into relation and
thus generating energy are by nature hostile to each
other. Only the most extreme caution can prevent
damage. (p. 245)
So, to pursue our mapping of the evolution of the field of
intercultural communication (based on the original hexagram Chia Jen,
moving line nine at the top, changing over into Chi Chi (2)), what does
the conflict between elements mean? The lower trigram Li (fire) is
dominated by yang lines (yang-yin-yang), and hence could be considered
to represent the rise of the quantitative paradigm, which promised, in
the end, that "good fortune" will come. The upper trigram
K'an, in contrast, is dominated by yin lines (yin-yang-yin), and
hence could be considered to represent the entrenched, culturally
sensitive, primarily qualitative approaches to understanding that the
quantitative approach thought necessary to remedy. As I Ching says,
these two elements do not readily mix, but it precisely in their tension
and difference from one another that they promise a favorable outcome.
Dichotomization may be something we have to live with, but at least I
Ching offers a memorable reminder that the two "opposing"
sides of a dichotomy can be united at a higher level of perception.
Several lessons can be discerned from contemplating these ideas.
First, knowing that the two elements are incompatible, we are warned
that misfortune may result (but also that it can be forestalled). This
corresponds to the warning we should carry with us at all times that
knowledge is not something that can be safely settled upon: it is always
moving, always dynamic, always changing. It is only when we think we
have grasped it in its entirety that we lose sight of what it is. So it
is no surprise that what is generally true of knowledge is particularly
true of knowledge in intercultural communication, with its dependence on
what occurs in so many varied and complex cultures. We always carry with
us the uncomfortable and inescapable knowledge that whatever we discover
about cultures may be modified by knowledge that has not yet been
brought to light.
A second lesson is that, given the inevitability of the conditions
just described, the only correct approach is to be prepared for the
disorder that is always a possibility. Water and fire do not mix, but
they do produce steam. I Ching puts forward two possibilities for how
things can go wrong. First, it states that water can boil over,
extinguishing fire; to pursue our analogy, this would be like the
subjective understanding of a culture "putting out" the light
(li, fire) brought by the (so-called) objective process. Water is a
suggestive and appropriate metaphor here, because of its
all-encompassing nature, absorbing and engulfing, surrounding and
encompassing. A second possibility that can lead to problems is when the
fire is too intense (too hot) and the water thus evaporates. Again,
pursuing the analogy, we can think that the "light" of
quantitative social science could become so harsh that all the subtlety of more subjective, ethnographic knowledge could be "burned
up" in the resulting intermixture.
The third lesson is that the negative outcomes we just described
may really not be inevitable, provided one realizes that it is imbalance
that leads to problems, not the differences in the two elements (a
given). Notice also that the superior man is advised to "arm
himself" against misfortune in advance: that is, he must take
precautionary measures, proactively. In terms of our field, this would
be similar to the (comparatively few) voices who have eschewed the
confinements of specialization to embrace an approach that already
recognizes the essence of fire and water, namely, the effort that it
takes to make them work together.
There is one more interesting contour to the judgment on Chia Jen;
it is useful, provided one is not put off by implicit sexism (and in
dealing with I Ching, one never should be): "THE JUDGMENT: THE
FAMILY. The perseverance of the woman furthers" (Wilhelm, 1981, p.
143). Despite emphasis on the strength of the position of the yang line
(nine at the top of the hexagram) it is not on the male/father that the
foundation of the family rests. Rather, it is the perseverance of the
female/wife. Here is how Wilhelm's (1981) translation puts it:
The foundation of the family is the relationship
between husband and wife. The tie that holds the
family together lies in the loyalty and perseverance
of the wife. Her place is within (second line), while
that of the husband is without (fifth line)3. (p. 143-144)
The more general counsel offered is that one should seek nothing by
means of force, but quietly confine oneself to one's duties (p.
146). However, if responsibility for maintaining order in the house
rests with the male master, why is there such an emphasis on the female,
softer force, particularly since it is not simply upon the wife that
order depends, but literally everyone in the house, who in Chia Jen are
all in their appropriate places? The commentary in Book III explains:
While the Judgment speaks only of the perseverance of woman,
because of the fact that the hexagram consists of the two elder
daughters, Sun and Li, who are in their proper places--the elder above,
the younger below--the commentary is based on the two rulers of the
hexagram, the nine in the fifth place and the six in the second, and
speaks accordingly of both man and woman, whose proper places are
respectively without and within. These positions of man and woman
correspond with the relative positions of heaven and earth, hence this
is called the greatest concept in nature (literally, heaven and earth).
(Wilhelm, 1981, p. 570)
The real purpose of I Ching is to make a point about the cosmos, or
at least that portion of it accessible to human beings. Let us continue
with our assumption that it is the yin force (again, analogous to depth,
or qualitative, understanding) of intercultural communication that is
the basis of the family. In that case, it might be useful to regard the
top, moving line (in our proposed hexagrams, Chia Jen to Chi Chi) as the
attempt to make intercultural communication palatable to the broader
scholarly community as the customary projection of the male principle
into the world at large (visibly so, because it is in the upper or outer
trigram). In Chinese cultures, there is a rather humorous cultural
precept that husbands are only able to go forth and proclaim that
everything is in order because the wife manages affairs in the home so
that they are actually are in order!
It may be a bit like this in intercultural communication: we could
see the foundation of the field as always having been depth knowledge
gained through introspection and methods that act to change the
researcher in complicated and unforeseen ways (usually identified as
subjective or qualitative). The incursion into quantitative methods is
something of an affectation, a necessity that the male must announce (a
pretense, if you will, that things are in order) when actually it is the
enduring, nurturing power of the woman that makes certain things
actually are in order.
One reason we are able to make this incursion into the symbolism of
Chia Jen is that, in line with the multiplicity of forces in qualitative
approaches to any given example of socioculturally situated
communication, the female or yin principle that we assume governs
qualitative approaches recognizes layers of meaning inherent in what may
appear to be straightforward and uncomplicated episodes of intercultural
communication. Likewise, in "The Family," there is not just
one role leading to a description of the situation, but a whole array of
relationships, all of which must be in order for the conditions
specified by the hexagram to be actualized. Book III (Commentaries)
contains this particularly telling comment:
Among the members of the family there are strict rulers; these are
the parents. When the father is in truth a father and the son a son,
when the elder brother is an elder brother and the younger brother a
younger brother, the husband a husband, and the wife a wife, then the
house is on the right way. When the house is set in order, the world is
established in a firm course. (Wilhelm, 1981, p. 570)
More than one reader, encountering that passage, might be put off
by its seeming redundancy, as it lists and then specifies matching for
each and every relationship in the household. With time and increasing
familiarity with I Ching, though, it becomes clear that they all have to
be accounted for--in other words, it is not sufficient, for example, for
the parents to perform their roles appropriately if the siblings do not
do likewise. The point being made is that the home, as a microcosm of
the world, is the center of everything--and when it comes to maintaining
the center of everything, you have to rely on the basis of deep
understanding of culture.
Obviously, this discussion opens a vast array of things to think
about. We feel there are three lessons to be learned from
"mapping" the original hexagram Chia Jen (as well as the
possible derivative hexagram, Chi Chi) onto the current status of our
field. First, we may regard it as a tremendous advantage that both
qualitative and quantitative research have made such a profound impact
on intercultural communication. In a way, it was the pressures of making
ourselves known to a community that did not initially accept qualitative
research that led us to develop ourselves in both directions, just as
the effortful union of fire and water drive the development of the
original and derivative hexagrams. A second advantage is that we are
aware of the ongoing need to find appropriate places (roles in the
family, so to speak) for the differing voices in our discipline. Of
course, this is a problem with any discipline, but it is particularly so
for intercultural communication, because of the vast differences in the
sources of our knowledge and the disparate cultures in which they arise.
Like the consistently demanding effort exerted by the husband and wife
to ensure order in the family, so our two predominant modes of inquiry
must always be on the lookout for ways to make sure everyone's
voice is heard. Third and finally, these insights are advantageous
because they focus on the dynamism inherent in knowledge about
intercultural communication. As we contemplate hexagrams and how their
lines and structures inevitably change, we are also reminded to remain
humble in the face of knowledge. If we contemplate I Ching, we never
forget that what know can always change at a moment's notice.
Hexagram Sequence: Tracking the Evolution, Backward and Forward
One type of interpretation not often used in exploring hexagrams
(at least when I Ching is used as an oracle to answer specific questions
posed to it [possibly its most common use]) is the sequence of
hexagrams. Following a tradition said to go back to King Wen (progenitor of the Chou dynasty), each hexagram, based on its meaning and
interpretation, is said to grow out of or evolve from the previous
hexagram. This is commonly expressed in the Wilhelm translation (Book
III, The Commentaries) under a category labeled simply as "The
Sequence." Although commentaries on sequence seem (for the most
part) logical and consistent, there is, as one might expect with a work
that has emerged into modernity from so many and shadowy sources,
considerable disagreement about the King Wen tradition. No less an
authority than the formidable Wing-Tsit Chan (1963) opens the whole set
of traditions to question:
It is here that much of Chinese philosophical
speculation has been based. Tradition has ascribed
the Eight Trigrams to legendary Fu-Hsi, the sixty-four
hexagrams to King Wen (r. 1171-1122 B.C.),
the two texts ... to him or Duke Chou (d. 1094 B.C.)
and the "ten wings" to Confucius. Most modern
scholars have rejected this attribution, but they are
not agreed on when and by whom the book was
produced. Most probably it is a product of many
hands over a long period of time, from the fifth or
sixth century B.C. to the third or fourth century B.C.
(p. 262)
We need not enter this scholarly debate, except to note that the
tradition of sequencing to which Chan refers is clearly a legitimate
one. The sequence attributed to Wen describes a scheme that provides a
reasonable way to see the sixty-four hexagrams as a coherent whole
evolving in specific directions. Regardless of whether the tradition is
"accurate" in conveying what the ancients might have thought
concerning the sequence, there is no question that, given the impact of
the Wilhelm translation (strongly predominant over all others), the
comments on the sequence contained in Wilhelm are the most influential
available. In fact, Wilhelm's translation is one of the few that
even includes commentaries on the sequence. Even though they have always
been a large part of Chinese scholarly work on I Ching, most English
translations do not acknowledge or discuss the sequence of the
hexagrams.
Then, too, proof of a pattern's effectiveness lies in how well
it does its job. The process to be explained--movement from
"Darkening" (Injury) to "Family" (Protection) to
"Opposition" (Smaller Estrangements)--not only provides
insight into past and present, but a good estimate of the future, or at
least the suggestion of a number of alternative trajectories we might we
wish to consider.
The movement from Ming I to Chia Jen to K'uei suggests one
accurate and revealing narrative explaining the development of
intercultural communication. The field initially developed its concerns
out of what might be taken as injury (as in "Darkening of the
Light"), a time when, threatened by a predominantly monologic (or
received) view of communication research not necessarily in accord with
our interests, we retreated into our "family," to studies of
what we knew intimately, simply because we had been acculturated into
them since birth. And when we looked for people with whom to form
relationships, we looked to the "appropriate" relationships in
the family, in line with the Confucian belief that once order in the
family is achieved, there will be order beyond. We looked inside, not
outside, that is, to "our own people," not to those in the
broader communication research community where we felt that we still had
yet to attain our status as fully fledged members. We turned to the
family with whom, in response to perceived difference from the
"outside" world, we shared a sense of alienation, namely,
those from research cultures where our deepest insights about
communication were often dismissed as merely "area studies" or
as "things you didn't have to 'really' research but
that you already knew about."
It is also to the sequencing of the hexagrams that we can turn for
a possible reason about what might have happened, or what emerged out of
those family relationships. According to the sequence, "The
Family" leads to "Opposition," where, as we have seen,
inevitably misunderstandings develop. What is likely in a community of
researchers bound together primarily by their own idiosyncratic interests (yet under the umbrella of common cause) is that schisms
develop, just as in the family, the more you know about your family
members, the more "opportunities" there are for discord--and
yet above all they still remain family, people to whom you are bound.
So, contemplating I Ching's hexagram sequences, we can see a
movement away from injury, to protection--"firm seclusion"
within the family--to opposition, where closeness within the family
leads to inevitable discord, though the latter is not of a particularly
serious nature. As THE JUDGMENT says, "OPPOSITION. In small
matters, good fortune," and further:
When people live in opposition and estrangement they cannot carry
out a great undertaking in common; their points of view diverge too
widely. In such circumstances one should above all not proceed too
brusquely, for that would only increase the existing opposition;
instead, one should limit oneself to producing gradual effects in small
matters. Here success can still be expected, because the situation is
such that the opposition does not preclude all agreement."
(Wilhelm, 1981, pp. 147-148)
It seems as if we have reached a point where we can comfortably
disagree with one another, and where our differences cannot drive us
permanently apart. However, I Ching encourages us to think about the
natural process by which we reached this vantage point. Our allegiances
with each other arose, not necessarily out of compatible interests, but
more out of a sense of "us against the world" and, even at
that point, the sense of response to those "outside the
family" involved more serious consequences and considerations (the
"darkening" thought to have led to actual "injury"),
leading us to adopt a view that, due to the degree of sensitivity and
defensiveness among our "family," probably prevented us from
taking any conflicts we had with each other out of the family and into
the world at large. Just as families often have to put on a front in
order not to threaten either the reputation of the family or the
"face" of its individual members, so at one point early in our
history did we have to sacrifice the value we place on honest and
straightforward debate and discussion was in many cases abated in the
interests of presenting a common front to those who we felt did not
necessarily share our goals and aspirations.
Although our current topic is sequencing, some light can be shed by
noting a couple of items from the individual lines of Chia Jen. The
first line (or, "nine at the beginning"), states, "Firm
seclusion within the family. Remorse disappears." Explaining this,
Wilhelm comments, "The line is at the beginning, in the lowest
place; hence it represents the time when the will of an individual has
not yet changed for the worse. Here is the point at which to intervene
and prevent change" (p. 571). Since "The Family,"
overall, depicts a situation in which there is the possibility of
deterioration based on lack of actualization of family roles, it is
interesting that the nine at the beginning is seen as predecessor to the
running down of the family structure (to use terminology from general
systems theory) into chaos. If we apply this insight to our field, it
cautions about what to expect if the roles of investigators are allowed
to deviate too much from expectations (that is, in terms of the family,
to go beyond the roles specified in the all-important family
relationships). Such unruly and ungoverned behavior would have resulted
in chaos, and possibly to have led to a situation in which our
"family's" reputation would have been even worse, leading
to a widespread perception that our research was not legitimate
(something that has already occurred with other with some other
specializations in communication studies).
Yet even at this stage, when we are told that there is a
possibility that eventual disorder is in store, we also learn that this
is by no means inevitable. So, in Chia Jen, there is hope, just as in
the family, that despite the frustrations and problems family members
encounter, there is always the expectation that the pure love that
resulted originally the union of wife and husband, and the joy that
attends the birth of children who have at least the potential to become
loving siblings--these positive and nurturing elements of family life
will prevail and in the end largely ameliorate difficulties. The
important thing is to recognize this positive influence and to trust in
it to carry family members past the more difficult phases of our
interactions, which in any case we must acknowledge as inevitable. Even
in the midst of our problems negotiating our roles within the family, we
needed faith that the order promised by the Confucian ideal (order in
the family means order everywhere else) would prevail and we would
eventually resolve our problems with roles and hence our problems in
knowing where we as a field wanted to go.
Line two (six in the second place) reinforces this point about the
hexagram as a whole, and why it has its particular place in the
sequence, focusing in on one of the rulers of the hexagram (the other
one is the nine in the fifth place). The line reads: "Six in the
second place: She should not follow her whims. She must attend within to
the food. Perseverance brings good fortune" (Wilhelm, 1981, p.
571). This line clearly depicts the qualities of devotion and
gentleness, emphases that carry a flavor of self-sacrifice, since the
yielding line is in the middle of the lower primary trigram Li and means
"devotion and correctness, which seek nothing for themselves"
(p. 571). The suggestion of food and its preparation (as noted in the
commentary [see above] come from the fact that the yielding line in the
second place is simultaneously the lowest line in the lower nuclear
trigram K'an, one of the meanings of which is wine and food, while
the upper nuclear trigram Li (to avoid confusion, it is worth
remembering that both Li and K'an appear several times in both the
original and derived hexagrams: though the meaning of these trigrams is
the same throughout all the various commentaries, the positions in which
they are encountered will modify their meaning). A case in point is the
meaning of Li (the Clinging, or Fire). No matter where it is
encountered, Li always means heat or fire, but when combined as a
nuclear trigram with K'an it refers to the preparation of food
(heating, baking, roasting, thawing, basting, and so on). In the final
section of this paper, we will turn to a more thorough discussion of the
nuclear trigrams.
Although the commentary obviously refers to the woman, the wife
(because that is the position of the yielding line at that particular
point in the hexagram), the counsel provided is applicable to any member
of the intercultural communication "family." In the beginning,
there were in our "family" important and significant duties
(symbolized by, though not entirely encompassed within, the preparation
of food). We had, in the early days of our enterprise, central tasks
necessary to establishing the foundation of the field (analogous to the
nourishment provided by appropriately prepared food) and beyond this, it
should have been unnecessary to look beyond that for important things to
accomplish. Notice how this line extends the admonition in the
commentary on nine at the beginning (concerning the need to nip
deviation "in the bud"): if deviation from roles is wrong (as
noted in the first line), then adding that "she should not follow
her whims" seems appropriate to enforce the original point.
These points about individual lines relate both to the sequence of
the hexagrams and the field of intercultural communication. As a field
evolves, particularly if it evolves from widely disparate sources, as
intercultural communication did, there comes a point at which it must
provide more than simply a haven for the like-minded. The sequence
confirms this. However, the point about food, arising from the
interaction of K'an and Li, relates to what the field eventually
provides to the members of its family, namely, nutrition. The warning
about essential duties is relevant here. Before we go far afield in
deciding what we want to accomplish, we should ensure that we have the
basic tasks well in hand. Providing nutrition, in the form of
foundational knowledge, was our chief task in our early days and it
should still be a priority now. This is what leads to a state of
contentment and nourishment ("firm seclusion in the family")
that permits the next hexagram in the sequence ("Opposition")
to evolve. To put it another way, once basic needs are satisfied,
members of the family are free to settle the finer points about their
concerns, through debate, or "Opposition." However, the need
for nutrition arises from what was warned about in the preceding
hexagram, "Darkening of the Light," a far more serious threat
to survival. "Opposition" promises that, "in small
matters," it is "favorable to undertake something." That
we are beginning to do this now (as with the forum on Eurocentric biases
in a recent Communication Monographs and the upcoming special issue of
Southern Communication Journal, mentioned previously) is a natural
progression for our field now that were are established as a
"family."
Going Inside the Hexagram: Considering the Role of the Nuclear
Trigrams
As mentioned, "inside" each hexagram one can find nuclear
trigrams. It is worth remembering that the hexagrams originally were
formed by combinations of trigrams (a practice whose influence is still
seen today in the tables for "identification of the hexagrams"
in many translations of I Ching (including Wilhelm's). In these
tables, there is a row of eight trigrams across the top (Ch'ien
[heaven], Chen [thunder], K'an [abysmal], Ken [mountain], K'un
[earth], Sun [wind], Li [fire], Tui [lake]; the same order of trigrams
is followed in the vertical column on the left side. To use the table
you simply locate the top (also called the outer) trigram and follow its
column down to the lower (also called the inner) trigram. Thus to find
our focal hexagram (37, Chia Jen), we would move across the top row to
the sixth trigram (Sun, or wind), and then follow down the column the
seventh trigram (Li, or fire), which is identified at the intersection
as number 37 (of course it is also possible to find the number of the
target hexagram, then follow the row and column out to the constituent
upper and lower trigrams--and indeed, this is often the method used to
locate hexagrams in I Ching).
If it is not already obvious, the inner trigram comprises the lower
three lines (numbering from the bottom up) and the outer trigram the
upper three lines. So we would say that lines 1, 2, and 3 of Hexagram 37
comprise the inner trigram Li (fire, or yang-yin-yang) and lines 4, 5,
and 6 comprise the outer trigram Sun (wind, or yin-yang-yang). These
points about composition are highly revealing concerning the meaning of
the hexagram as a whole, and indeed are dramatic confirmation of how the
hexagrams represent later stages of I Ching: from the original division
of the lines (between yang [light] and yin [dark]) are derived trigrams
and from the hooking together of trigrams (as we just saw) come the
hexagrams that represent the sixty-four basic situations encountered by
everyone in human life.
If that were the extent of I Ching's possibilities, it would
certainly be more than enough, but there is an added dimension to the
trigrams that makes it possible to probe into the inner workings of
these sixty-four basic situations. The name for these elements is
nuclear trigrams, and each hexagram has two of them (we used these in
the previous section to further illuminate our observations about
nutrition and food). While the inner and outer primary trigrams begin,
respectively, with lines one and four, the beginnings of the inner
nuclear trigram is with line two and its constituent lines, counting up,
are lines two, three, and four (for Chia Jen, lines two, three, and four
are yang-yin-yang, which we immediately recognize as Li [fire]). The
beginning of the outer nuclear trigram starts at line three, and thus
counting up, its constituent lines are three, four, and five (for the
target hexagram, these lines are yin-yang-yin, or K'an [the
abysmal, water]). Obviously, when we consider both primary and nuclear
trigrams, it is possible for a single trigram to be represented in the
hexagram in more than one way. Here, for example, Li is both the inner
primary trigram and the outer nuclear trigram. Such a condition merely
reinforces the importance of a particular trigram, so that, as here, it
can function both as outward manifestation (one of the primary trigrams)
and on the inner plane (one of the nuclear trigrams). The idea of inner
and outer manifestation of important influences is also of obvious value
in any scholarly endeavor, such as intercultural communication research.
While we must pay attention to the superstructure (the outer order,
represented by primary trigrams), we must also be prepared to go deeper
into questions that may not be so obvious or evident (the inner order,
represented by nuclear trigrams).
To see how Li functions as both primary (outer) and nuclear (inner)
trigram, it is useful to examine what Li symbolizes. As one might guess,
each trigram has multiple "meanings" or correspondences, that
is, concepts, objects, situations, and so on, associated with that
particular trigram. For example, in the family, Li is the middle
daughter who has the qualities of intelligence, sound judgment,
brightness, impulsiveness, and so on, and it is also associated with
such occupations as writer, publisher, artisan, journalist, book dealer,
beautician, and diplomat. Among sites, it is associated with
lighthouses, schools, theaters, courthouses, department stores, and city
streets at night.
There are many more ideas to be associated with this trigram (or
any other one), but it is easy to extrapolate from these lists a notion
of Li as associated with the bringing of light (whether physical or in
the form of the "light of intelligence") to illuminate, guide,
and help others. It is hardly surprising, then, to see the commentary on
the hexagram remark about things such as "devotion and
gentleness" and to refer to the power of the woman to serve as
intersection between these two qualities, particularly memorably
expressed in line four: "Six in the fourth place: She is the
treasure of the house. Great good fortune." Wilhelm (1981)
elaborates:
The fourth line is the yielding lowest line upper
primary trigram Sun, gentleness. It is the middle
line of the upper nuclear trigram Li; when the line
changes, it remains within the lower nuclear
trigram Sun thus formed. Sun means work, silk, a
near-by market--all things that promise wealth. As
a yielding line in its proper place, it means good
fortune. (p. 572)
To align these ideas with the state of intercultural communication,
we might consider the bringing of light as a matter both of inner and
outer illumination. As a field, we must remember never to reject the
subjective experience of culture that provided the foundation of our
field in its early days (see, for example, Hall, 1966; Triandis, 1983);
at the same time, we must also take account of how these insights are
portrayed to the world at large, outside "the family." These
depictions must also be in the form of teaching and "bringing of
light." We should recall the judgment on THE IMAGE in THE FAMILY:
"Thus the superior man has substance in his words and duration in
his way of life" (Wilhelm, 1981, p. 144). Once again, we are
reminded of the need for consistency between our inner experience and
our outer expression. This exploration of nuclear trigrams also
reinforces our earlier points about the need to find appropriate roles
in the disposition of our research tasks.
Nuclear trigrams are extraordinarily fascinating, although
(compared to other topics related to I Ching) they remain largely
unexplored. It is hoped that in future work with generative metaphors
from I Ching that nuclear trigrams can be analyzed to reveal other
insights about the research process.
Conclusion
For the study of intercultural communication, I Ching is an
exemplary source. Not only does it address numerous and essential
aspects of human life in collectivities, it correlates its observations
with insights about human knowledge and the quest for understanding, and
as an added benefit, its perspective on human existence is unique to its
origins in Eastern philosophy. Hence, it perfectly serves the inquirer
who is interested in a collective devoted to human knowledge about
culture. We have examined a focal hexagram, "The Family,"
together with metaphors explicating its inner and outer meanings and its
position with respect to the sequence of hexagrams. We have also
explored the primary and nuclear trigrams in "The Family," and
related this to knowledge both overt and hidden about intercultural
communication. These reflections have led us to the following
conclusions: (1) our field has reached a point of maturity that permits
us to explore our differences in increasingly public forums; (2) our
further advancement should be based on completing work appropriate to
our specializations; and (3) what we do now must be based on
conscientious correspondence between our inner experience and its outer
expression. If we can attend to these matters, we will have taken the
next step in our ongoing dialogue with the Classic of Changes.
References
Brown, C. (1982). The tetrahedron as an archetype for the concept
of change in the "I Ching." Journal of Chinese Philosophy,
9(2), 159-168.
Cambray, J. (2005). The place of the 17(th) century in Jung's
encounter with China. Journal of Analytical Psychology, 50(2), 195-207.
Chan, W.-t. (1963). Sourcebook in Chinese philosophy. Ewing, NJ:
Princeton University Press.
Chang, H.-c., & Holt, R. (In press). Expectations and personal
cultural knowledge: Redefining Asian scholars' research efforts.
Southern Communication Journal.
Chang, H.-c., Holt, R., & Luo, L. (2006). Representing East
Asians in intercultural communication textbooks: A select review. Review
of Communication, 6(4), 312-328.
Chen, G. M. (1996). I Ching Ba Kua and the development of
interpersonal relationship. Chinese Yi-Ching Learning, 202, 64-68.
Chen, G. M. (2006). Asian communication studies: What and where to
now. Review of Communication, 6(4), 295-311.
Chen, G. M. (2004). The eight trigrams of Yi Ching and the
development of human relationship. In G. M. Chen (Ed.), Theories and
principles of Chinese communication (pp. 203-229). Taipei: WuNan.
Dalva, N. V., & Cunningham, M. (1988). The "I Ching"
and me: A conversation with Merce Cunningham. Dance Magazine, 62(3),
58-61.
Ding, D. D. (2003). The emergence of technical communication in
China - Yi Jing (I Ching) - The budding of a tradition. Journal of
Business and Technical Communication, 17(3), 319-345.
Engestrom, Y. (1987). Learning by expanding. Helsinki:
Orienta-Konsultit Oy.
Gonzalez-Correa, C. A. (2004). Toward a binary interpretation of
acupuncture theory: Principles and practical consequences. Journal of
Alternative and Complementary Medicine, 10(3), 573-579.
Hall, E. T. (1966). The hidden dimension. Garden City, NY:
Doubleday and Company.
Holt, G. R., & Chang, H.-C. (1992). Phases and changes: Using I
Ching as a source of generative metaphors in teaching small-group
discussion. Journal of Creative Behavior, 26(2), 95-107.
Hutchinson dictionary of world religions. (2005). s.v. "I
Ching or Book of Changes." Oxford: Helicon Publishing.
Lee, J. Y. (1996). Embracing change: Postmodern interpretations of
the "I Ching" from a Christian perspective. Scranton, PA:
University of Scranton Press.
Leeds-Hurwitz, W. (1990). Notes in the history of intercultural
communication: The Foreign Service Institute and the mandate for
intercultural training. Quarterly Journal of Speech, 76, 262-281.
Lu, S. D. (2008). "I Ching" and the origin of the Chinese
semiotic tradition. Semiotica, 170(1-4), 169-185.
Ma, S. S. Y. (2005). The I Ching and the psyche-body connection.
Journal of Analytical Psychology, 50(2), 237-250.
Michael, A. E. (1983). "I Ching Poems." Studia Mystica,
6(3), U80.
Miike, Y. (2007). An Asiacentric reflection on Eurocentric bias in
communication theory.
Communication Monographs, 74(2), 272-278.
Ng, W.-M. (1997). The history of 'I Ching' in medieval
Japan. Journal of Asian History, 31(1), 25-46.
Osgood, C. E., & Richards, M. M. (1973). From yang and yin to
and or but. Language, 49(2), 380-412.
Parks, M. (1982). Ideology in interpersonal communication: Off the
couch and into the world. In M. Burgoon (ed.), Communication yearbook 5
(pp. 79-107). New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books.
Petoukhov, S. V. (1999). Genetic code and the ancient Chinese Book
of Changes. Symmetry: Culture and Science, 10(3-4), 211-226.
Russek, J., & Scheinbaum, D., photographers, Porter, J.
(essay). (2004). Images in the heavens, patterns on the earth: The I
Ching. Museum of New Mexico Press, Santa Fe, NM.
Schon, D. A. (1995). Generative metaphor: A perspective on
problem-setting in social policy. In A. Ortony (Ed.), Metaphor and
thought (pp. 137-163). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Stevenson, F. W. (1997). Time as repetition in Nietzsche's
eternal return and the I Ching. Canadian Review of Comparative
Literature, 24(4), 975-988.
Tenhouten, W. (1995). Dual symbolic classification and the primary
emotions: A proposed synthesis of Durkheim sociogenic and
Plutchik's psychoevolutionary theories of emotions. International
Sociology, 10(4), 427-445.
Triandis, H. C. (1983). Essentials of studying cultures. In R.
Brislin & D. Landis (Eds.), Handbook of intercultural training, Vol.
1 (pp. 82-117). New York: Pergamon.
Xu, P. (1998). Feng-shui models structured traditional Beijing
courtyard houses. Journal of Architectural and Planning Research, 15(4),
271-282.
von Bertalanffy, L. (1968). General systems theory: Foundations,
development, applications. New York: George Braziller.
Wilhelm, R. (Trans.) (1981). The I Ching or book of changes (3d
ed.). (C. F. Baynes, renderer). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
Press.
Rich Holt, Northern Illinois University
Hui-Ching Chang, University of Illinois at Chicago
(1) "The Book of Changes is one of the basic Confucian
Classics. It is also much cherished by the Taoists. It is divided into
the texts and commentaries. The texts consist of sixty-four hexagrams
and judgments on them. These hexagrams are based on the Eight Trigrams,
each of which consists of three lines, divided or undivided, the divided
representing the weak, or yin, and the undivided representing the
strong, or yang. Each of these eight corresponds to a direction, a
natural element, a moral quality, etc. For example, ch'ien (Heaven)
is heaven, k'un (Earth) is earth, chen (activity) is thunder, sun
(bending) is wind, k'an (pit) is water, li (brightness) is fire,
ken (to stop) is mountain, and tui (pleasure) is a collection of water.
Each trigram is combined with another, one upon the other, thus making
sixty-four hexagrams. These hexagrams symbolize all possible situations.
For example, the hexagram with the water trigram over the fire trigram
symbolizes conquest, success, etc. Each hexagram is followed by two
texts, namely (1) the kua-tz'u or the explanation of the text of
the whole hexagram and (2) the yao-tz'u or the explanation of the
component lines" (Chan, 1963, p. 262).
(2) It should always be kept in mind that our choice of Chia Jen as
a starting point is purely arbitrary, as is the decision to discuss the
evolution of the field in terms of the top line. This merely seemed to
us a reasonable framework for beginning the process of contemplating
where we are and where we are going: the field could be visualized as a
family, and the top line of that arbitrarily chosen hexagram as a symbol
of one of the foundations on which our current state of knowledge is
based. We could easily have taken another hexagram and proceeded in the
same way, or taken Chia Jen, and begun our contemplation with different
moving lines. The flexibility of I Ching lies in its quality of having
these interlocking patterns interrelated to a consistent pattern of
descriptions of all life circumstances.
(3) The lower trigram (first three lines, counting upward) is
called the inner trigram, while the last three are referred to as the
outer trigram.
Correspondence to:
Rich Holt, Ph.D.
Department of Communication
Northern Illinois University
302 Watson Hall
DeKalb, IL 60115
Email:
[email protected]
Hui-Ching Chang, Ph.D.
Department of Communication
University of Illinois at Chicago
Chicago, IL 60607
Email:
[email protected]