Social position and distributive justice: experimental evidence.
Swope, Kurtis ; Cadigan, John ; Schmitt, Pamela 等
1. Introduction
In A Theory of Justice (1971) John Rawls states that men are born
into various social positions that yield "different expectations of
life" but "cannot possibly be justified by an appeal to the
notions of merit or desert" (p. 7). Rawls further hypothesizes that
if men could choose behind a "veil of ignorance" with regard
to social position, they would unanimously agree to social institutions
that allocate social benefits to maximize the income of the lowest
income group, and they would reject institutions or principles (such as
utilitarianism) that lead to gains to some members of society if such
gains were to come at the expense of the least advantaged members.
It is not possible to directly test the Rawlsian hypothesis in the
field. However, the hypothesis has been tested in laboratory economics
and political science experiments (e.g., Frohlich, Oppenheimer, and
Eavey 1987; Frohlich and Oppenheimer 1990, 1992; Bond and Park 1991;
Lissowski, Tyszka, and Okrasa 1991; Jackson and Hill 1995; de la
Cruz-Dona and Martina 2000; Oleson 2001; Herne and Suojanen 2004). The
conclusion to be drawn from these studies is that subjects' choices
do not conform strictly to the Rawlsian principle of distributive
justice but rather to a mixture of Rawlsian and utilitarian principles.
While related to previous studies, in that we test if
subjects' choices under a laboratory veil of ignorance are
consistent with the Rawlsian hypothesis, our experiments extend the
analysis by determining the extent to which subjects' expectations
of distributive shares are influenced by unearned social position.
Broadly speaking, social position refers to the resources, power,
education, prestige, or occupation that significantly impacts one's
current and future well-being. We use a simple two-player dictator experiment and measure social position by the initial distributive
shares (resources) and the subjects' ability to determine the final
distributive shares (power). Our hypothesis is that increasing a
subject's power and resources will result in an income distribution
choice to that subject's greater favor. Thus, while we contribute
to the literature on Rawlsian justice, our primary focus is on the
importance of differences in unearned social position with regard to
expectations, as opposed to the absence of differences. In this way we
gain insight into how the removal of such differences may impact choices
in the field. Our experiment also contributes to the understanding of
behavior in dictator experiments. In particular, ours complements
related experiments on social distance and entitlement effects.
The remainder of the paper proceeds as follows. Section 2 briefly
describes the experimental design, subjects, and setting and compares
our experiment to other laboratory dictator and Rawlsian experiments.
Section 3 provides a discussion of the results, followed by concluding
remarks in section 4.
2. The Experiment
In a dictator experiment (Kahneman, Knetsch, and Thaler 1986), one
subject determines how a fixed sum of money is to be divided between her
and one or more other players. We conducted a simple, double-blind
(Hoffman et al. 1994; Hoffman, McCabe, and Smith 1996), one-shot,
two-person $20 dictator experiment with no show-up fee. (1) We
implemented five protocols in which we systematically changed language
and procedures to vary the decision maker's social position in the
experiment. We obtained approximately 30 observations for each of the
five protocols, using 211 subjects. We conducted sessions with
approximately 15 subjects in each of two rooms for all treatments.
Participants were students at the U.S. Naval Academy in various years of
study and various majors. Students were invited to participate via
E-mail solicitation. All decisions were recorded privately by an
experimenter who had no contact with the subjects.
Protocol Giving Dictator (GD) is a standard dictator experiment.
Player 1 is given $20 (an envelope with 20 one-dollar bills and 20 slips
of paper) and the option of sending any portion of this endowment to an
anonymous second person with whom she has been randomly matched. In
Protocol Probabilistic Dictator (PD), both players allocate $20 between
two envelopes. One player's choice is chosen randomly and
implemented with that player retaining the Player 1 envelope. In
Protocol Taking Dictator (TD), Player 2 receives the $20 envelope and
Player 1 is instructed to indicate how much of the money she wants to
take. Player 2 is instructed to place this amount in a second envelope
to be transferred. In Protocol Veiled Dictator (VD), only one player
(not both players, as in the PD protocol) divides the money between
envelopes marked Player 1 and Player 2, knowing that there is a 50%
chance she will be either Player 1 or Player 2. The subjects are then
randomly assigned their role (Player 1 or Player 2). In addition to
these four protocols, we asked the recipient (Player 2) in Protocol GD
"What allocation would you choose if you were Player 1?" and
"What allocation do you predict Player 1 will make?" Protocol
Hypothetical Dictator (HD) refers to these hypothetical choices.
Of all the protocols, in GD, the decision maker is in the greatest
position of resources and power. She is given the endowment, full
authority to implement the distribution of her choice, and there is no
uncertainty that her choice will be implemented. She realizes that she
is determining not only her own payoff, but also the payoff of a
powerless person with whom she is matched.
PD levels the playing field between matched participants. There is
no difference in resources because neither player is initially allocated
the endowment. Furthermore, both participants have an equal probability
of being assigned to the position of power. Therefore, the participants
may perceive themselves to have identical social position relative to
each other.
While TD is equivalent to GD in that it grants, with certainty,
full power to the decision maker, she is in a weaker position relative
to GD with regard to resources. In this protocol, the decision maker is
not allocated the endowment and is required to "take" money
from the other player to increase her own payoff. Inaction, in this
situation, will leave the entire payoff to the other player.
VD most closely reproduces Rawls' veil of ignorance in the
laboratory. Should the income distribution choice be unequal, the
decision maker does not know on which end of the income distribution she
will ultimately fall. Therefore, she cannot use this information to
promote her self-interest.
HD is the hypothetical response of the powerless player, Player 2,
when asked what she would choose to do if in a position of power.
Therefore, HD is the opposite of GD in that the decision maker is in the
weakest position of resources and power.
A standard game-theoretic prediction based on strict self-interest
is that decision makers in all protocols will seek to maximize their own
monetary payoff. This implies that decision makers in protocols GD, PD,
TD, and HD (assuming an honest response) will all choose a payoff of $20
to themselves, leaving $0 to the other player. In VD, any distribution
choice yields the same expected payoff. As implied by the Rawlsian
hypothesis, risk-averse subjects should choose equal splits, while
risk-seeking subjects should choose unequal splits. Models of pure
altruism (as in Levine 1998) or inequity aversion (Fehr and Schmidt
1999; Bolton and Ockenfels 2000) would predict no difference in the
distribution choice in protocols GD, PD, TD, and HD, though the choice
may involve a positive payoff to the other player.
The simple variations in our experimental instructions and
procedures are intended to generate perceived differences in unearned
social position in the laboratory. The primary objectives are (i) to
test Rawls' general assumption that "expectations" of
distributive shares are influenced by "social position" and
(ii) to quantify the extent of such effects. Our simple hypothesis is
that protocols PD, TD, VD, and HD will result in lower Player 1 payoffs
(that is, more egalitarian payoffs) than the benchmark protocol GD,
because decision makers are in a lower social position in terms of power
and/or resources. (2) Strictly interpreting the Rawlsian hypothesis, all
subjects should implement the equal share outcome in VD, the
"veiled" protocol.
While the simple dictator experiment does not allow the Rawlsian
hypothesis to be evaluated in a richer way, (3) other laboratory
experiments have been used to explicitly test Rawls' predictions.
In the majority of these studies, participants complete a questionnaire
in which they make choices over explicit income distributions with or
without veil-of-ignorance conditions. These studies have consistently
rejected the strict Rawlsian hypothesis. For example, Frohlich,
Oppenheimer, and Eavey (1987); Frohlich and Oppenheimer (1990); and
Herne and Suojanen (2004) all find that a majority of veiled
individuals, given the opportunity for group discussion, do not prefer a
Rawlsian income distribution, but rather choose a distribution that
maximizes the average income subject to a floor constraint. Unlike these
experiments, our experiment does not focus on the social contract chosen
by groups of individuals under veil-like conditions. Rather, we are
interested in the extent to which deviations from the veil condition
impact individual choices of an income distribution in a dictator
experiment. Using a trust game, Vyrastekova and Onderstal (2005) find
that subjects do not behave differently when they play both roles behind
a "veil" versus when they play the standard trust game.
Our experiment also contributes to the understanding of behavior in
dictator experiments in general. While the extent of giving in dictator
experiments varies considerably across studies, several consistent
behavioral effects have been demonstrated. Self-interested behavior
increases with anonymity or social distance (Hoffman et al. 1994;
Hoffman, McCabe, and Smith 1996) and when dictators bargain over earned
wealth (Hoffman et al. 1994; Ruffle 1998; Cherry 2001; Cherry, Frykblom,
and Shogren 2002). While we maintain anonymity, we demonstrate the
importance of changes in endowments (and power) that are unearned.
Unlike Hoffman et al. (1994), who used the language "provisionally allocated to each pair" to avoid perceptions of property rights, we
explicitly allocate the right to be the decision maker and an unearned
endowment to one party or the other to reinforce and investigate this
effect. We are unaware of other studies that explicitly examine the
behavior of "giving" dictators to that of "taking"
dictators.
3. Results
Table 1 presents the experimental results. (4) We compare
subjects' choices (as represented by the mean payoff to Player 1)
using one-tailed Mann-Whitney tests; we compare the frequency of equal
splits and $20/$0 splits using a one-tailed proportions test. The
results are generally consistent with the hypothesis that subjects'
perceptions of distributive justice are influenced by unearned social
position. Decision makers (Player 1) in GD were in the strongest
position of power and resources. These subjects chose an income
distribution that yielded the greatest monetary benefit (mean = $16.17)
to themselves, with the lowest rate of equal splits (24%) and the second
highest number of $20/$0 splits. However, compared to other similar
experiments, subjects in GD made positive offers more frequently (59% of
the time compared to around 40% in DB2 in Hoffman, McCabe, and Smith
1996). This difference may be partially explained by the lack of a
show-up fee. If dictator subjects in our GD treatment made $0 offers,
the recipient truly left the experiment with $0 rather than a $5 or $10
show-up fee. Subjects may factor show-up fees into their choices, which
would impact their perceptions of relative earnings.
Decisions in PD (mean = $15.30, with 29% equal splits and 45%
$20/$0 splits) were statistically no different than in GD. We conclude
that because players knew their decision would only be relevant if they
were chosen to be the decision maker, they made their decisions as if
they were in the position of full power and resources.
However, shifting resources from Player 1 to Player 2 (giving the
initial $20 to Player 2) caused an economically and statistically
significant decrease (one-tailed significance = 0.02) in Player l's
monetary demand in TD ($14.03) compared to GD ($16.17). Subjects also
chose equal splits more frequently (39% compared to 24%) and made
statistically significantly fewer $20/$0 splits (16% compared to 41%;
one-tailed significance = 0.016). Unlike in Cherry (2001) and Cherry,
Frykblom, and Shogren (2002), the difference between these treatments
was unearned. Cherry (2001) finds that only 24% of dictators made
positive offers from "earned" endowments, whereas 74% made
positive offers from "unearned" endowments. When Player 2
received the "unearned" endowment in TD, 86% of dictators
effectively made positive "offers." Ruffle (1998) finds that
dictators reward "deserving" recipients, those whose skill led
to a larger pie size for the pair. The modal offer in that case was half
of the pie, with 21% of offers actually being greater than half.
It must be noted that given our anonymity procedures, it is
possible in TD for Player 2 subjects to transfer less than the requested
amount, in which case the recording experimenter adjusted the contents
of the envelope to match the requested amount. This provides an
interesting experimental variable and occurred in 12 of the 31 cases.
However, if Player 1 subjects expected that Player 2 subjects were less
likely to comply with large demands, this may bias the demands downward.
The fact that Player 2 returned $0 in four out of five cases when $20
was demanded indicates that this may be a real concern. In contrast,
Player 2 subjects from whom $10 was requested transferred all $10 on 10
of 12 occasions. Further experimentation with added controls would be
necessary to determine the significance of this effect on demands.
As expected, the Player 1 average payoff in VD was significantly
lower than in GD ($9.80 vs. $16.17, one-tailed significance = 0.00).
Subjects chose equal splits 43% of the time, which is significantly more
than the 24% of equal splits that occurred in GD (one-tailed
significance = 0.061). However, preferences were less risk-averse than
hypothesized by Rawls. The standard deviation of Player 1 payoffs was
greater in VD than in all of the other protocols. Furthermore, nearly
one in four subjects chose a $20/$0 split (despite the lack of a show-up
fee), a number which, while significantly fewer than observed in GD
(one-tailed significance = 0.069), is greater than in the TD and HD
protocols. Clearly, some subjects were willing to gamble on being the
one to get the higher payoff.
Finally, the decision makers in HD, who are in potentially the
weakest positions of power and resources, indicated (hypothetically)
that they would have chosen an income distribution that was even more
egalitarian (an average payoff to themselves of $11.93, with equal
splits 52% of the time) than any treatment other than VD. Only 7% of
subjects indicated they would have taken the entire $20. Compared to the
GD and TD protocols, the Player 1 (hypothetical) payoff decrease in HD
is both economically and statistically significant (one-tailed
significance = 0.00 and 0.04, respectively). Interestingly, the
difference between what these subjects predicted the GD decision makers
would choose ($15.38) and what the GD Player 1 subjects actually chose
($16.17) is not statistically significant, although they underestimated
the propensity to choose equal splits (10% predicted vs. 24% actual).
Similarly, Ruffle (1998) found that, when asked what offer they
hypothetically would have made in their counterpart's position, the
unskillful recipients (those whose effort on a general knowledge test
led to the smaller of two pie sizes for the pair) would have offered
substantially more than their counterparts actually did.
It is unclear, of course, how reliable any hypothetical response
can be in this situation. One alternative explanation for the generous
responses in HD is that some subjects prefer to maintain a good
self-impression (e.g., Murnighan, Oesch, and Pillutla 2001) even if they
cannot maintain a good social impression as a result of anonymity
conditions. That is, being generous in a hypothetical response makes
them feel good about themselves. If self-impression concerns are
significant when real money is being transferred, we would expect an
even stronger impact on hypothetical responses, because maintaining a
good self-impression has no cost. Unfortunately, we have not been able
to design an experiment in which participants who cannot influence the
final distribution must make a decision other than a hypothetical one.
4. Conclusions
We used slight variations in language and procedures to generate
differences in social position, as measured by resources and power, in a
simple, double-blind dictator experiment. These variations may also have
changed the social distance between subjects, a variable that has been
identified as an important explanatory variable for behavior (Hoffman,
McCabe, and Smith 1996). While it is difficult to fully disentangle
social distance from social position experimentally, our results are
consistent with Rawls' (1971) assumption regarding distributive
justice in that unearned differences in a subject's social
position, as measured by power and resources, affect expectations
regarding a just income distribution. While all individuals in such
experiments must balance their self-interest with their personal views
of justice and fairness, individuals appear to develop a sense of
entitlement to a higher payoff when granted initial property rights or
the power to influence the final distribution. As other experiments have
demonstrated, making the social positions earned further strengthens the
effect. This is particularly important given that unearned differences
(such as the wealth of the family into which one is born) can
subsequently lead to earned differences (such as obtaining a college
degree) that are the result (at least partially) of the
individual's own efforts.
These results are in stark contrast to the predictions of standard
game theory and theories of pure altruism or inequity aversion, which
predict identical outcomes in each of our "unveiled"
protocols. However, even in a "veiled" decision-making
position, subjects in our dictator experiment failed to unanimously
choose an equal income distribution, as a strict interpretation of the
Rawlsian hypothesis would require. Their preferences were less
risk-averse and had greater variance than Rawls hypothesized. Some
subjects appeared willing to accept an outcome where some players had
more and some had less, relative to the egalitarian outcome, as long as
there was a fair chance of being the one at the desirable end of the
distribution. Perhaps there is a testable lesson here that distributive
justice is not necessarily a matter of the final wealth distribution,
but rather of the probability of reaching a desirable position in the
distribution.
Received February 2006; accepted October 2006.
References
Bolton, Gary, and Axel Ockenfels. 2000. ERC: A theory of equity,
reciprocity, and competition. American Economic Review 90:166-93.
Bond, Doug, and Jong-Chul Park. 1991. An empirical test of
Rawl's theory of justice: A second approach in Korea and in the
United States. Simulation & Gaming 22:443-62.
Cherry, Todd. 2001. Mental accounting and other-regarding behavior:
Evidence from the lab. Journal of Economic Psychology 22:605-15.
Cherry, Todd, Peter Frykblom, and Jason F. Shogren. 2002. Hardnose
the dictator. American Economic Review 92(4): 1218-21.
de la Cruz-Dona, Rena, and Alan Martina. 2000. Diverse groups
agreeing on a system of justice in distribution: Evidence from the
Philippines. Journal of Interdisciplinary Economics 11:35-76.
Fehr, Ernst, and Klaus Schmidt. 1999. A theory of fairness,
competition, and cooperation. Quarterly Journal of Economics 114(3):817-68.
Frohlich, Norman, and Joe Oppenheimer. 1990. Choosing justice in
experimental democracies with production. American Political Science
Review 84:461-77.
Frohlich, Norman, and Joe Oppenheimer. 1992. Choosing justice.
Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Frohlich, Norman, Joe Oppenheimer, and Cheryl Eavey. 1987.
Laboratory results on Rawl's distributive justice. British Journal
of Political Science 17:l-21.
Harrison, Glenn, and Kevin McCabe. 1996. Expectations and fairness
in a simple bargaining experiment. International Journal of Game Theory
25:303-27.
Herne, Kaisa, and Maria Suojanen. 2004. The role of information in
choices over income distributions. Journal of Conflict Resolution 48(2):
173-93.
Hoffman, Elizabeth, Kevin McCabe, Keith Shachat, and Vernon Smith.
1994. Preferences, property rights, and anonymity in bargaining games.
Games and Economic Behavior 7:346-80.
Hoffman, Elizabeth, Kevin McCabe, and Vernon L. Smith. 1996. Social
distance and other-regarding behavior in dictator games. American
Economic Review 86:653-60.
Jackson, Michael, and Peter Hill. 1995. A fair share. Journal of
Theoretical Politics 7:169-80.
Kahneman, Daniel, Jack Knetsch, and Richard H. Thaler. 1986.
Fairness and the assumptions of economics. Journal of Business
76:798-841.
Levine, David. 1998. Modeling altruism and spitefulness in
experiments. Review of Economic Dynamics 1:593-622.
Lissowski, Grzegorz, Tadeusz Tyszka, and Wlodzimierz Okrasa. 1991.
Principles of distributive justice: Experiments in Poland and America.
Journal of Conflict Resolution 35:98-119.
Murnighan, J. Keith, John Oesch, and Madan Pillutla. 2001. Player
types and self-impression management in dictatorship games: Two
experiments. Games and Economic" Behavior 37:388-414.
Oleson, Paul. 2001. An experimental examination of alternative
theories of distributive justice and economic fairness. Ph.D.
dissertation, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ.
Rawls, John. 1971. A theory of justice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press.
Ruffle, Bradley. 1998. More is better, but fair is fair. Games and
Economic Behavior 23:247-65.
Vyrastekova, Jana, and Sander Onderstal. 2005. The trust game
behind the veil of ignorance: A note on gender differences. CenteER
Discussion Papers 2005-96.
(1) While a show-up fee would have been preferred for comparing the
results found in this paper to those in the literature, U.S. Naval
Academy policy did not allow us to pay students for attendance. Our
experiments, therefore, closely follow the Double Blind 2 (DB2)
procedure used by Hoffman, McCabe, and Smith (1996), because there was
no subject monitor and all dictator subjects in our experiment made real
decisions. Some procedural changes were necessary to operationalize the
desired treatments. The instructions for all treatments are available at
http://www.usna.edu/Users/econ/pschmitt/SCSS_Instructions.pdf.
(2) Alternatively, as Harrison and McCabe (1996, p. 312) briefly
speculate (but do not find) for an ultimatum bargaining game with a
similar design to our PD protocol, participants in PD may view it as
acceptable to keep more than they would in the case of GD, since the
other person has an equal opportunity to do the same. Nature can be held
partially responsible for the other person's low payoff. Note that,
unlike in our dictator game, the recipient in their ultimatum game still
has an opportunity to reject the proposed split, in which case both
subjects get $0.
(3) For example, one cannot evaluate the "fairness" of
unequal outcomes where some gain and some lose (where the gains are
larger than the losses) or where everyone gains relative to the equal
shares outcome but some individuals gain considerably more than others.
(4) An odd number of volunteers reported for the PD session.
Because of the lack of a show-up fee, we allowed all individuals in this
session to make a decision and then randomly left one individual
unmatched. The decision of this individual is included in the analysis.
Kurtis Swope, * John Cadigan, ([dagger]) Pamela Schmitt, ([double
dagger]) and Robert Shupp ([section])
* Department of Economics, U.S. Naval Academy, 589 McNair Road,
Annapolis, MD 21402, USA; E-mail
[email protected]; corresponding author.
([dagger]) Department of Economics, Gettysburg College, 300 North
Washington Street, Gettysburg, PA 17325, USA.
([double dagger]) Department of Economics, U.S. Naval Academy, 589
McNair Road, Annapolis, MD 21402, USA; E-mail
[email protected].
([section]) Department of Agricultural Economics, Michigan State
University, 202 Agriculture Hall, East Lansing, M148824, USA. Financial
support from American University is gratefully acknowledged.
Table 1. Results
Mean (Player 1 Standard Deviation
Payoff) (Player 1 Payoff)
Protocol GD: $16.17 $4.32
Giving Dictator
Protocol PD: $15.30 $4.80
Probabilistic
Dictator
Protocol TD: $14.03 ** $4.00
Taking Dictator
Protocol VD: $9.80 *** $5.90
Veiled Dictator
Protocol HD (b): $11.93 *** $4.88 ($4.88)
Hypothetical ($15.38)
Dictator
Frequency Frequency of
of Equal $20/$0
($10) Splits (%) Splits (a) (%) N
Protocol GD: 24 41 29
Giving Dictator
Protocol PD: 29 45 31
Probabilistic
Dictator
Protocol TD: 39 16 ** 31
Taking Dictator
Protocol VD: 43 * 23 * 30
Veiled Dictator
Protocol HD (b): 52 *** (10) 7 *** (34) 29
Hypothetical
Dictator
(a) All $20/$0 splits that occurred were $20 for Player 1 and $0
for Player 2.
(b) Number in parentheses indicates Player 2's belief about what
Player 1 will choose.
* Significantly different (in the direction hypothesized) than GD
Player 1 payoff or frequency of split at [alpha] < 0.10.
** Significantly different (in the direction hypothesized) than GD
Player 1 payoff or frequency of split at [alpha] < 0.05.
*** Significantly different (in the direction hypothesized) than GD
Player 1 payoff or frequency of split at [alpha] < 0.01.