Research in global groundfish markets: an exercise in international cooperation.
Queirolo, Lewis E. ; Johnston, Richard S.
Introduction
Over roughly the last decade, most of the fishery resources of the
continental shelf and nearshore areas of the world's oceans have
come under the control of coastal nations. One consequence of this
extension of fisheries jurisdiction (EFJ) by any individual state has
been the expansion of its production possibilities. That is, with
strengthened property rights in the ocean resources off its shores, a
coastal nation experiences increased opportunities to produce goods and
services from its newly enlarged pool of resources. Such a nation, then,
would appear to be a potential gainer from EFJ.
On the other hand, one would tend to identify as
"losers" those countries whose distant-water fleets fished in
those same waters prior to EFJ, especially if their access to these
waters were restricted by the new "owners." Thus one would
expect to see new production levels, new patterns of international
trade, and new institutional structures i.e., management regimes,
international cooperative arrangements) to emerge from EFJ. In this
paper we explore some of these issues from a conceptual point of view
and briefly describe a research project designed to test several of the
hypotheses that emerge. Our theme is that EFJ has not only spawned new
international relationships in the commercial and public sectors; it has
also provided incentives to cooperate internationally in research
activity. Fear of the cost of disclosing valuable information to
potential foreign competitors appears to be overshadowed by the
recognition of potential benefits from new insights to be gained through
shared research experience. Our laboratory is the world groundfish
fishery.
EFJ and Production Possibilities
Consider the coastal nation that has declared an EFJ zone. There
are two sources of increased production available to it. The first is
associated with expanded production possibilities through increased
ownership claims to resources. (In the parlance of the economist, this
is characterized as an outward shift in the production possibilities
frontier.) The second is through more efficient use of resources which,
prior to EFJ, were characterized by open access, or "common
property," conditions (Anderson, 1986). As suggested above, this
would appear to be a reasonably clear-cut case of potential gain for the
coastal state initiating the EFJ zone. That is, with the resulting
increases in output, the country's real income should rise.
However, there are exceptions. The literature on economic growth
suggests that expanded production, if it is concentrated in a
nation's export sector, may so depress the prices of the products
whose output has been expanded that the country's real income
declines, a case of "immiserizing" growth (Bhagwati, 1958;
Johnston and Siaway, 1985). While the redistribution of resources is, in
itself, unlikely to affect total production directly, (1) the more
efficient use of those resources afforded by new managerial authority
could raise production sufficiently to induce prices to fall enough to
effectively convert a "gainer" country into a
"loser" country. Whether this, in fact, occurs depends to a
large degree on 1) what happens to production and 2) prevailing price
elasticities of demand. If, for example, a coastal country is a net
exporter of groundfish and faces a highly price-inelastic export demand,
increased production may lead to an abrupt deterioration in its
prevailing terms of trade. Knowledge of price elasticities of demand for
groundfish then, is of more than passing academic interest in such
circumstances.
Furthermore, even if groundfish management in any one country did
not have such an impact on prices, effective implementation of
management measures on a global scale could lead to the same result, a
case of pecuniary externalities. This raises additional empirical
questions calling for resource assessment and improved understanding of
the characteristics of both groundfish demand and supply response. For
any country forecasting the consequences of its own management
strategies, there will also be an interest in the cost of management.
Let us now turn our attention to the other side of this issue. That
is, what of the impact of EFJ on a country whose distant-water fishing
fleets have been moved away from their "traditional" fishing
grounds? Here the case would appear to be less ambiguous. Denied access
to resources, such a country must surely experience a loss in real
income. Even under these circumstances, however, the situation is far
from clear. Even in the absence of various cooperative possibilities
designed to regain at least partial access (a topic explored in a later
section of this paper), such a country may find that EFJ has actually
resulted in the opportunity to import groundfish at a price below its
own unit cost of production. (2) This could result from increased
output accompanying management (outlined above) and a consequent decline
in price. Just as growth may effectively work against the growing
country, so may contraction actually favor the contracting country,
although the argument is not symmetrical. That is, we are not suggesting
that EFJ would lead to an increase in the price of groundfish, so that
an exporting country with fewer resources could be made better off.
Because the resources are being transferred to other producers, prices
could fall, but are unlikely to increase. Again, the question calls for
empirical research on production possibilities, demand elasticities, and
the trade position of the market participants. Growth would not be
"immiserizing," in the sense described above, for a coastal
country which was a net importer of groundfish and which gained
groundfish resources through EFJ. Such a country could always return to
pre-EFJ fishing patterns. Similarly, a country whose distant-water
fleets produced groundfish for export would not likely gain from forced
exodus from groundfish resources, unless it continued to be an exporter
and simply experienced a lower cost of inputs from importation than from
own-production.
From Potential to Actual Gains Coastal States
In the previous section, we argued that there may be potential
gains to coastal countries establishing EFJ zones, although there also
exists the possibility that terms of trade effects convert gains into
losses. Consider the case where real gains could be realized and where
decision-makers have a number of options from which to choose in
capturing these gains.
Economists have explored several dimensions of this issue. Munro
(1985) pointed out that, whereas sentiments a decade ago favored
exploiting the resource exclusively by the fleets and processors of the
newly endowed coastal nation (perhaps by phasing foreign distant-water
fleets out of the coastal country's exclusive economic zone), there
is now consensus that some foreign participation may make sound economic
sense to the coastal country, even on a long-term basis. The latter
position rests on comparative advantage notions under which, if costs of
production, harvesting, and/or marketing are lower for the distant-water
fleet(s) than for the coastal country, over some range of output, all
participants could gain if the coastal country "imported"
those services in which it has a comparative disadvantage.
Johnston and Wilson (1989) extended the argument to include the
possibility that managerial services could be more efficiently provided
by foreign nations than by the coastal state, especially if the visitor
shared in the resulting rent and, thus, had an incentive to manage the
resource optimally. As pointed out by Hemmi (1982), however, all such
"free trade" arguments rest on conditions of full information
by all parties, a point to which we turn below.
Several economists have focused on the design of structures that
will maximize net benefits to the individual coastal country. Chen and
Hueth (1983:461), for example, examine the welfare implications of
various joint venture arrangements in a paper "concerned with
determining an allocation which maximizes the potential economic
benefits to the U.S."
At the conceptual level, then, some attention has been given to how
the coastal country can take advantage of its newly-acquired resources.
To quote Munro (1985:272), ". . if there is to be a distant water
nation presence within the coastal state's EEZ over the long run,
then it must be because it is in the selfish interest of the coastal
state for there to be such a presence." Design of the appropriate
policy calls for empirical estimates of costs of harvesting, processing,
marketing, and management (surveillance and enforcement) by the coastal
country, in order to compare these with offers to supply these services
by foreign countries. Willingness by foreigners to pay for participation
could be revealed by market devices, such as competitive bidding but, in
their absence, can be estimated by empirical measures of demand for die
products of die EFJ zone and potential producer surpluses abroad, as
suggested by the work of Crutchfield 1983) and others.
Distant-water Fishing Nations
Much of the research in the public domain has focused on potential
benefits of EFJ to coastal nations. Particular emphasis has been on
problems of realizing potential gains by developing nations with newly
acquired coastal resources. Little has been said about the
"loser" countries, whose distant-water fleets have lost access
to fishing grounds, and "optimal" strategies from their
perspective. As a result, an important consequence of EFJ has been
overlooked, as far as we can determine. Namely, while some distant-water
fleets may suffer losses in real income as a result of EFJ, others may
actually realize substantial gains.
How can this be? The answer is that some distant-water fleets may
have gained from EFJ, through finding themselves competing in the
marketplace, rather than on the ocean. That is, under EFJ, a
distant-water fishing nation which previously faced the risk and
uncertainty associated with competition for an open-access resource, may
now find that, with the extension of ownership control over the resource
by a third party coastal nation, operating risks, and therefore costs,
have been significantly diminished. Competitive advantage at the
negotiating table may replace competitive advantage on the fishing
grounds. This is the case even in the absence of positive terms of trade
impacts.
It has been argued that, because of favorable endowments of capital
and labor, mobility (or malleability) of capital, preferred access to
markets, etc., foreign fleets may offer decided advantages to coastal
countries with new exclusive economic zones (EEZ) (Munro, 1985). These
advantages could be realized through various cooperative arrangements,
ranging from fee fishing to joint ventures. For the distant-water nation
to be willing to participate in such arrangements, it must be to its
economic advantage to do so. We conjecture that, where a distant-water
fishing nation holds cost or market access advantages over other
competing distant-water nations, these economic advantages will more
likely be realized after EFJ than before. The reason for this is that,
while, in the pre-EFJ, open access fishery, cost advantages may generate
inframarginal rents (Copes, 1972), these rents are smaller than could be
realized through successful resource management. In the extreme, if such
management calls for effort restriction, the country with the most
"efficient" distant-water fleet may be the only successful
bidder for participation in the post-EFJ fishery.
Even if it is only one of several distant-water participants, its
share of the resource rent, when added to its inframarginal rents, could
exceed its earlier net earnings. Whether this will be the case for any
particular distant-water nation is an empirical question, but it is
significant that Japan increased its landings by six percent between
1973 and 1985; for the Republic of Korea, the increase was an astounding
59 percent. The distant-water fishing nations of East Germany, West
Germany, and the U.K. are among those whose total landings declined over
this period.
Sommer (1983), has argued that, in the case of the Federal Republic
of Germany, " . . the fishing grounds of the high sea trawlers were
mainly in national waters of third countries, which became inaccessible
by the new law of the sea. Thus, the extension to 200 miles and catch
prohibitions have had greater influence on the German fishing fleet than
on any other within the EEC. . . (A) reincrease of landings . . .cannot
be expected, because the limited catch quota in the EEC fishing zone and
successful joint ventures will make a further reduction of the high sea
fishing fleet inevitable in the near future." (pp. 284-285).
In the case of Korea, Rhee (1982:71) argued that ". . . the
South Koreans exploited the profitability that existed in the fishery
industry because of low wages. As soon as the developing countries
obtained access to world capital for securing fishing vessels and
fishing technology, they began to move into distant-water fishing."
Cost advantages enjoyed by some distant-water fleets in the presence of
open access conditions may have yielded even greater advantages during
the post-EFJ era.
These data may or may not reflect existing or potential cost or
market advantages and, thus, successful competition for access to the
new EFJ zone. However, new cooperative arrangements are unfolding, as
both coastal and distant-water nations explore potential gains.
Munro (1985:278), however, holds different views. He argued that,
while there were costs associated with the uncertainties of competing
with rival distant-water fleets in open access fisheries, " . . .
this has been more than offset by negative uncertainties arising from
coastal state allocation policy." He pointed out that Japan's
distant-water harvests fell by almost 50 percent between 1974 and 1980,
and suggested that the long-run viability of contractual arrangements
between coastal states and distant-water nations requires reinvestment in distant-water fleet capacity. His arguments make sound economic
sense, although we point out that the Japanese situation seems to have
changed since 1980. Whether the economic forces he enumerates, or those
we suggest, prevail for any given distant-water nation can be determined
only by empirical investigation.
It is hardly surprising that there exists substantial interest in
economic analysis of demand and cost conditions to determine the extent
of the benefits from such participation. Even those countries that have
"lost" from EFJ may be able to reduce these losses by
exploring the costs and benefits of partnership arrangements with
coastal states.
Americanization
The United States extended jurisdiction over the fishery resources
adjacent to its coasts in 1976 with the passage of the Magnuson Fishery
Conservation and Management Act. Since then, U.S. fisheries policy has
gone through several stages, especially with respect to the nature and
extent of foreign vs. wholly domestic participation. The popular term
for this progression toward exclusive domestic utilization of the EEZ is
"Americanization." Focusing on a single example, which is
characteristic in kind if not in scale in the U.S. EEZ, we may consider
the walleye or Alaska pollock, Theragra chalcogramma, fishery. In the
current stage, foreign involvement is to be phased out, including
joint-venture "over-the-side" sales of Alaska pollock to
foreign processors, and the fishery is to be converted to a wholly
domestic operation at the most rapid pace possible. What are the
implications of the argument advanced above for this accelerated
Americanization policy?
Consider the data. Over 70 percent of foreign finfish catch in 1986
in the U.S. EEZ off Alaska (the Gulf of Alaska and, more importantly,
the Eastern Bering Sea), was Alaska pollock. The 1986 joint venture
harvest of Alaska pollock accounted for almost 69 percent of the joint
venture landings in the entire U.S. EEZ. The directed foreign fishery
catch of Alaska pollock in 1984 was 1.032 million metric tons (t). By
1986, this had fallen to 353,000 t. The bulk of the landings were by
Japan, with Korea a distant second. The joint venture catch of Alaska
pollock in 1986 was 904,000 t, more than double its 1984 level. Again,
Japan and Korea were the leading U.S. partners, in that order.
As we interpret the current U.S. attitude, in both the public and
private sectors, it is that the success of the Americanization policy
will depend upon the ability of the U.S. industry to supply the
important Japanese markets, especially with respect to Alaska pollock.
If the United States displaces the Japanese and Korean fleets and
processors, will it automatically replace these countries in their
respective markets? Perhaps. But not all countries with new EFJ's
have adopted the U.S. attitude toward foreign participation, and thus,
as suggested above, it is not unreasonable to expect that Japan and
Korea will seek--and find--opportunities elsewhere. The consequences for
the emerging U.S. industry, and the nation as a whole, could be
enormous.
At the present time, in anticipation of serving these major world
markets, the State of Alaska is aggressively pursuing development
policies in the groundfish fishery off its shores, intended to induce
rapid expansion of onshore processing capacity of groundfish. There are
obvious short term and provincial reasons for Alaska to advocate this
position. However, the evidence strongly suggests that onshore
processing capacity, particularly in remote areas of Alaska which do not
possess even the most rudimentary infrastructure needed to support this
industry, may not be in the collective best interest of the nation, from
an economic perspective.
Floating capacity, capable of self-contained mobile operation has a
clear economic advantage in the high volume, relatively low unit value
groundfish processing sector. And yet, significant political pressure,
at virtually every level of decision making, and financial subsidies,
both Federal and state, disproportionately favoring onshore facilities,
have characterized the development of this industry in recent years. It
has been suggested that these programs have induced the construction of
facilities in locations of the state that cannot be sustained on an
unsubsidized joint competitive basis. This has already resulted in the
complication of fishery management allocation decisions in the Bering
Sea groundfish fishery, owing to the shoreside facilities' reported
inability to acquire raw material, i.e., groundfish, for processing at
prices which make operation profitable, confronted as they are with
competition from floating capacity.
To the extent that onshore processing development is artificially
induced, whether through direct subsidy or political manipulation of the
regulatory environment, the resulting expansion of U.S. utilization of
the groundfish resources in the EEZ will be more costly than would be
the case if alternative development strategies had been employed. In
practice, the exercise has been instructive. It has generated new
information on development and production costs, which will be
invaluable in assessing, in retrospect, the merits of the
Americanization policy to displace foreign fisheries and processors. But
what if the markets, anticipated by the advocates of an accelerated
Americanization of the U.S. EEZ, fail to materialize?
After all, even in the absence of the Americanization policy,
Japanese and Korean interests may better be served by negotiating
long-term contracts with other coastal countries that recognize the
mutual benefits of such arrangements. The international Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD, 1986:137) has reported that,
in addition to agreements with the United States and Morocco,
"negotiations on fishery agreements . . . have been conducted by
Japan with Canada, China, the Republic of Korea, Australia, New Zealand,
and South Pacific countries. . . . The main species sought are squid,
bottomfish, etc." This understates Japanese participation in
foreign fisheries including recent agreements in South America, among
others, although some setbacks have reportedly been experienced,
especially in U.S. waters, as cited above, and in Soviet waters.
Nonetheless, Japan continues to rely on its own fleets and
processors to supply the domestic market, (3) although we do not know
that these new arrangements are designed to substitute for Alaska
pollock, in the large but declining Japanese surimi market. If they are,
the consequences of the Americanization policy could be much different
than expected.
Cooperative Research
It is precisely this environment of uncertainty that is, in our
opinion, generating worldwide interest in cooperative research on
international groundfish markets. With such dramatic changes in
ownership of the ocean's living marine resources, there are new
participants in these markets, especially new holders of resource
wealth. As discussed above, this had led to some displacement of foreign
fishing fleets and, hence, to interest in how to recoup apparent losses.
Coastal countries with new EFJ zones, but in large part infant
commercial groundfish sectors, seek ways to convert potential to
realized gains. All of this is being contemplated in an environment of
uncertainty about 1) the extent to which previously underutilized
species may command economic attention, 2) the nature of the market for
the many products of the groundfish fishery, and 3) the benefits and
costs associated with cooperative fishing and processing arrangements.
One thing that has clearly emerged from this growing competition
for access to, and control over, heretofore undesirable or uneconomic
fisheries resources, is the image of a highly integrated and
interdependent world market for seafood, particularly whitefish,
commodities. In combination with declining availability of some
important traditional groundfish products (including high valued
Atlantic cod Gadus morhua, and haddock, Melanogrammus aeglefinus,
fillets), lower valued block and minced block made from pollock, hakes,
and any number of other relatively abundant species, and growing
worldwide demand for whitefish products (including fresh and frozen
fillets, blocks, headed and gutted, and surimi), prospects for
groundfish development appear bright, if as of now somewhat uncertain.
To aid in the resolution of some of this uncertainty regarding the
anticipated growth in world whitefish production and trade, an
international cooperative study of groundfish resource capabilities,
trade flows, product forms, market characteristics, and demand was
initiated in early 1987. The study, supported in part by die U.S.
National Marine Fisheries Service, is intended to provide a
comprehensive overview of the major worldwide groundfish resources. The
study is designed in three phases. Phase one involves a global inventory
of significant unutilized and underutilized groundfish species. This
inventory will seek to identify 1) the species complex, 2) geographic
distribution, 3) total size, 4) annual harvestable surplus, and 5)
jurisdictional control, associated with significant populations which
are perceived to have commercial potential.
Simultaneously, data on international seafood trade arrangements
are being developed. These include 1) documentation of trade practices
designed to establish and maintain markets, and 2) product flows in
high-volume whitefish commodities. These could include indirect and
direct subsidies, geopolitical arrangements, countertrading
relationships, capital and/or technology transfers, etc. The purpose
here is to establish a contextual framework for understanding existing
seafood trade patterns and to assess the potential characteristics of
future trading opportunities. Included in this portion of the phase-one
analysis is a descriptive summary of the existing international joint
venture arrangements, including their number, the participating partner
nations, species complex targeted, and their institutional
configuration.
Subsequent phases of the study will draw upon the data compiled in
phase one to 1) quantitatively evaluate supply and demand relationships
for whitefish commodity groups in the world market, 2) assess the
sensitivity of demand to variations in total world production, and 3)
examine the influence of macroeconomic, political, and resource
management policy on world groundfish trade patterns. Perhaps the
research addresses the point of Hemmi (1982), referred to earlier, about
the need for full information.
In view of the many uncertainties surrounding the nature of supply
and demand conditions for groundfish, it is not surprising that the
response to the call for cooperative international research has been so
resoundingly positive. Apparently the expected benefits from the
insights generated are perceived to exceed costs of disclosing
proprietary information.
Phase one of the study began in spring 1987 and involved more than
40 scientists from 23 nations around the world. Preliminary results of
this phase of the study were to be available by spring 1988, and,
assuming continued funding support, phase two was to begin then.
Acknowledgments
The authors would like to acknowledge the support provided for this
work by the National Marine Fisheries Service and by the Oregon State
University Sea Grant College Program (Grant No. NA85AA-D-SGO95. We also
thank the Department of Agricultural Economics at the University of
British Columbia for assistance.
Foot notes
1 If it did, a version of the "transfer problem" could
arise. in which terms of trade are affected by a change in output
following a transfer of resources from one country to another, resulting
in adverse effects on the recipient country. For fishery resources this
is unlikely in the short run. As alternative uses of the oceans are
explored (e.g.. ocean mining), this could emerge as a long-run
consequence of EFJ. however. R. W. Jones. 1975 Presumption and the
transfer problem. J. int. Econ. 5:263-274.
2 Perhaps as a result of a successful "infant industry"
argument by the coastal state and the emergence of a low-cost domestic
industry in the new EEZ. Indeed, an often overlooked dimension of the
infant industry argument for short-term protection from foreign
competition is that, if the infant matures, gains may accrue to
countries in addition to the one protected. G. R. Munro. 1982.
Cooperative fisheries arrangements between Pacific coastal states and
distant water nations. In H.E. English and A. Scott (editors), Renewable
resources in the Pacific, Proceedings of the 12th Pacific Trade and
Development Conference, 7-11 September 1981, Vancouver, B.C., Can. Int.
Develop. Res. Cent., Ottawa, Ont., Can., p. 247-254.
3 T.-N. Chen and D. L. Hueth. 1983.Welfare considerations in the
development of a joint venture policy. In B. Melteff (editor),
Proceedings of the International Seafood Trade Conference, 8-12
September 1982, Anchorage, Alaska, p. 461-471. Sea Grant Coll. Program,
Univ. Alaska, Fairbanks, AK 99701.
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Sea Grant Coll. Program, Univ. Alaska, Fairbanks.
Lewis E. Queirolo is Regional Economist, NMFS Alaska Fisheries
Science Center, 7600 Sand Point Way N.E., Seattle, WA 98115. Richard S.
Johnson is with the Oregon State University, Corvallis, OR 97331. A
revised version of this paper appeared in Marine Policy. January 1989.