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文章基本信息

  • 标题:Text complexity in the US Common Core State Standards: a linguistic critique.
  • 作者:Fang, Zhihui
  • 期刊名称:Australian Journal of Language and Literacy
  • 印刷版ISSN:1038-1562
  • 出版年度:2016
  • 期号:October
  • 语种:English
  • 出版社:Australian Literacy Educators' Association
  • 关键词:State standards (Education)

Text complexity in the US Common Core State Standards: a linguistic critique.


Fang, Zhihui


Introduction

A flurry of national reports (e.g. National Center for Education Statistics, 2014) suggest that academic achievement for K-12 students in the United States has declined or remained stagnant over the past decade. This lack of educational progress is believed to stem, at least in part, from three troubling trends that have been widely reported in research: (a) students' motivation to read and the amount of (academic) reading decline as they advance in schooling; (b) subject area content is delivered primarily via PowerPoint, lecture, oral discussion, hands-on tasks, and performance-based activities, with little use of written texts (and hence few opportunities for extended reading and writing); and (c) students are rarely explicitly taught how to independently read and write complex texts in subject area classrooms.

In response to this situation, the National Governors Association (NGA) and the Council of Chief State School Officers (CCSSO) recently released a document outlining a set of rigorous national standards for school children. The document, called the Common Core State Standards (CCSS) (www.corestandards.org), represents a sea change in standards-based educational reforms. It recommends that 'all students must be able to comprehend texts of steadily increasing complexity as they progress through school' (NGA & CCSSO, 2010, p. 2), and that by the time they graduate high school, students 'must be able to read and comprehend independently and proficiently the kinds of complex texts commonly found in college and careers' (NGA & CCSSO, 2010, p. 2). These recommendations reflect the beliefs of the CCSS architects that (a) texts of varying complexities are central to literacy development and disciplinary learning; (b) the complexity of school texts has steadily declined over the past several decades; and (c) many students have trouble independently reading complex texts in academic subjects upon high school graduation.

Similar movements to raise educational standards and make language and literacy integral parts of subject area teaching can be found elsewhere around the world. The National Curriculum in England (Department for Education, 2014), for example, calls for teachers to 'develop pupils' reading and writing in all subjects to support their acquisition of knowledge' (Department for Education, 2014, p. 10); and students are expected to be able to read fluently and to understand extended prose. In Australia, recent policy initiatives and research efforts have also become increasingly concerned with language and literacy across the school curriculum; and as part of the national literacy goals, students are expected to develop facility in handling the distinctive language and literacy demands of school subjects (ACARA, 2012; Love, 2009; Unsworth, 2002).

One central concept in the CCSS document is text complexity. The concept has received much attention in recent discussions of the CCSS (e.g. Gamson, Lu & Eckert, 2013; Hiebert & Mesmer, 2013; Moore, Zancanella & Avila, 2014; Hiebert & Pearson, 2014). This essay contributes to this conversation. Informed by systemic functional linguistics (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004), a theory of meaning that interprets language as networks of interlocking options and views grammar as a creative resource for making meaning, this article offers a linguistic critique of text complexity as it was conceived by the writers of the CCSS document. It also identifies some linguistic sources of complexity that create potential comprehension challenges and describes a pedagogical routine for coping with these challenges. Understanding text complexity is key to its effective implementation in curriculum development and classroom practices. A linguistic perspective on text complexity is needed because (a) school knowledge is made prototypically of language and presented to students primarily through written texts; and (b) as the knowledge students have to learn becomes more specialised and complex over the school years, the language that constructs this knowledge also becomes progressively more dense, technical, and abstract (Halliday, 2007; Schleppegrell, 2004). A focus on language, while partial in the contemporary multimodal textual environment (e.g. Kress, 2003; Unsworth, 2002), is nonetheless important because language is often referred to as the 'hidden curriculum' of schooling (Christie, 2012) and consistently shown to be the primary source of variability in predicting reading comprehension (Uccelli et al., 2014).

Deconstructing text complexity

The CCSS document defines text complexity as 'the inherent difficulty of reading and comprehending a text combined with the considerations of reader and task variables' (NGA & CCSSO, 2010, p. 43). It uses a triad of features to determine text complexity: quantitative dimensions (e.g. word length, word frequency, sentence length, and text cohesion), qualitative dimensions (e.g. structure, knowledge demands, language conventionality and clarity, and levels of meaning), and reader considerations (e.g. motivation, knowledge, experience, purpose, and task sophistication). It also presents grade-by-grade specifications for increasing text complexity across the span of K-12 schooling.

There are several problems with this conception of text complexity. First, the CCSS document conflates text complexity with text difficulty. Text complexity is an inherent property of text, and can be described in terms of its lexical, syntactic, discursive, and visual features; whereas text difficulty refers to the degree of challenge that a text presents to its readers in terms of its conceptual, linguistic, and visual elements. Thus, although reader and task are important considerations in any discussion of text difficulty, they are technically not features of text complexity. In other words, while text difficulty can vary based on text characteristics, reader profile and task requirements, text complexity is a relatively more stable feature defined by the internal properties of text.

From a linguistic perspective, a text can be complex along two dimensions: lexical density and grammatical intricacy. Lexical density is the proportion of content words (e.g. nouns, verbs, adjectives, most adverbs) to the total discourse (Halliday, 1989). It can be derived from dividing the total number of content words by the total number of clauses in the text. This measure determines the informational density of a text; a higher score means more information is packed into the clause. Grammatical intricacy, on the other hand, refers to the patterns of the organisation of sentence (called clause complex). It can be derived from dividing the total number of clauses by the total number of sentences. The higher the index, the more grammatically intricate the text. As illustrated in Table 1, a text can become complex by being either lexically dense (i.e. packing a large number of content words into each clause through embedding as well as use of adverbial and prepositional phrases) or grammatically intricate (i.e. building up elaborate sentences through subordinate and coordinate relations).

Different ways of meaning (e.g. speaking and writing) engender texts of different complexities (Halliday, 2005). In informal spoken contexts, complexity is accomplished largely through 'prosodie structuring and clause chaining with conjunctions and discourse markers' (Schleppegrell, 2001, p. 454), whereas in written academic contexts it is accomplished largely through 'hierarchical structure, lexicalisation of logical links, and clause-linking strategies of condensation and embedding' (Schleppegrell, 2001, p. 454). Therefore, it is erroneous to assume, as the CCSS document seems to do, that spontaneous spoken texts are less complex than written academic texts. As Halliday (1989) has demonstrated, both types of texts are complex, but their complexities are manifested differently. As a general tendency, the more natural, un-self-monitored texts (e.g. spontaneous speech) and texts that are oriented towards events and processes (e.g. personal genres such as recount and narrative) tend to have higher grammatical intricacy and lower lexical density. By contrast, the more planned, distilled texts (e.g. written texts of academic disciplines) and texts that are oriented towards things/ideas and their relations (e.g. factual and analytical genres such as explanation, report, and exposition) tend to have higher lexical density and lower grammatical intricacy.

Not only does text complexity vary along the 'spoken-written' continuum and by genre, it also differs across disciplines. While texts in academic disciplines are generally lexically dense, they differ in the lexical and grammatical patternings that contribute to this density (Fang, 2012; Fang & Schleppegrell, 2008). For example, science texts often use (a) technical terminology to construct non-commensensical interpretations of the world; (b) expanded noun phrases to pack a heavy load of information into the clause; (c) nominalisations to build technical taxonomies, distil information, and create discursive flow; and (d) logical metaphor to develop logical reasoning and advance argument. History texts, on the other hand, are often constructed in abstract language that infuses the historian's ideological perspectives. The abstraction is typically realised through the use of (a) generic nouns, which refer to groups of people, classes of things, documents, or institutions; (b) nominalisations, which turn a series of events, an action, a quality, or time sequences into abstract 'things' that allow historians to ascribe judgment and expand information; (c) evaluative words and phrases to indicate affect, judgment, and valuation; (d) a sandwich texture that juxtaposes narrative recount of historical events with abstract explanation and interpretation of these events; and (e) within-clause realisation of causal relations that conflates causality and temporality. Mathematics texts typically draw on meaningful configurations of language, symbolism, and visual display to construe mathematical knowledge, processes, and reasoning. In language arts, language patterns of all kinds are used in literary and nonliterary texts in order to entertain and inform readers. These patterns are motivated in that they enable disciplinary experts to present information, structure text, infuse perspective, and develop argument in ways that are consonant with the norms and values embraced by particular communities of practice (Hyland, 2004). As Biber (1992) has observed, text complexity is a multidimensional construct, with different types of structural elaboration reflecting different discourse functions and different kinds of texts exhibiting different complexity profiles.

These varying complexities 'emerge from and realise the different purposes and contexts of language use in different situations' (Schleppegrell, 2001, p. 451). They imply different ways of knowing and of learning, and present different degrees of challenge to the reader. Some lexicogrammatical patterns that contribute to text complexity are more familiar to children, whereas others are less familiar to them and hence pose greater comprehension difficulties. An important question to ask, then, is: What lexicogrammatical configurations of text complexity are potentially more challenging to children? Instead of addressing this question, the CCSS document devotes the lion's share of its attention to quantitative dimensions as a key index in determining what texts students should be reading at different grade bands.

Commonly used quantitative measures (e.g. Fry, Flesh-Kincaid, Lexile) employ either readability formulas or prediction equations. These measures have been widely criticised for their reliance on surface level linguistic features such as word length (the number of syllables per word), word frequency (the number of times a word appears), and sentence length (the number of words per sentence). For example, Perera (1982) showed that (a) short words can sometimes be more difficult to read than longer words; (b) words that are familiar to a reader with one meaning or in one grammatical context may become unfamiliar to the reader when used with a different, less common meaning or function; (c) sentences with the same vocabulary and of the same length can vary in difficulty because of the order in which the words appear; and (d) shorter sentences can sometimes be more difficult to comprehend than longer sentences due to the use of ellipsis or wording differences. According to Hiebert (2011), readability formulas tend to inflate the difficulty of informational text that repeatedly uses certain uncommon words central to its topic but understate the difficulty of narrative fiction that uses a lot of dialogue. Other scholars (e.g. Graesser, McNamara & Louwerse, 2004; Templeton, Cain & Miller, 1981) have criticised readability formulas for failing to take into account additional factors that also affect comprehension, such as conceptual difficulty, interest level, text structure, text cohesion and coherence, and a reader's background knowledge and cognitive aptitude. For these reasons, Perera (1982) suggested that a more thorough examination is needed of vocabulary, sentence structure, and other aspects of linguistic complexity not revealed by measures of word or sentence length (e.g. literary devices, idiomatic expressions). She further noted that 'informed judgments by a thoughtful teacher may have advantages over the application of a readability formula' in selecting/writing reading materials and in planning reading instruction (Perera, 1982, p. 101).

A further criticism of readability formulas or prediction equations is that all of the quantitative measures give a single, summative measure of a text's complexity in terms of grade equivalent or a continuous score. Such 'omnibus' measures do not tell teachers which parts of the text are more or less challenging; nor do they give teachers any insight into how the text can be used or taught. Moreover, an emphasis on a single, static measure and the reader-text match can lead teachers to overlook texts that are above or below the required complexity level of a particular grade band but may offer more relevant and timely content or have the potential to entice and engage students in reading/ learning. Some children, for example, struggle with simple school-based texts, but revel in reading pop culture texts (e.g. Pokemon cards) that often contain more complex vocabulary and syntactic patterns. For these reasons, Hiebert (2014) suggested that the quantitative measures should only be a starting point in the assessment of text complexity, much in the same way that a number on a medical exam is the starting point that triggers further evaluation.

To be fair, the CCSS writers were not unaware of these limitations, as they also recommended the inclusion of qualitative dimensions as an additional indicator of text complexity. The four qualitative measures of text complexity--levels of meaning or purpose, structure, language conventionality and clarity, and knowledge demands--were, however, not described with the same level of specificity or sophistication as the quantitative measures. In fact, the description is provided in dichotomous terms (e.g. simple vs complex, clear vs ambiguous, explicit vs implicit, conventional vs unconventional, literal vs figurative, single level vs multiple levels, low intertextuality vs high intertextuality). Such a cursory account fails to pinpoint the exact sources of text complexity that likely engender comprehension challenges. As noted earlier, not all complexities are equally challenging for comprehension (because of reader characteristics); and complexity does not necessarily correlate with difficulty. In fact, sometimes greater complexity may make the text more comprehensible because simplified or engineered texts can obscure semantic relations and disrupt discursive flow in ways that make the text less coherent and thus more challenging to comprehend (Beck, Omanson & McKeown, 1982). The CCSS document does not address such important questions as: (a) Which particular lexical, syntactic, and discursive features are likely to cause reading problems? and (b) What is it about these features that make them potentially challenging to students? Nor does it emphasise the need to understand the rationale behind particular configurations of complexity. Texts are complex for functionally different reasons, and understanding these reasons is key to developing critical reading/writing skills and disciplinary literacies. In short, the CCSS document is of limited value to teachers in assessing text difficulty and planning instruction with text.

Linguistic sources of comprehension difficulties in complex texts

Hiebert (2014) stated that 'teachers need guidance on what features of texts contribute to making comprehension challenging for students' (p. 5). Recognising this need, this section describes five linguistic sources of text complexity that have been documented to present comprehension challenges to school children: specialised vocabulary, grammatical metaphor, expanded nominal groups, intricate sentences, and pronouns (Fang, 2006). These linguistic features, common among academic and disciplinary texts, are well motivated: they configure in functionally different ways across different genres, disciplines, and contexts. Texts with greater concentrations of these features are generally less familiar to students and hence present a greater challenge for reading comprehension, above and beyond unfamiliar topics. An awareness of the lexicogrammatical patterns that can cause comprehension difficulties gives teachers a principled basis for designing reading instruction that helps students work through challenging texts.

Three disciplinary texts--one each in science, history, and mathematics (see Table 2)--are used to exemplify the five linguistic features identified above. Text 2 (science) is an excerpt on environmental science from A Window on Eternity written by two-time winner of the Pulitzer Prize, Wilson (2014), that examines the near destruction and rebirth of Gorongosa, one of the biologically richest places in Africa. Text 3 (history) is taken from The World Must Know (Berenbaum, 2006), an historical account that examines the atrocities of the Holocaust as told in the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Text 4 (mathematics) is an excerpt from a popular geometry textbook in the U.S. intended for ninth grade by Charles, Branch-Boyd, Illingworth, Mills and Reeves (2004).

Specialised vocabulary

Two types of specialised vocabulary can present comprehension challenges when reading texts in academic disciplines. One type is technical vocabulary, which includes words and phrases experts use to capture key disciplinary concepts. Technical terms such as species, pollinator, symbioses, and euglossine bees in Text 2--are essential to the creation and organisation of specialised knowledge in specific disciplines. Without them, disciplines as we know them today would not have existed. Because of its low frequency of occurrence outside of disciplinary contexts, technical vocabulary tends to be less familiar to students and can thus create reading problems. Another type of specialised vocabulary is commonplace words and phrases that take on special meaning in particular contexts or disciplines. Words--such as product and sides in Text 4--are usually familiar to students because of their high utility in the everyday context, but they can pose comprehension difficulties when used in a different, non-vernacular sense. Comprehension problems can exacerbate when a heavy load of specialised vocabulary is present in a short chunk of text.

Grammatical metaphor

Grammatical metaphor is a key feature of academic and disciplinary texts. It refers to linguistic choices that realise meaning in ways that are incongruent with how humans typically construe their everyday experience. In congruent realisations things are presented in nouns, processes in verbs, qualities in adjectives, circumstances (i.e. when, where, how, in what manner, to what extent) in adverbs or prepositional phrases, and logical-semantic relations in conjunctions. In incongruent realisations processes, qualities, and circumstances are presented in nouns, and logical-semantic relations in nouns, verbs, or prepositions.

One prominent type of grammatical metaphor is nominalisation, which involves the use of a nominal group as a substitute for another grammatical class or structure (e.g. verb, adjective, adverb, prepositional phrase, conjunction or clause). For example, this 24-word sentence from Text 3--The location and operation of the camps were based on calculations of accessibility and cost-effectiveness--the hallmarks of modern business and administrative practice.--contains seven nominalisations (underlined). It can be expressed in the more congruent language of everyday life as 'The Nazis determined where the [concentration] camps were to be located and how they were to be operated by calculating how accessible and cost-effective they are. This is characteristic of how modern business and administration operate.' The grammatical shifts from verb, adjective, and clause to nominal group that accompany the transference from congruent to incongruent ways of realising meaning are shown in Table 3. Note that these shifts also involve the disappearance of historical actors (the Nazis) who were perpetrators of the activities.

All three texts in Table 2 are populated with nominalisations, as can be seen in Table 4. Some of the terms, such as inbreeding and symbioses in Text 2 and product in Text 4, have also become reified as technical or semi-technical concepts with specialised meanings. They work in conjunction with technical vocabulary and other nominalisations to create an abstract textual world that is alienating to students and presents comprehension challenges to them.

As these examples demonstrate, nominalisation has consequences for the organisation of the clause and even subsequent sentences. By synthesising or condensing prior discourse into a nominal group that then functions as participant in a new clause, nominalisation helps create a cohesive text that flows. For example, 'such symbioses' in Text 2 reintroduces the idea presented in the previous three sentences (i.e. about the interdependency of species) as a nominal group that then becomes the subject of the first clause of the last sentence. Similarly, 'the killing' (second sentence) in Text 3 distills the message from the first sentence (massacre in concentration camps) into a nominal group that then serves as the topic of discussion in the sentence. From this perspective, nominalisation is an important grammatical resource for organising information and developing argument in a text.

At the same time, however, nominalisation creates a discourse that is simultaneously dense, technical, abstract, and nebulous, making the text much more difficult to comprehend and critique. By compressing and distilling what is normally expressed in a clause into a nominal group that becomes merely a grammatical participant in the clause, nominalisation increases the informational load (i.e. density) of the clause. It also creates abstraction and technicality by suppressing agency and eliminating concrete referential information. In other words, by ways of nominalisation, discursive vitality (with actors actually engaging in action) is transformed into a stasis or an abstraction. This has the effect of naturalising something that is fuzzy and opaque, making it sound technical, precise, stable, and authoritative. It also masks power relationships by downplaying individual responsibility for an action or completely removing people or other agents from the picture.

For example, in the first sentence of Text 2, the agents responsible for the loss of tree and insect species are hidden and have to be inferred from the surrounding text. In the first sentence of Text 3, the party responsible for selecting and operating the site for concentration camps is buried and has to be recovered for reading comprehension. Similarly, in Text 4 the actor responsible for measuring the interior angles of a polygon and adding up these measures is buried so that the focus is on the mathematical concepts of measurement, addition, multiplication, subtraction, and division, rather than on the concrete mathematical processes of measuring, adding, subtracting, multiplying, and dividing. Because nominalisation tends to obscure many of the semantic relations that are otherwise transparent in the clause structure, it reduces the reader's sense of what is truly involved in an interaction. As such, nominalisation is an instrument of manipulation prized by experts in many disciplines. Students who do not understand how nominalisation works will be less likely to recognise the hidden meanings and less likely to develop as critical readers and writers.

This trade-off between a gain in textual information (facilitating discursive flow) and a loss of ideational information (suppressing agency) favours the specialist and disadvantages the novice. Nominalisation backgrounds information that disciplinary experts are able to retrieve (from either preceding text or prior knowledge) for understanding, but novice or uninformed readers are not able to recover for comprehension. Because reading comprehension always involves activation of prior knowledge, the lost information makes it especially daunting for those without appropriate content knowledge to properly identify the processes and participants involved in a given situation and how they relate to one another. As Halliday and Martin (1993) observed, grammatical metaphor such as nominalisation 'sets apart those who understand it and shields it from those who do not' (p. 21). It is not surprising that students find highly nominalised discourse inaccessible, often seeing it as boring and vague.

Another type of grammatical metaphor that presents a potential challenge for reading is logical metaphor, which realises semantic relations between two clauses in non-congruent ways. In congruent realisations, logical links between two clauses are realised in conjunctions; but in non-congruent realisations, logical links are realised clause internally in nouns, verbs, adverbs, or prepositions. This way of using language makes the logical connections in the text more difficult to discern for students, especially those lacking appropriate background knowledge and/or language proficiency. For example, Text 2 is an environmental science text that offers causal/consequential explanations about the extinction of plant and animal species in Gorongosa National Park. The logical connections in the text are realised through verbs and prepositions. In the first sentence, the verb phrase 'results in' offers a consequential explanation, i.e. the loss of a single tree species causes the elimination of insect species. The second sentence is what Fitzgerald (2014) called an 'asyndetic construction,' which realises causality not through an explicit marker (e.g. conjunction) but through the modal verb can. It means that the disappearance of a key pollinator likely has the effect of causing multiple plant species to become extinct. In the third sentence, the prepositions from and with construct causal explanations, suggesting that (a) honeybees suffered a die-off probably because of the human use of pesticides and inbreeding among honeybees; and (b) some crops declined because honeybees suffered a die-off. The last sentence constructs a consequential relation through a verb denoting the relational process (mean), suggesting that the extinction of one partner species causes the other species to die too. When causal explanations are constructed with linguistic resources other than the usually familiar resource of conjunctions (e.g. because, so), the true causes of and eventual solutions to environmental problems are obscured. This, coupled with the burial of agency through nominalisation, can impede students' comprehension of environmental texts and inhibit their active participation in solving environmental problems (Chenhansa & Schleppegrell, 1998).

Similarly, in Text 3, the verb phrase (were based on) in the first sentence implies causation: accessibility and cost-effectiveness determined where concentration camps were to be located and how they were to be operated. The use of 'from' in the third sentence suggests that because killing Jews became an industry, German corporations were able to make good profits. Fitzgerald (2014) suggested that the reason authors make causal relationships implicit could be varied interpretations, political sensibilities, lack of evidence, or a combination of these. From a discursive point of view, by construing causal relations within clauses (through verbs, nouns, or prepositions) rather than between clauses (through conjunctions), authors have available to them a much wider array of linguistic resources to delicately explain how one thing leads to another (Martin, 2002). At the same time, such within-clause logical reasoning necessitates the causes and effects to be constructed as abstract 'things', often in the form of nominalisations. In short, grammatical metaphor makes explanations less accessible to comprehend or critique for students.

Expanded nominal group

Texts in academic disciplines tend to be lexically dense, meaning that they pack a large quantity of content words into individual clauses. Expanded nominal groups are a key contributor to lexical density, as they enable the author to pack a heavy load of information into the clause (Fang, Schleppegrell & Cox, 2006). According to Halliday and Martin (1993), lexical density is typically 2-3 for spontaneous speech and 4-6 for general written texts, but can be 10 or higher for specialised texts in academic disciplines. The following sentences from Texts 2-4 have a lexical density score of at least 10, and it is the expanded nominal group (italicised) that renders them informationally loaded:

* The loss of a single tree species often results in the elimination of multiple moth, beetle, and other insect species dependent on it.

* The location and operation of the camps were based on calculations of accessibility and cost-effectiveness --the hallmarks of modern business and administrative practice.

* The sum of the measures of the interior angles of a polygon equals the product of 180[degrees] and two less than the number of sides.

* The measure of each angle of a regular polygon equals the sum of the angle measures divided by the number of angles.

Lexically-dense texts present greater processing demands than lexically-sparse texts because of the limits of human working memory. When multiple expanded nominal groups are present in a single clause, the clause can be especially dense and difficult to process. Complications for comprehension can occur when one nominalisation is embedded within another to create an expanded nominal group that is simultaneously dense and abstract, as the three examples above illustrate.

Intricate sentence

Texts that are grammatically intricate contain long sentences, each strung together with multiple clauses through coordination and subordination. Grammatical intricacy is a feature of spontaneous speech. It does not typically present a problem for listening comprehension because in listening, text is processed 'largely at the level of meaning' without conscious attention to wording (Halliday, 2005, p. 350). In reading, by contrast, text is processed at the level of wording, with the reader predisposed to 'take a synoptic view of what it means' (Halliday, 2005, p. 344). This means that texts with high grammatical intricacy tend to be difficult to follow when read. As Perera (1982) noted, while length per se does not necessarily make a sentence easier or more difficult to comprehend, a long sentence that contains several clauses with complex logical-semantic relationships among them are very often hard to read. The following two sentences from Wilson's (2014) A Window on Eternity each encode a series of logicosemantic relations (underlined) through subordinate and coordinate clauses that can be difficult to untangle for inexperienced readers.

* At the terminal of one of the gorges is one such cave, from which a stream flows, and which may have been occupied by humans and the ancestors of humans since humanity began, making it potentially prime site for further archaeological exploration, (p. 29)

* And now that the rain forest of Mount Gorongosa is also saved, and providing the water distribution of the park is protected, and providing the long-term effects of climate change are not overwhelming, there is no reason to fear that the ecological cycle that worked for thousands of years in the past will not go on for thousands of years into the future, (p. 53)

Pronoun

A pronoun is a word that replaces a noun in a sentence. It is a powerful device for establishing cohesion in a text and for avoiding cumbersome repetition. Pronouns such as personal pronouns (e.g. it, he, we), demonstratives (e.g. this, such, those), and relative pronouns (e.g. who, which, that) can create comprehension problems for readers if their referents are not transparent. Referential ambiguity can arise when (a) multiple referential possibilities exist for a pronoun; (b) the distance between a pronoun and its referent is so great that it impedes the recognition capability of the reader's working memory; or (c) the precise referent for a pronoun is difficult to pinpoint in the text. The first sentence in Text 2, for example, contains a pronoun 'it', whose referent (a single tree species) is far away at the beginning of this 23-word sentence. The precise referent for the demonstrative 'such' in such symbioses (last sentence) is not easy to identify because it refers not to a particular word or phrase in the text, but to the idea discussed in the preceding three sentences. Identifying and tracking referents is a critical reading skill that involves both content/domain knowledge and discursive insights.

Summary

The five linguistic features discussed above occur with regularity in disciplinary texts; however, they may not always be all present in a single text. These linguistic sources of complexity are not by themselves easy or difficult to understand. The degree to which they present challenges to reading comprehension depends not only on the frequency, concentration, and context of their occurrences, but more importantly on reader characteristics (e.g. motivation, language proficiency, cognitive aptitude, background knowledge, literacy experience) and task requirements (e.g. reading for enjoyment vs. reading for detailed summary vs. reading to critique). This means that reader and task factors should be 'among the first considerations' when evaluating the potential impact of text complexity on reading comprehension (Wixson & Valencia, 2014, p. 431). Teachers are in the best position to evaluate whether one or more linguistic features present specific comprehension challenges to particular readers in a given task. Understanding the various ways text complexity is constructed, as well as the reasons behind and the effects of these constructions, is the first essential step towards not only assessing text difficulty but also, more importantly, providing instructional support that enables students to cope with the challenges of complex texts and develop as engaged and critical readers and proficient writers. With an intimate awareness of, as well as explicit knowledge about, text features and their potential impacts on comprehension, teachers will 'regain a sense of agency and creativity' and be better equipped to 'craft a tailored approach to their classroom and their individual learners' (Hiebert, 2014, pp. 16-17). This sense of empowerment is also key to developing what Duffy (2005) called 'visionary' and 'entrepreneurial' teachers who do not have to rely on prepackaged commercial programs but are capable of making independent, informed decisions about curriculum and pedagogy.

Working with complex texts

Texts of varying complexities present different processing demands for reading comprehension. Students need guidance in order to successfully cope with these texts. Such guidance can be provided through close reading practices. Rooted in literacy criticism and recommended in the CCSS document, close reading is 'an approach to teaching comprehension that insists students extract meaning from text by examining carefully how language is used in the passage itself' (Snow & O'Connor, 2013, p. 2). During close reading, students engage in intensive analysis and critical examination of a text through repeated readings in order to understand its main ideas and key details, its craft and structure, and its voice and perspective. Fang (in press) recently described a pedagogical routine for implementing close reading with complex texts. Drawing on extant models of close reading (e.g. Fang & Schleppegrell, 2010; Fisher & Frey, 2012; Rose & Martin, 2012), this routine consists of four phases, namely, engaging with the text, zooming in on the text, playing with the text, and extending the text.

During the first phase, teachers engage students in making sense of the text through reading, questioning, and discussion. As students read the text, they take notes, jotting down comments and connections, as well as 'thick' questions (i.e. those dealing with the big picture or large concepts and requiring thinking, searching, synthesis, and inference) and 'thin' questions (i.e., those focusing on specific details in the text). After reading, students get into small groups to share their notes and discuss the questions they have generated. Next, as a whole class, students share what they discussed in their groups, marking the questions that are not answered and brainstorming ideas that help them seek answers to these questions (e.g. read further, check an outside source, and ask teacher). The reading and discussion helps students gain a general understanding of the text, providing a foundation for subsequent phases of the instructional routine.

During the second phase, teachers help students zoom in on a particularly challenging but important segment (e.g. 1-2 paragraphs) within the text. Specifically, teachers engage students in reading the text segment closely, deconstructing each sentence into meaningful chunks and discussing the meaning and rhetorical functions of these chunks. In this phase, teachers explicitly draw students' attention to new or challenging lexical, grammatical, and discursive features, helping them expand their linguistic repertoires for making genre/ discipline-specific meanings, such as those for building tension in stories; construing technicality, density, abstraction, and generalisation in factual texts; and evaluating issues and critiquing texts in persuasive and response essays.

During the third phase, teachers design language-based tasks that highlight and reinforce key or new language patterns from the text. Using excerpts from the texts students have been reading, these tasks can focus on developing students' understanding of (a) key vocabulary; (b) authorial voice; (c) how information is packed to increase density in disciplinary texts; (d) how information is synthesized or distilled in a way that also facilitates discursive flow in the text; (e) how information can be packaged and repackaged in ways that accommodate the needs of audience, style, author purpose, and discourse organisation; (f) how clause beginnings impact the presentation of information and creation of discursive flow; and (g) how everyday language can be used as a resource for making sense of academic/disciplinary language (see, for example, Fang, 2010). They provide opportunities for students to 'play with' novel or key language features, helping them develop familiarity with and facility in using academic and disciplinary language.

During the fourth phase, teachers guide students to write a new text, first collaboratively and then independently, encouraging imitation as well as 'playful innovation' (Myhill, 2013) in language use. With narrative texts, for example, students use the literary resources from the literature they have been reading in constructing a new story that is different in content (e.g. characters, events, and settings) from the model text. With factual texts, students write a new text using the same content as the original text but in wordings that are closer to what they might use themselves. With analytical texts, students write a new text using the rhetorical resources of evaluation and persuasion drawn from the model text. Students can also write responses to the text they have been reading, making personal connections with as well as evaluating and critiquing the ideas and craft in the text.

It is important to note that work with complex texts must be embedded within disciplinary experiences. The above instructional routine needs to be used within units of study in which students engage in reading, writing, talking, observing, listening, viewing, inquiring, doing, and performing related to the topics or ideas significant to the discipline. For example, in an 11th-grade environmental science unit focused on increasing students' understanding of the impacts of human activities on the environment, students can conduct observations and experiments involving climate change, watch YouTube documentaries on pollution (e.g. Farley, 2012), listen to the environmental outlook series on the Diane Rehm show, and take field trips to witness sites of environmental degradation. Additionally, they can read, discuss, and respond to (orally and in writing) a range of books on environmental issues--such as A Window on Eternity (Wilson, 2014), Silent Spring (Carson, 1962), Sacred Ecology (Berkes, 2008), Fruitless Fall (Jacobsen, 2008), Food, Inc. (Pringle, 2003), The Omnivore's Dilemma (Pollan, 2006), Anthropology and Climate Change (Crate, 2009), Chesapeake Bay Blues (Ernest, 2003), and even Waiden (pp. 138-158) (Thoreau, 1854)--as well as textbook excerpts and the more up-to-date journal, magazine, and website articles (e.g. Aktar, Sengupta & Chowdhury, 2009; Elliot, 2015; Plumer, 2013; Welch, 2015). Teachers can select passages from these textual resources for close reading practices once or twice per week using the instructional routine described earlier. Passages selected for this purpose usually contain rich language resources with which students are less familiar and which they can apply to their own writing. Situating the language and literacy work within the context of disciplinary explorations--where students engage in firsthand experiences, use disciplinary methods, conduct inquiries, solve problems, and interact with diverse texts--gives the experience purpose, meaning, and usefulness.

Conclusion

The texts that students are expected to engage with become progressively more complex across the span of their K-12 education. The complexity is manifested in different ways across different genres, disciplines, and contexts. To help students cope with text complexity, teachers need to provide them ample opportunities to read, write, discuss, play with, and evaluate a wide range of texts across multiple domains in genre- and discipline-specific ways. However, simply immersing students in complex texts is rarely sufficient in helping them develop the literate capacity to independently comprehend and critically evaluate texts of varying complexities. In other words, students often need explicit support in their interaction with complex texts. To provide such support, teachers need first to understand what it is that makes a text complex and which features of the text make it challenging, as well as the functionality of the complexity. They also need to develop a range of pedagogical routines and strategies that are effective for helping students work through challenging texts.

Developing these sorts of expertise is admittedly a significant challenge in itself. The role of language and text in literacy development and content learning is traditionally marginalised in many teacher education programs across the US and internationally, with the consequence that teachers are often found to lack adequate knowledge and confidence in teaching about language and text (Fang, Sun, Chiu & Truschel, 2014; Love, 2009). An emphasis on text complexity in the CCSS document augurs a need to make explicit knowledge about language and text a central concern in teacher preparation. Linguistically-informed literacy pedagogies, such as those described by functional linguists (e.g. Fang & Schleppegrell, 2008; Rose & Martin, 2012), can help students better understand how language is used as a creative resource to present information, structure text, develop argument, and infuse ideology, thereby enhancing their text comprehension and critical literacy development. They offer a powerful approach to understanding and teaching text complexity in the CCSS era. Learning and enacting these pedagogies can be, as recent research (e.g. Love, 2010; Schleppegrell, Greer & Taylor, 2008) has shown, an exciting, enlightening, and rewarding adventure for teachers.

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Zhihui Fang

University of Florida

Zhihui Fang is Professor and Head of Reading and Literacy Education in the School of Teaching and Learning, University of Florida, USA. His areas of expertise include literacy and language education, functional linguistics, and teacher education. His recent research focuses on the language demands of disciplinary reading and writing. He is particularly interested in exploring the use of evidence-based language and literacy practices to support disciplinary learning and socialisation.
Table 1. Lexical density and grammatical intricacy in Texts 1a-c

Text Examples                        Number of   Lexical   Grammatical
                                      Clauses    Density    Intricacy

Text 1a: You can control# the            5         1.6          5
trains# this way, and if you do
that, you can be quite sure# that
they'll run more safely# and more
quickly#, no matter how bad# the
weather# gets.

Text 1b: If this method# of              3          4           3
control# is used#, trains# will
unquestionably# be able# to run#
more safely# and faster#, even
when the weather# conditions# are
most adverse#.

Text 1c: The use# of this method#        1         12           1
of controlling# unquestionably#
leads# to safer# and faster#
train# running# in the most
adverse# weather# conditions#.

* Examples are drawn from Halliday (1989, p. 79). Content
words are bolded.

Note: Content words are indicated with #.

Table 2. Sample texts in science, history, and mathematics

Text 2: Science         Text 3: History         Text 4: Mathematics

The loss of a single    The location and        The sum of the
tree species often      operation of the        measures of the
results in the          camps were based on     interior angles of a
elimination of          calculations of         polygon equals the
multiple moth,          accessibility and       product of
beetle, and other       cost-effectiveness--    180[degrees] and two
insect species          the hallmarks of        less than the number
dependent on it.        modern business and     of sides. The measure
Similarly, the          administrative          of each angle of a
disappearance of a      practice. The killing   regular polygon
key pollinator can      was done coolly and     equals the sum of the
threaten multiple       systematically under    angle measures
plant species. When     the supervision of      divided by the number
honeybees recently      bureaucrats. German     of angles. (Charles,
suffered a die-off,     corporations profited   Branch-Boyd,
probably from a         handsomely from the     Illingworth, Mills &
combination of          industry of death.      Reeves, 2004, p. 463)
pesticides and          Pharmaceutical firms
inbreeding, some        tested drugs on camp
crops dependent on      inmates without any
their services          regard for toxic side
declined with them.     effects. Companies
When such symbioses     bid for contracts to
are tight and highly    build ovens and
specific, as between    supply the gas used
some tropical orchids   for extermination.
and euglossine bees,    German engineers
the extinction of one   working for Topf and
partner means doom      Sons supplied one
for the other.          camp alone with
(Wilson, 2014, p.       forty-six ovens
125)                    capable of burning
                        500 bodies an hour.
                        (Berenbaum, 2006, p.
                        103)

Table 3. Congruent and incongruent linguistic realisations of meaning

Congruent Realisation               Incongruent Realisation

where the camps were to be          location (nominal group)
  located (clause)
how they were to be operated        operation (nominal group)
  (clause)
calculating (verb)                  calculations (nominal group)
accessible (adjective)              accessibility (nominal group)
cost-effective (adjective)          cost-effectiveness (nominal group)
characteristic (adjective)          hallmarks (nominal group)
how modern business and             modern business and administration
  administration operate (clause)     practice (nominal group)

Table 4. Nominalisations in Texts 2-4

Text 2          Text 3               Text 4

loss            location             sum
elimination     operation            measure
disappearance   calculations         product
combination     accessibility
inbreeding      cost-effectiveness
symbioses       the hallmarks
extinction      practice
doom            the killing
                supervision
                death
                regard
                effects
                extermination


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