Coping strategies as a mediator between adolescent spirituality/religiosity and psychosocial adjustment.
Hall, Sarah E. ; Flanagan, Kelly S.
Religiosity and spirituality have been identified as developmental
assets for youth, particularly in the face of adversity (Crawford,
Wright, & Masten, 2006). Indeed, spirituality and religious
participation are associated with better psychosocial health (Yonker,
Schnabelrauch, & DeHaan, 2012), stronger relationships and more
prosocial behavior (Eisenberg, Castellani, Panerai, Eggum, Cohen,
Pastorelli, & Caprara, 2011; Furrow, King, & White, 2004), and
fewer behavior problems (Desrosiers & Miller, 2008; Pearce, Jones,
Schwab-Stone, & Ruchkin, 2003). Though there are many hypothesized
mediators that explain these links, little research has examined the
mechanisms by which spirituality and religiosity are related to positive
outcomes. The current study seeks to examine one possible
pathway--coping responses to negative peer interactions--from
spirituality/religiosity to psychosocial adjustment in early
adolescence.
Spirituality and religiosity are best understood as complex,
multidimensional constructs with a variety of definitions (Benson,
Scales, Sesma, & Roehlkepartain, 2006; Hill & Pargament, 2003).
In general, spirituality has been understood as the personal and private
experiences of the sacred and divine (not necessarily occurring within
the context of organized religion), whereas religiosity represents
beliefs, practices, and rituals around the transcendent associated with
formal, organized religion. However, it has been argued that the
distinctions between these constructs are not clear-cut, as religious
institutions encourage personal experiences and rituals, and spiritual
experiences often occur within religious contexts. Religiosity and
spirituality might best be conceptualized as independent but overlapping
(King & Benson, 2006). Similar to previous research with adolescents
(e.g., Cotton, McGrady, & Rosenthal, 2010; Sallquist, Eisenberg,
French, Purwono, & Suryanti, 2010), in the present study, we
consider multiple aspects of adolescents' spirituality and
religiosity (e.g., daily spiritual experiences, spiritual practices,
forgiveness, spiritual values); thus, we will use the term
spirituality/religiosity (S/R) throughout this paper.
Social Contexts of Early Adolescence
Adolescent S/R is a burgeoning research topic of particular
significance given the developmentally-normative search for meaning and
purpose and the desire for connectedness and relationships during this
period (Benson et al., 2006; Furrow et al., 2004; Good & Willoughby,
2008; King & Boyatzis, 2004), drives that are fulfilled by many
youth through religious and spiritual pursuits. Furthermore, because the
early solidification of identity and the dawn of abstract thought,
deductive reasoning, and metacognitive abilities are distinctive during
adolescence, the abstract and personal construct of S/R and the
development of a particular worldview and ideology are developmentally
relevant to adolescents (Good & Willoughby, 2008; King &
Boyatzis, 2004).
In light of these developmental tasks and phenomena, S/R is a
developmental asset for adolescents. It provides sources of ideals, role
models, and self-images that influence identity development (Roeser,
Isaac, Abo-Zena, Brittian, & Peck, 2008). Indeed, the degree to
which morality is central to one's identity in adolescence has been
found to be a mechanism through which S/R affects prosocial behavior
(Hardy, Walker, Rackham, & Olsen, 2012). S/R also provides
connectedness with others as well as a higher being, providing security,
strength, confidence, and social capital (Mason, Schmidt, & Mennis,
2012), particularly in the presence of stressors. These characteristics
make adolescence a developmental period in which religious conversions
or commitments are likely to occur (Good & Willoughby, 2008). S/R is
important to a large percentage of adolescents and serves as a
protective factor, positively influencing developmental outcomes in the
face of risk (Benson et al., 2006; Furrow et al., 2004; King &
Boyatzis, 2004; Roeser et al., 2008).
S/R and adjustment. Social competence, the ability to achieve and
maintain success within the social context (Ladd, 2005; Rose-Krasnor
& Denham, 2009), is an important aspect of development in
adolescence, particularly as peer relations become more salient. A
crucial change in early adolescence is the increasing complexity of peer
group dynamics. Along with greater intimacy and closeness, there is an
increase in the rate of peer relationship difficulties such as
victimization, social exclusion, and gossiping (Parker et al., 2006).
Early adolescents must acquire multifaceted social and coping skills,
including conflict resolution and behavioral and emotional
self-regulation abilities, to adapt to these interpersonal demands
(Parker et al., 2006; Skinner & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2007).
Adolescents' social competence hinges in part on their ability to
utilize coping strategies to navigate peer relations and interpersonal
conflicts.
There is a substantial body of literature linking S/R with
psychosocial adjustment in adolescents, including both internalizing and
externalizing difficulties (Carter, Flanagan, & Caballero, 2013; Kim
& Esquivel, 2011; Sallquist et al., 2010; Yonker et al., 2012).
There is a strong relationship between S/R and lower levels of problem
behaviors such as substance use, aggression, delinquency, and smoking
(e.g., DesRosiers & Miller, 2008; Pearce et al., 2003). The research
exploring links between S/R and internalizing difficulties, including
social anxiety and low self-esteem, has been more limited, despite the
prevalence of these difficulties in adolescence (Mann et al., 2011).
Therefore, in the current study, we focus on the relation between S/R
and internalizing problems. Research does indicate that adolescents who
report higher levels of S/R (e.g., daily spiritual experiences,
forgiveness, positive religious coping) have lower levels of anxiety
(Abdel-Khalek, 2011; Desrosiers & Miller, 2008; French et al.,
2008), whereas adolescents and young adults who experience high levels
of doubts in their religious beliefs experience more anxiety (Kezdy,
Martos, Boland, & Horvath-Szabo, 2011). In contrast, adolescents
with higher levels of S/R (e.g., daily spiritual experiences, religious
practices and beliefs, religious attendance) have higher self-esteem
(French, Eisenberg, Vaughan, Purwono, & Suryanti, 2008: Sallquist et
al., 2010; Yonker et al., 2012).
Links between S/R and social anxiety have been found in adult
samples (e.g., Flannelly, Galek, Ellison, & Koenig, 2010) but have
not been explored in adolescent samples. However, S/R has been
positively associated with adolescents' prosocial attitudes and
behaviors, such as sympathy, perspective-taking, and prosocial behavior
(Benson et al., 2006; Furrow et al., 2004). Due to the important role of
peer relationships in adolescence, we explore the links between S/R and
social anxiety in the current study.
Why is S/R linked with lower anxiety and higher self-esteem?
Research with at-risk adolescents suggests that S/R reduces anxiety by
promoting meaning, purpose, and sense-making, which helps them cope with
stressors (Davis, Kerr, & Kurpius, 2003). When adolescents believe
in a benevolent God whose purposes predominate through all events, their
general social distress and fearfulness about negative evaluations and
social experiences in both the present and the future is likely to be
reduced. Such meaningful and positive understandings of causality may
also protect against decreases in self-esteem by reducing self-blame and
stress during the increased turbulence of adolescence (Yonkers et al.,
2012). In addition, S/R likely promotes self-esteem by representing and
encouraging positive relationships with others. Adolescents who are
involved with religious communities are generally valued by adults in
those congregations, which promotes a positive sense of self-worth in
light of the care and concern of other people as well as God. It is
likely that the positive relationships and outlooks promoted by S/R
affect adolescents' outcomes through their impact on coping
strategies, promoting the use of positive, adaptive strategies and
reducing reliance on maladaptive techniques. For this reason, we explore
coping strategies as a mechanism linking S/R with positive adjustment in
adolescence.
Coping. In general, interpersonal stressors are pervasive risk
factors for the development of psychopathology in adolescence (Compas,
Connor-Smith, Saltzman, Thomsen, & Wadsworth, 2001; Seiffge-Krenke,
2011). The ways in which children and adolescents cope with stress can
mediate risk for current and future adjustment and psychopathology
(Compas et al., 2001), and it has been suggested that S/R contributes to
well-being through its effects on children's coping with stress
(Crawford et al., 2006; Good & Willoughby, 2008; Kim & Esquivel,
2011). Religious involvement promotes social network development and
social capital that provide support during times of stress (Smith,
2003). It provides a framework for meaning-making and the promotion of a
sense of agency. S/R also provides social support and resources through
involvement in religious contexts, which in turn provide models of
effective coping and social skills and opportunities for positive social
interactions (Smith, 2003). Importantly, S/R is likely to proscribe or
emphasize certain values, goals, attitudes, and behaviors that are
taught, modeled, and expected; when youth face stressors, they are
likely to rely on these principles and select coping responses which
reflect them. Indeed, the limited research that has examined coping as a
mediator between stressors and outcomes supports these ideas (Perez,
Little, & Henrich, 2009).
Several types of coping have been studied in youth. Direct/active
or approach coping represents positive attempts to resolve or address
the stressor directly (e.g., problem-solving, conflict resolution,
support seeking) and is related to positive adaptation
(Kochenderfer-Ladd, 2004; Sontag & Graber, 2010). Youth who are more
socially competent utilize active coping strategies more frequently than
their less competent peers (Zimmer-Gembeck, Lees, & Skinner, 2011).
In response to peer stressors such as bullying, seeking social support
is one of the most effective ways to prevent further bullying
(Seiffge-Krenke, 2011). Youth who are more likely to use active coping
perceive the bullying episode as a challenge to directly address and do
not assign self-blame (e.g., Hunter & Boyle, 2004), which most
likely reflects their meaning-making, purpose, and self-worth. In
dealing with conflict with friends, active coping is the most effective
coping strategy to resolve the conflict and maintain the friendship
(Seiffge-Krenke, 2011).
In contrast, some types of coping with peer difficulties (e.g.,
revenge-seeking, avoidance) are generally considered maladaptive and
have been associated with depression, anxiety, loneliness, social
problems, and school-related problems (Kochenderfer-Ladd, 2004;
Kochenderfer-Ladd & Skinner, 2002; Sandstrom, 2004; Sontag &
Graber, 2010; Visconti & Troop-Gordon, 2010). Avoidance, such as
wishful thinking, ignoring, or refusing to think about the stressor
(i.e. cognitive distancing), is considered a type of disengagement
coping, as it involves an orientation away from the stressor and the
negative thoughts and emotions that result from the stressor (Compas et
al., 2001). In contrast, revenge-seeking is certainly active, but it is
based in negative emotions, such as anger and embarrassment, that lead
to thoughts about or actions of retaliation (Kochenderfer-Ladd, 2004).
Revenge-seeking and cognitive distancing are proposed to be linked with
negative outcomes in the face of interpersonal stressors because they do
not enable adolescents to productively attend to the stressor or to
build or utilize skills that might resolve the stressor in an adaptive
manner. Revenge-seeking and cognitive distancing also fail to alter
interpersonal dynamics to decrease the likelihood of the stressor
reoccurring; rather, these coping strategies can signal weakness or
vulnerability to peers and thus lead to increased peer difficulties,
anxiety, and low self-esteem. We explore several of these types of
coping--direct/active, revenge-seeking, and avoidance--as mediators
between S/R and psychosocial adjustment.
Current Study
In the current study, we seek to better understand the processes
linking early adolescents' S/R to their well-being in the
developmental context of peer relationships. We hope to 1) contribute to
the literature linking S/R with anxiety and self-esteem in adolescence,
and 2) elucidate one pathway by which these links occur. It is important
to note that no previous studies have focused on specifically
interpersonal aspects of self-esteem or internalizing problems (e.g.,
social self-esteem, social anxiety), as the present study does. Given
the importance of social development during adolescence, we focus on
adolescents' coping in the face of stressors encountered within
their peer relationships.
We examined the direct associations between multiple dimensions of
S/R (daily spiritual experiences, spiritual practices, forgiveness,
spiritual values) and internalizing difficulties (self-esteem and social
anxiety) among seventh and eighth graders. Specifically, we hypothesized
that each dimension of S/R would be associated with higher self-esteem
and lower social anxiety. We also hypothesized that each dimension of
S/R would be linked with more frequent use of active coping strategies
(conflict resolution, advice and support seeking) and less frequent use
of maladaptive coping strategies (cognitive distancing,
revenge-seeking). Finally, we examined the role of coping strategies as
a mediator in these associations. We hypothesized that coping strategies
would partially mediate the relations between S/R and psychosocial
outcomes. Specifically, we expected S/R to be positively associated with
self-esteem and negatively associated with social anxiety through more
frequent use of active coping strategies and less frequent use of
maladaptive coping strategies.
Method
Participants
Participants were 132 seventh- and eighth-grade students from a
private Christian middle school in the Midwestern United States.
Sixty-two (47%) were boys and 70 (53%) girls, evenly divided between
seventh and eighth grade and ranging from 11.3 to 14.9 years of age (M =
13.3 years). The sample included 102 Caucasian (77%), 12
African-American (9%), seven Hispanic (5.3%), three Asian-American
(2.3%), one Eastern European (0.8%), and seven biracial (5%)
participants.
Procedure
This study was part of a larger project examining the social
experiences and coping of middle school students. In collaboration with
the school administration and following appropriate IRB approval,
letters and passive consent forms explaining the study and its purpose
were sent to all parents. Youth provided informed assent to participate
on the day of administration after the study had been fully explained.
Adolescents completed self-report measures of social anxiety and
self-esteem, general coping strategies, and S/R during a single class
period.
Measures
Spirituality/religiosity. In order to assess multiple aspects of
adolescents' S/R, we utilized the Multidimensional Measure of
Religiousness/Spirituality (Fetzer Institute, 1999), which was developed
for use in health research and assesses several specific dimensions of
S/R. This multidimensional measure is one of the most widely used with
adolescents and shows adequate to strong reliability (Cotton et al.,
2010; Desrosiers & Miller, 2007; Sallquist et al., 2010). For the
current study, we used the following subscales: Daily Spiritual
Experiences, Forgiveness, Spiritual Values, and Spiritual Practices.
The Daily Spiritual Experiences subscale ([alpha] = .86) consists
of eight items assessing the frequency of adolescents' sense of
love, peace, and closeness to God (e.g., "I feel God's love
for me," "I feel deep inner peace and harmony"). Items
are rated on a 5-point scale (1 = never, 5 = always). The Forgiveness
subscale ([alpha] = .72) is composed of six items assessing one's
sense of being forgiven and forgiving others (e.g., "I know that
God forgives me," "I have forgiven those who hurt me").
Items are rated on a 5-point scale (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly
agree). The Spiritual Values subscale ([alpha] = .70) is a two-item
scale assessing the centrality of S/R to one's life (e.g., "My
whole approach to life is based on my religion"). Items are rated
on a 5-point scale (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree. Finally,
the Spiritual Practices subscale ([alpha] = .57) measures frequency of
participation in private spiritual practices (e.g., "How often do
you pray in places other than at a place of worship?" "How
often do you read the Bible or other religious literature?"). Items
are rated on a 5-point scale (1 = not at all, 5 = all the time). For all
subscales, total scores were calculated by averaging all items.
Coping. We assessed four types of coping strategies for bullying,
including Conflict Resolution ("Make a plan with the kid to get
along," "Take some time to cool off before responding"),
Advice and Support ("Get help or advice from a friend"),
Cognitive Distancing ("Make believe nothing happened,"
"Tell yourself it was no big deal"), and Revenge ("Think
about getting even with the kid," "Ask a friend to help you
get back at the kid"). Following the data reduction method utilized
for this measure by Causey and Dubow (1992), twelve items with the
highest factor loading (three items for each subscale) from
Kochenderfer-Ladd's (2004) instrument were administered. Items were
answered on a 5-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly
agree). We combined the Conflict Resolution and the Advice/Support
Seeking items to reflect one Active Coping score; scale scores were
calculated by averaging item scores. Scale reliability was as follows:
Active Coping ([alpha] = .65), Distancing ([alpha] = .68), and Revenge
([alpha] = .78).
Self-esteem. We measured self-esteem using the Self-Esteem
Questionnaire (DuBois, Felner, Brand, & Phillips, 1996). Thirteen
items from the Peer and Global subscales (e.g., "I am as good as I
want to be at making new friends," "I am the kind of person I
want to be") were used in the current study and were rated on a
4-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree, 4 = strongly agree. These
subscales have demonstrated adequate internal consistency (DuBois et
al., 1996). We calculated a mean score for each participant, with higher
scores reflecting higher levels of self-esteem ([alpha] = .86).
Social anxiety. Adolescents completed the Social Anxiety Scale for
Adolescents (SAS-A; La Greca & Lopez, 1998), a self-report measure
of social anxiety which has demonstrated good reliability and validity
(La Greca & Lopez, 1998; Storch et al., 2005). Nine of the 12 items
from the Fear of Negative Evaluation and Social Avoidance and
Distress-General subscales were used in the current study (e.g., "I
worry about what others think of me," "I feel shy even with
peers I know very well"). Three items that could be considered peer
victimization were removed to avoid construct overlap, as has been done
in previous studies (e.g., Nishina, Juvonen, & Witkow, 2005). Items
were rated on a 5-point Likert scale (1 = not at all, 5 = all the time
and summed for a total Social Anxiety score ([alpha] = .91).
Results
Analyses were conducted in three steps. First, we examined
one-tailed correlations among variables. Second, we used linear
regression to examine the direct effects of 1) dimensions of S/R and 2)
coping over and above S/R on social anxiety and self-esteem. Third, we
tested mediation using the bootstrapping approach, which is the
preferred method of analysis because of its increased power and reduced
likelihood of error over the traditional Sobel test (Preacher &
Hayes, 2004; Zhao, Lynch, & Chen, 2010).
Relations among Variables
As anticipated, the study variables were highly related (see Table
1). All four S/R variables were positively correlated with one another
and with active coping; daily spiritual experiences and forgiveness were
negatively correlated with revenge coping. Social anxiety and
self-esteem were negatively correlated with one another and also
associated with the S/R and coping variables in hypothesized directions.
Adolescents with higher levels of daily spiritual experiences,
forgiveness, and spiritual practices had lower levels of social anxiety
and higher levels of self-esteem. Spiritual values were also positively
correlated with self-esteem. Finally, adolescents who utilized revenge
coping had lower self-esteem and higher social anxiety. Conflict
resolution/advice seeking (active coping) and cognitive distancing as
coping strategies were not linked to outcomes.
Direct Effects
Two hierarchical linear regressions were conducted (see Table 2).
In the first, we regressed the S/R and coping variables on self-esteem;
in the second, we regressed the same variables on social anxiety. The
S/R variables as a group predicted adolescents' self-esteem (F =
6.93, p < .01). Specifically, adolescents who reported more frequent
daily spiritual experiences had marginally higher self-esteem ([beta] =
.21, p = .067), and higher levels of forgiveness predicted higher levels
of self-esteem ([beta] = 2.69, p < 01). The coping methods as a group
did not predict self-esteem over and above spirituality/religiosity;
however, revenge coping was marginally predictive of lower levels of
self-esteem ([beta] = -.16, p = .088). In contrast, no variables
significantly predicted social anxiety.
Indirect Effects (Mediation)
We tested mediation using the bootstrapping approach. Revenge
coping mediated the links between daily spiritual experiences and
self-esteem (point estimate = .03, CI [.00, .09]), forgiveness and
self-esteem (point estimate = .04, CI [.00, .11]), and spiritual
practices and self-esteem (point estimate = .03, CI [.00, .08]). Revenge
coping also mediated the link between spiritual practices and social
anxiety (point estimate = .02, CI [-.13, -.00]).
Discussion
Longitudinal research suggests that there are likely to be
"third variables" that help explain the associations between
S/R and psychosocial adjustment (Sallquist et al., 2010). The goal of
the current study was to examine one set of potential mediating
variables in the context of early adolescents' peer relationships
during a developmental period in which social relationships are
increasing in importance.
As predicted, we found significant relations among S/R, coping with
negative peer interactions, and self-esteem and social anxiety. In terms
of direct effects, higher levels of S/R predicted higher self-esteem,
with daily spiritual experiences and forgiveness playing the main roles
in this relation. This association was explained in part by the use of
revenge coping, which predicted lower levels of self-esteem and mediated
the link between S/R and self-esteem. That is, adolescents who reported
less frequent experiences of peace and closeness to God, a weaker sense
of being forgiven and being able to forgive, and less frequent
engagement in personal spiritual practices were more likely to engage in
revenge as a coping strategy and, in turn, to have lower self-esteem.
Although the prediction of self-esteem was more consistent than
prediction of social anxiety, revenge coping also mediated the impact of
spiritual practices on social anxiety. Adolescents who engaged less
frequently in practices such as private prayer and Scripture reading
were more likely to seek revenge when hurt by a peer, which in turn
predicted higher levels of social anxiety.
Revenge coping appears to be the specific mediator in our sample
through which adolescent S/R is linked with self-esteem and social
anxiety. Though S/R promotes adaptive, active coping in adolescents, its
impact on the reduction of maladaptive coping strategies, such as
revenge seeking and retaliation, appears to be a particularly important
mechanism through which S/R impacts psychosocial outcomes in the context
of peer relationships. A sense of being forgiven by God and thus being
willing to forgive others may help youth cope with the negative emotions
that can result from interpersonal offenses and avoid engaging in
revenge when they are wronged by a friend or a peer (Egan & Todorov,
2009; Flanagan, Loveall, & Carter, 2012). Moral teachings and verbal
and nonverbal messages about kindness, empathy, compassion, peace, and
love within religious, family, and peer contexts generally discourage
revenge-seeking by placing a high value on such principles as
forgiveness, empathy, and grace. Further, youth may obtain support
within their S/R context that helps them cope adaptively with their
negative emotions, focusing instead on prosocial concerns and making
positive meaning of social difficulties (e.g., an adolescent may be able
to see pain caused by a peer as an opportunity to learn to become a
better friend to others). In turn, their anxiety and the impact of these
conflicts on self-esteem are reduced. In contrast, adolescents who do
not garner purpose, meaning, or social support from S/R may find
revenge-seeking to be a satisfying or valuable manner of reacting to
peer conflict, despite its clear negative impact on functioning. These
findings are consistent with literature regarding positive youth
development that links adolescent S/R with prosocial concerns and
behaviors (Benson et al., 2006; Markstrom, Huey, Stiles, & Krause,
2010).
The current findings have important implications for understanding
and promoting positive development in youth. It is clear that peer
relationships--including the challenges they present--are an important
context in which adolescent S/R play out and affect outcomes.
Interactions with peers provide youth with opportunities to apply their
identity, values, and beliefs in practical ways, and personal S/R
engagement affects how adolescents react to interpersonal conflict.
Adults who work and interact with youth can use peer conflicts as an
opportunity to support adolescents in the application of their S/R
values and principles as they navigate the interpersonal difficulties
that are inevitable in middle and high school. Those who work
specifically in a religious context can be open to listening to the
difficulties youth experience in coping with actual interpersonal
offenses. They can focus on scripture that emphasizes the triumph of
good over evil and the value of forgiveness over revenge (Matthew
5:38-45, 6:12-14; Luke 6:27-36; Romans 12:9-21). Directly addressing
these issues within a critical developmental context may strengthen
youths' S/R and enable them to purposefully apply their beliefs and
values in their social contexts, acknowledging their agency within the
process of spiritual development (Benson et al., 2003).
We did not have enough power in our small sample to examine sex
differences, although sex differences in the constructs of interest
(e.g., coping, social anxiety, self-esteem) are commonly found. For
example, girls tend to report higher levels of S/R in adolescence and
tend to rate religion as more important to them (Benson et al., 2006;
Desrosiers & Miller, 2007). Further, associations between particular
dimensions of S/R and adjustment (e.g., depression, prosocial concerns)
differ between girls and boys (Desrosiers & Miller, 2007; Furrow et
al, 2004; Perez et al., 2009). Given such findings, gender differences
in the relations among S/R, coping, and socioemotional outcomes is an
important direction for future study.
An area of strength of the current study is the inclusion of
multiple dimensions of S/R, beyond what is often used in research. The
multidimensional nature of S/R requires assessment of more than a single
item (e.g., church attendance, frequency of prayer) or dimension (e.g.,
perceived closeness to God, religious beliefs). Yet, because the current
study focused on specific interpersonal strategies pertinent to coping
with peer difficulties, we only assessed one type of potential mediator
(coping) between S/R and adjustment. We did not assess S/R coping, which
may represent a unique aspect to adolescents' coping that could add
to the prediction of psychosocial adjustment in the face of peer
stressors (Carpenter, Laney, & Mezulis, 2012; Eisenberg et al.,
2011). In addition, it is important to remember that coping is only one
of many mechanisms through which S/R can affect adolescents'
outcomes, even within the specific context of peer relationships. The
S/R dimensions assessed did not include such developmentally important
constructs as parental S/R, religious youth groups, and other sources of
supports within the religious context (Cotton et al., 2010). Ideally,
future studies would incorporate multiple potential mediators from a
variety of domains (peer, school, family, intrapersonal) in order to
improve our understanding of the dynamic impact of S/R on youth
development.
Finally, it is important to note that this study was not
longitudinal. By using regression, we assessed the degree to which S/R
and coping mathematically predicted self-esteem and social anxiety;
however, without measuring these variables over time, we cannot know
whether S/R and coping truly alter adolescents' social and personal
outcomes. It is likely that there is a more complex interaction among
our variables, including bidirectionality and multiple causality. For
example, adolescents with high self-esteem might be better at forgiving
their peers and less likely to seek revenge, which in turn may further
boost their self-esteem and reduce their social anxiety. Certainly,
adolescents' social experiences impact their S/R and well-being
(Carter et al., 2013). Future studies should examine mediational
processes over time, such as whether S/R behaviors or attitudes predict
a change in self-esteem or anxiety, in order to more clearly elucidate
the dynamics of adolescent spiritual and social development.
In summary, the findings from the current study suggest that early
adolescents' S/R is associated with aspects of their psychosocial
adjustment through the strategies they use to cope with negative peer
interactions. Because "spiritual development is likely a wellspring
for the best of human life (e.g., generosity, unity, sacrifice,
altruism, social justice) as well as for our darkest side" (Benson
et al., 2003, p. 211), we should not ignore the very real contexts in
which adolescents are embedded. Rather, we should seek a better
understanding of how aspects of youths' S/R impact their
interpersonal relationships and overall functioning as a basis for both
formal and informal prevention and intervention efforts.
Sarah E. Hall
Kelly S. Flanagan
Wheaton College
Correspondence regarding this article should be directed to Sarah
Hall at
[email protected]
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Authors
Sarah E. Hall (Ph.D. in Clinical Psychology, Pennsylvania State
University) is Assistant Professor of Psychology at Wheaton College. Dr.
Hall's research interests focus on the emotion regulation in early
childhood as well as risk and protective factors for the development of
psychopathology in children and adolescents.
Kelly S. Flanagan (PhD. in Clinical Psychology, Pennsylvania State
University) is Associate Professor and program director for the PsyD
Clinical Psychology program at Wheaton College. Her research focuses on
the reciprocal influences between children's relationships and
their individual functioning, with particular interest in negative-peer
experiences and the role of forgiveness and spiritual well-being in
children's adjustment.
Table 1
Correlations among Spirituality / Religiosity, Coping,
and Outcome Variables
1. 2. 3.
1. Daily Spiritual Exp. -
2. Forgiveness .55 ** -
3. Spiritual Values .64 ** .48 ** -
4. Spiritual Practices .50 ** .41 ** .48 **
5. Active Coping .32 ** .26 ** .29 **
6. Distancing Coping -.12 .13 .00
7. Revenge Coping -.28 ** -.28 ** -.14
8. Social Anxiety -.21 ** -.22 ** -.11
9. Self-esteem .36 ** .38 ** .27 **
4. 5. 6.
1. Daily Spiritual Exp.
2. Forgiveness
3. Spiritual Values
4. Spiritual Practices -
5. Active Coping .31 ** -
6. Distancing Coping -.08 .02 -
7. Revenge Coping -.178 -.35 ** -.17 *
8. Social Anxiety -.19 * -.04 -.00
9. Self-esteem .19 * .12 .03
7. 8.
1. Daily Spiritual Exp.
2. Forgiveness
3. Spiritual Values
4. Spiritual Practices
5. Active Coping
6. Distancing Coping
7. Revenge Coping -
8. Social Anxiety .20 * -
9. Self-esteem -.25 ** -.55 **
* p< .05, ** p< .01
Table 2
Regressions Predicting Social Anxiety and Self-esteem
from Spirituality / Religiosity and Coping
[R.sup.2]
Variables F change
Outcome: Social Anxiety
Step 1: 2.43 .07
Daily Spiritual Experiences
Forgiveness
Spiritual Values
Spiritual Practices
Step 2: 1.85 .02
Coping: Active
Coping: Distancing
Coping: Revenge
Outcome: self-esteem
Step 1: 6.93 ** .18
Daily Spiritual Experiences
Forgiveness
Spiritual Values
Spiritual Practices
Step 2: 4.39 .02
Coping: Active
Coping: Distancing
Coping: Revenge
Variables B [beta] t
Outcome: Social Anxiety
Step 1:
Daily Spiritual Experiences -.15 -.13 -1.03
Forgiveness -.21 -.15 -1.44
Spiritual Values .10 .10 .82
Spiritual Practices -.13 -.11 -1.09
Step 2:
Coping: Active .12 .10 1.03
Coping: Distancing .02 .02 .19
Coping: Revenge .13 .16 1.70 (t)
Outcome: self-esteem
Step 1:
Daily Spiritual Experiences .16 .21 1.85 (t)
Forgiveness .23 .27 2.69 **
Spiritual Values .02 .03 .27
Spiritual Practices -.03 -.04 -.42
Step 2:
Coping: Active -.04 -.06 -.61
Coping: Distancing -.01 -.01 -.16
Coping: Revenge -.08 -.16 -1.72
(t) p < .10, * p < .05, ** p < .01