Sports franchises, events, and city livability: an examination of spectator sports and crime rates.
Baumann, Robert ; Ciavarra, Taylor ; Englehardt, Bryan 等
Introduction
It is a common refrain among sports boosters, city officials, and
professional teams and leagues that sports teams and major athletic
events bring significant economic windfalls to host cities. For example,
estimates for the annual economic impact of a major league professional
sports franchise in the United States often exceed $100 million (Oregon
Baseball Campaign 2002) while organisers of sporting events claim
impacts ranging from the tens of millions for league all-star games
(Selig, Harrington, and Healey 1999) to the hundreds of millions for
major championships like the Super Bowl of American football or European
soccer's Champions League Final (National Football League 1999) and
even into the billions for the largest of the so-called
'mega-events' such as the Olympics or World Cups in sports
such as soccer or rugby (Humphreys and Plummer 1995).
Most academic examinations of the direct economic impact of sports
teams, stadiums, and events on observable economic variables such as
employment (Baade and Matheson 2002; Hagn and Maennig 2008), personal
income or personal income per capita (Coates and Humphreys 2002),
taxable sales (Baade, Baumann and Matheson 2008) and tourist arrivals
(Baumann, Matheson, and Muroi 2009) have found that spectator sports
have little to no measurable effect on the economy.
However, even if sporting events have minimal direct economic
impact, it is conceivable that professional sports could have large
indirect impacts on other measures of quality of life that are not
captured by traditional economic statistics. In this paper we
investigate whether sporting events have any effect on citywide violent
and property crime rates.
As most studies of the direct economic impact of sports have been
unable to identify significant positive benefits that would justify
public subsidies, researchers have increasingly turned to the
examination of the potential indirect economic benefits of sports, and
it is here in which our investigation of crime finds its niche. It is
reasonable to assume that sporting events or franchises may be an
important source of civic pride, serve as a cultural amenity, or
increase social capital in important ways. As noted by former Minnesota
governor Rudy Perpich, 'Without professional sports, Minneapolis
would just be a cold Omaha'. On the opposite end of the temperature
spectrum, the Hawaii Tourism Authority sounds a similar note by
suggesting that subsidising the Pro Bowl and local Professional Golfers
Association (PGA) events improves the quality of life of the
Island's residents by allowing them opportunities to watch or
participate in major sporting events. (HTA 2008).
Carlino and Coulsen (2004) address whether sporting events
indirectly impact the local community by examining rental housing prices
in NFL cities. They find them to be 8 per cent higher than in non-NFL
cities. While their methodology has been questioned, the basic finding
would support the hypothesis that professional sports make cities more
attractive places to live because renters are willing to pay a premium
to live in NFL cities. Numerous other studies have also studied the
connection between housing prices and sports (Tu 2005; Dehring, Depken
and Ward 2007; Coates and Matheson 2011) with distinctly mixed results.
Others have used contingent valuation to assess the value of
sporting teams and events in the absence of observable economic data.
Here, too, the data is mixed. While most studies of new stadiums and
arenas (Groothius, Johnson, and Whitehead 2004), professional franchises
(Johnson, Groothius, and Whitehead 2001), and mega-events (Atkinson et
al. 2008) find that citizens are willing to pay for sports teams and
events beyond just purchasing tickets, several of the studies also
demonstrate that this willingness to pay is often far less than the
subsidy granted to the sports entity.
The connection between direct and indirect economic benefits is
perhaps best summed up by Maennig (2007) who concludes in his ex post
analysis of the 2006 World Cup in Germany that claims of 'increased
turnover in the retail trade, overnight accommodation, receipts from
tourism and effects on employment [are] mostly of little value and may
even be incorrect. Of more significance, however, are other (measurable)
effects such as the novelty effect of the stadiums, the improved image
for Germany and the feel good effect for the population' (Maennig
2007: 1).
Examining the relationship between crime and sports is of
considerable interest. Our own rough estimate of the cost of violent and
property crime is $150 million per year for an average large
metropolitan area in the United States, a conservative estimate that
only includes direct losses and the pain and suffering of victims. (1)
As such, if the diversion of sporting events reduces crime rates by even
a small fraction, then they could be providing large unaccounted for
gains to the cities that sponsor them. For instance, if a professional
sports franchise reduced crime by just 5 per cent, then the estimated
benefits are $7.5 million greater per year than previously estimated. On
the other hand, if they increased crime by 5 per cent, then the
estimates would be overstating any claimed positive impact.
There are numerous reasons why sporting events could increase or
decrease crime. First, if the events decrease local unemployment or
increase wages or income, then the opportunity costs of committing crime
will rise and thus crime rates will fall. Given the preponderance of the
evidence suggesting insignificant direct economic effects from sports,
this is unlikely to be the avenue by which sporting events might alter
crime rates. However, even in the absence of observed citywide economic
effects, most economists acknowledge the potential for stadiums and
events to cause localized changes in economic activity (Tu 2005). Thus,
sports may serve as an anchor for neighbourhood or city revitalisation,
and as such, the resulting reduction in crime in a particularly blighted
area could have a measurable impact on citywide crime rates.
Alternatively, sporting events' primary effect on crime could
be as a distraction from illegal activities. Indeed, the idea of using
sports to pacify and distract the masses is centuries old. In circa 100
AD, the Roman poet Juvenal coined the phrase 'bread and
circuses' to describe the use of food subsidies and cheap
entertainment to limit public dissent during the height of the Roman
Empire. Nearly 2,000 years later, star American football player Ray
Lewis, noted more for his crunching tackles rather than his epic poetry,
suggested a similar effect if labour strife were to cause the
cancellation of the 2011 National Football League (NFL) season. Said
Lewis, 'Do this research if we don't have a season--watch how
much evil, which we call crime, watch how much crime picks up, if you
take away our game'. When asked why he thought crime would increase
if the NFL lost a season, Lewis said, 'There's nothing else to
do' (ESPN 2011).
On the other hand, spectator sports could increase crime rates as
large influxes of visitors may enlarge the pool of potential criminals
and victims. In addition, excess alcohol consumption and unruly crowds
are associated with sporting events, and these situations are known to
be a major factor in perpetrating crime. Furthermore, sports may
heighten emotions leading to impulsive criminal behaviour. Rees and
Schnepel (2009) and Card and Dahl (2009) examine college and
professional football, respectively, and find that arrests for assault,
disorderly conduct and domestic violence rise during (and after)
football games and, in particular, reach a peak when teams experience
unexpected wins or losses, suggesting crime is not solely a function of
the number of people attending a sporting contest but also a result of
the emotional state of fans. Finally, sports may serve to exacerbate
existing partisan divides resulting in fan violence and increasing crime
as seen in the epidemics of hooliganism in English soccer in the 1980s
and early 90s. Of course, sports could also serve to reduce tensions by
providing a platform for conflicts to be played out without the need to
resort to violence.
To reiterate, we add to the discussion on whether sporting events
have an indirect effect on local economies by examining their effects on
the city-level incidence of crime. The results we will present in the
next sections generally indicate no positive or negative benefit along
the crime dimension associated with major sporting events.
Model and Data
After the first attempts of theoretically modelling criminal
behaviour (e.g. Becker, 1968 and Ehrlich 1973), several empirical
analyses followed. Most empirical approaches test whether crime is
influenced by some measure of wealth, such as unemployment (Gould,
Weinberg, and Mustard 2002), wages (Grogger 1998), and education
(Lochner 2004) to name only a few. In these cases, crime is modelled as
a substitute for working. Each individual compares the expected return
to criminal activity against expected punishment and foregone wages from
legitimate employment. This produces a reduced-form equation where crime
is a function of wealth and punishment. Other studies include
demographic controls such as racial/ethnic, gender, and age distribution
since these tend to influence the amount of crime.
We add controls for the presence and success of franchises in the
four American major sports leagues--National Football League (NFL),
Major League Baseball (MLB), National Basketball Association (NBA), and
National Hockey League (NHL)--to determine whether these franchises
affect crime. If a connection between the presence of a sports team and
a reduction in crime can be identified, sports franchises may provide
indirect economic benefits to their host cities that would not
necessarily be captured in observable economic data such as income,
employment or taxable sales.
We use the Federal Bureau of Investigation's Uniform Crime
Reports (UCR) to measure crime. UCR data are available annually from
1981 to 2006 at the county-level. It is only fair to acknowledge two
weaknesses in the UCR data. First, the data are available only annually
and at the county level. This limits the ability to match individual
crimes with specific sporting events at the neighbourhood level or daily
time frame; however, these data should allow for an examination of
whether professional sports alter the general crime climate in a city.
The second problem is that the UCR data are compiled from local police
reports meaning they only include reported crime. This creates two
problems. First, the total amount of crime is underestimated since
unreported crime is not measured. Second, Levitt (1998) notes reporting
and classification tendencies differ across police stations. However,
UCR data are by far the most common aggregate data set in the
literature. The other alternative is victimisation data, and the most
common is the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS). But the only
geographic information in the NCVS is four broad regions of the U.S.,
which makes it impossible to merge the NCVS with franchise location
data.
UCR provide data on eight types of crime, which we combine into two
larger groups. Violent crime, which is committed with force, consists of
murder/manslaughter, rape, robbery, and assaults. Property crime, which
is not done with force and typically when the victim is not present,
consists of burglaries, larceny, arson, and motor vehicle theft. Both
types of crime are scaled so that each is per 100,000 people to control
for differences in population.
Our measure of wealth is per capita income, which is available at
the MSA level from the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA). We use a
sample of 56 metropolitan standardized areas (MSAs) between 1981 and
2006. With a few exceptions (2), these MSAs represent the largest cities
in the United States and include all MSAs that host an NFL, MLB, NHL, or
NBA franchise. This list also includes cities without a franchise in any
of the four major sports leagues to serve as part of our control group,
e.g. Austin, Las Vegas, and Riverside. While cities without a franchise
tend to be smaller, the other portion of our control group includes
cities whose franchise status changes. The largest MSA in this group is
Los Angeles, which once had two NFL teams but lost them both to
relocation by 1995. In addition, Washington, D.C. did not have a MLB
team until 2005. In addition, there are several MSAs with franchises in
some but not all of the four major sports, e.g. Houston (no NHL), St.
Louis (no NBA), and Portland, Oregon (no MLB, NFL, or NHL).
Since UCR data is county-level, we aggregate the UCR data to the
MSA level using the county compositions of the MSAs provided by the BEA.
This creates a sample of 56 MSAs over the time period 1981 to 2006.
Table 1 provides summary statistics for the data.
The following is our baseline model:
[CR.sub.it] = [[beta].sub.0] + [[beta].sub.1][INC.sub.it] +
[[beta].sub.2][F.sub.it] + [[beta].sub.3][NF.sub.it] +
[[beta].sub.4][S.sub.it] [[beta].sub.5][H.sub.it] + [[alpha].sub.i] +
[[gamma].sub.i] + [[epsilon].sub.it] (1)
Because the motivations for property and violent crime are
different, we present separate estimations for property and violent
crime, [CR.sub.it]. [INC.sub.it] is the per capita income level.
[F.sub.it] is a vector of four dummy variables that indicates whether
the MSA has a franchise in each of the four major sports leagues.
[NF.sub.it] is a vector of four dummy variables that equal one the first
year a franchise is in the MSA. This variable captures any novelty
effect that a new franchise has on crime. [S.sub.it] is a vector of four
dummy variables that indicates whether the MSA has a franchise that made
the championship game or series, i.e. the Stanley Cup Finals, NBA
Finals, World Series, and Super Bowl. Although there are many ways to
measure success, the grand finals are the pinnacle of each league and
should have a larger effect than, say, winning percentage or making the
playoffs/finals. (3) Championship games have also been known to spark
violent fan reaction in participating cities such as the rioting that
followed the NBA championships won by the Detroit Pistons in the early
1990s, while such incidents are almost unheard of during mere playoff
games. In addition, changing the specification of [S.sub.it] to winning
percentage or making the playoffs has no substantial impact on the
results. [H.sub.it] is a vector of dummy variables that equal one if the
MSA hosted the Super Bowl, Olympics, or World Cup soccer match. Finally,
controls for each year ([[gamma].sub.t]) and MSA ([[alpha].sub.i]) are
included to capture any MSA-specific or year-specific effects on crime.
The MSA controls are particularly important since they account for
time-invariant reporting and classification tendencies specific to the
MSA (see Levitt 1998). In addition, these controls also absorb some of
the other factors of crime, such as police expenditures and punishment,
not included in our model. Omitting these controls is not likely to
influence our key results for two reasons. First, these controls have
little variation over time within an MSA, which means most of their
impact is in the fixed effect. For example, if one observed an increase
in crime in 1984 in Los Angeles, the year the city hosted the Summer
Olympics, it is extremely unlikely such a result could be explained by
changes in the standard demographic or punishment related variables such
as male share or racial mix of the population or the median sentence
length that unpin the theoretical Becker (1968) and Ehrlich (1973)
models of crime and punishment, since these variables exhibit almost no
movement within an MSA from year to year. While these variables may be
useful in explaining differences in crime rates between cities in any
given year, the inclusion of MSA fixed effects serves largely the same
purpose. Second, leaving out demographic and punishment data is also
unlikely to influence the result because the omitted controls likely
have little to no correlation with our sports variables of interest.
We use a variety of tests to check for unit roots in property
crime, violent crime, and per capita income. First, we perform
Dickey-Fuller and Phillips-Perron tests on each MSA. These tests do not
reject the existence of a unit root in nearly every MSA for all three
variables. Second, we test for unit roots using panel data tests from
Levin, Lin, and Chu (2002) and Pesaran (2007). These tests allow the
entire data to be tested at once, and allow each MSA to have their own
time trend and autoregressive path. Further, Pesaran (2007) suggests a
unit root test for panel data that allows for dependence across the
panels.
Table 2 presents the results from the panel unit root tests. These
tests suggest the crime variables are free of a unit root in levels, but
per capita income is not free of a unit root. The same tests reject the
existence of a unit root for the first difference of each variable. For
this reason, we take a conservative approach, and the first difference
of property crime, violent crime, and per capita income is used in all
estimations. Using the levels of the crime variables produces no
substantial changes in the results.
Autocorrelation is a concern in this model since it is likely the
unexplained portion of crime in a given period is correlated with the
unexplained portion of crime in the previous period. In the presence of
autocorrelation, the least squares estimates will be consistent but the
standard errors will be wrong. Wooldridge (2002) suggests testing for
autocorrelation using two steps. First, estimate the baseline model at
(1). Second, generate the residuals and estimate [MATHEMATICAL
EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. If there is no autocorrelation,
then [rho] = -0.5. For both the property crime and violent crime models,
we reject the hypothesis that [rho] = -0.5 which suggests the model has
autocorrelation.
We correct for autocorrelation by including an autoregressive term
to (1):
[DELTA][CR.sub.it] = [[beta].sub.0] +
[[beta].sub.1][DELTA][CR.sub.it-1] + [[beta].sub.2][DELTA][INC.sub.it] +
[[beta].sub.3][F.sub.it] + [[beta].sub.4][NF.sub.it] +
[[beta].sub.5][S.sub.it] + [[beta].sub.6][H.sub.it] + [[alpha].sub.i] +
[[gamma].sub.t] + [[epsilon].sub.it] (2)
The first differences of crime and per capita income are included
to ensure unit roots do not produce a spurious correlation. In the
presence of a lagged dependent variable, least squares estimates are
likely to be biased because of the correlation between
[DELTA][CR.sub.it-1] and [[epsilon].sub.it]. Instead, we use the
Arellano and Bond (1991) technique which produces consistent estimates.
Other descriptions of this technique can be found in Bond (2002) and
Roodman (2006). The Arellano and Bond (1991) technique differences the
entire model, which eliminates the MSA fixed effect [[alpha].sub.i].
Next, higher-order lags of the dependent variable are used to instrument
for the endogenous [DELTA][CR.sub.it-1]. This technique also allows any
other endogenous or predetermined independent variables (i.e., variables
independent to the current error but not previous errors) to be
instrumented. Since it is plausible that per capita income is also
endogenous (or at least predetermined), we instrument for
[DELTA][INC.sub.it].
Our original sample frame ranges from 1981 to 2006. However, we use
the first difference of the data to guard against unit roots, and the
lag of the already first-differenced dependent variable is included to
account for autocorrelation. This changes the sample frame to 1983 to
2006. Since T = 24, there are 22 higher-order lags of the dependent
variable that could serve as instruments. These higher-order lags create
missing values, e.g. if t = 1985 then the third lag and higher of
[DELTA][CR.sub.it] are not defined since the sample frame begins in
1983. Nevertheless, Holtz-Eakin, Newey, and Rosen (1988) point out that
each higher-order lag is a useful moment condition. In this scenario,
the moment condition is E[[Z'.sub.it] [DELTA][[epsilon].sub.it]] =
0, where [Z'.sub.it] is a vector that contains the higher-order
lags of the dependent variable. For the second order lag, [summation
over (i)][y.sub.i,t-2] [DELTA][[epsilon].sub.it] = 0 if t [greater than
or equal to] 3; for the third-order lag, [summation over
(i)][y.sub.i,t-3] [DELTA][[epsilon].sub.it] = 0 if t [greater than or
equal to] 4; and so on.
These moment conditions require the error term to be independently
and identically distributed. This is unlikely in panel data because the
error variance probably differs across MSAs. For this reason, a
weighting matrix W is included in the moment condition that
asymptotically corrects this problem:
[MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
where [[??].sub.i] and [DELTA][[??].sub.i], are MSA-specific
vectors with (T - 2) elements. The weighting matrix is:
[MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
Since the weighting matrix includes [DELTA][[??].sub.i], the model
must be estimated in two steps. First, a second weighting matrix:
[MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
is used to produce [DELTA][[??].sub.i], where H is a (T - 2) square
matrix with 2 on the diagonal, -1 on all of the immediate off-diagonals,
and zero elsewhere. Once [DELTA][[??].sub.i], is estimated, the second
step minimises:
[MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
to produce the estimates.
Finally, Arellano and Bond (1991) note the two-step estimation
process causes the standard errors to be downward biased. Windmeijer
(2005) offers a finite-sample correction which we use here.
Results
Table 3 presents the estimation results for the property crime
model. The Arellano-Bond tests for autoregressive errors suggest only a
first-order autoregressive term is necessary. We also present the result
from a Hansen (1982) test to determine whether the model is
over-identified. We use Hansen tests to determine the ideal number of
higher-order lags to use as instruments. In the property crime model,
the Hansen test suggests the second- and third-order lags do not
over-identify the model. We also suppress the results for the MSA and
the year dummies for brevity, but these are available upon request.
The only sports variable that is statistically significant is
Olympics location. Hosting the Olympics raises property crime by about
445 per 100,000 people or an increase of about 10 per cent. The other
sports estimates suggest there is no effect of a franchise or its
success on property crime rates. While the Olympics result may simply be
a spurious correlation that is the result of the inclusion of a large
number of sports-related variables, it is noteworthy that the Olympics
are far and away the largest sports mega-event drawing a far larger
number of visitors than any other sporting event. An increase in
reported crime fits the hypothesis that a rise in visitors raises the
crime rate by increasing the number of potential victims and criminals
partially echoing the conclusions of Rees and Schnepel (2009).
Alternatively, the vastly increased police presence during the Olympics
could create a perception that law enforcement may be better equipped to
solve any given crime leading to higher reporting rates than during
non-Olympic periods. Other specifications of success, e.g. winning
percentage or making the playoffs, do not substantially change the
results. Per capita income has a negative and statistically significant
effect on property crime, meaning higher wealth is correlated with lower
property crime.
Table 4 presents the estimation results for the violent crime
model. The Arellano-Bond tests for autoregressive errors again suggest a
first order autoregressive term is appropriate, and the Hansen (1982)
test allows for the second- through fifth-order lags to serve as
instruments. The only sports variable that is statistically significant
is the Super Bowl location, which decreases violent crime by about 17.5
per 100,000 people, a decrease of about 2.5 per cent. Similar to
property crime, the other sports estimates suggest there is no effect of
a franchise or its success on violent crime. One difference between the
property and violent crime models is the effect of per capita income.
For violent crime, the effect is positive, suggesting higher wealth
correlates with more violent crime. There are several possible
explanations for this result. Since the UCR data only collect reported
crime, it is possible that an increase wealth also increases reporting
habits. In addition, the motivations of violent crime tend to be
psychological rather than pecuniary, which means there is no ex ante
expectation of the relationship between wealth and violent crime.
Again, the one significant sports variable is noteworthy. The Super
Bowl, along with the Olympics, is among the few mega-events for which
cities can plan in advance. For example, the World Series or NBA finals
are played in the cities of the teams involved, so their locations are
only known as teams advance in the playoffs. The Super Bowl, however, is
held at a neutral site designated well in advance. Knowing that the eyes
of the world will be on the host city, the local law enforcement
agencies may take steps to 'clean up the town' in advance of
the big game, and these crime eradication efforts may carry through for
some time after the event. In the language of the Becker (1968) and
Ehrlich (1973) models, the fall in violent crime around the time of the
Super Bowl can potentially be explained by a reduced return to criminal
activity caused by higher expected punishment in the form of increase
policing.
Conclusion
The results of this paper overall suggest no significant link
between crime and the presence of professional sports teams or events at
the metropolitan-area wide level with two notable exceptions. The
Olympics Games are associated with roughly a 10 per cent increase in
property crime while the Super Bowl is associated with a 2.5 per cent
decrease in violent crime. In the whole, however, spectator sports do
not seem to automatically carry with them any reductions in criminal
behaviour.
Further research is required to examine nuisance crimes, arrests
versus reports of crime, the geographic distribution of crime within a
city, the effect of new stadiums, and the changes in crime rates in
years leading up to planned events such as the Olympics.
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Robert Baumann *
Taylor Ciavarra *
Bryan Englehardt *
Victor A. Matheson *
* Department of Economics, College of the Holy Cross, Worcester,
MA, USA
Notes
(1.) To be conservative, we have excluded unreported crime as well
as other expenditures including police, judicial costs, and detention.
We use the dollar value of direct costs and pain and suffering found in
Cohen (1988) to calculate the weighted average of the total cost each
city incurs per year. The dollar value is in 2008 dollars for the 56
largest metropolitan areas in the United States examined later in the
paper.
(2.) Because of inconsistencies in the UCR data, we omit Akron,
Ohio, Chicago and Champaign, Illinois MSAs from the data.
(3.) Note that in American terminology, 'playoffs' refer
to any games played in the post-regular season, or the equivalent of the
Australian term 'finals, while the term 'final' refers to
the championship, or the equivalent to the Australian term 'grand
final'.
Dr Robert Baumann is an Assistant Professor in the Department of
Economics, College of the Holy Cross, Worcester, MA, USA. His research
interests are labour economics, industrial organisation and
econometrics. he can be contacted at
[email protected].
Taylor Ciavarra is a product manager and analyst for Enservio
Corporation of Needham, MA, USA. He is a graduate of the Department of
Economics at the College of the Holy Cross where he engaged in research
on crime and sports economics. He can be contacted at
[email protected].
Dr Bryan Engelhardt is an Assistant Professor in the Department of
Economics, College of the Holy Cross, Worcester, MA, USA. His research
interests are labour economics, macroeconomics theory and mathematics
for economists. He can be contacted at
[email protected].
Dr Victor A. Matheson is an Associate Professor in the Department
of Economics, College of the Holy Cross, Worcester, MA, USA. His
research interests are public finance, sports economics, lotteries and
gaming and teaching issues in economics. He can be contacted at
[email protected].
Table 1: Summary statistics
Variable Mean (Standard Deviation)
Property Crimes per 100,000 people 4,748.71 (1,503.01)
Violent Crimes per 100,000 people 618.74 (263.11)
Per capita income $31,687.08 ($5,618.73)
MSA has NHL team 0.267
MSA has NBA team 0.413
MSA has NFL team 0.481
MSA has MLB team 0.372
NHL team appeared in Stanley Cup finals 0.024
NBA team appeared in finals 0.031
NFL team appeared in Super Bowl 0.035
MLB team appeared in World Series 0.030
MSA hosted Olympics 0.002
MSA hosted World Cup 0.006
Note: (1) There are three observations that hosted the Olympics:
Los Angeles in 1984, Atlanta in 1996, and Salt Lake City in 2002.
(2) Eight MSAs in the sample hosted World Cup games in 1994:
Boston, Dallas, Detroit, Los Angeles, New York City, Orlando, San
Jose, and Washington, D.C.
Table 2: Unit root test results for panel
standardised
test
statistic p value
Property Crime per 100,000 people
Pesaran -2.180 0.001
Levin-Lin-Chu -11.123 0.0004
Monthly Difference of Property Crime
Pesaran -3.238 <0.001
Levin-Lin-Chu -23.244 <0.001
Violent Crime per 100,000 people
Pesaran -2.070 0.009
Levin-Lin-Chu -10.004 0.0408
Monthly Difference of Violent Crime
Pesaran -3.595 <0.001
Levin-Lin-Chu -24.997 <0.001
Per Capita Income
Pesaran -1.695 0.656
Levin-Lin-Chu -8.875 0.330
Monthly Difference of Per Capita Income
Pesaran -2.541 <0.001
Levin-Lin-Chu -19.181 <0.001
Note: The null hypothesis in the Im-Pesaran-Shin and Levin-Lin-Chu
tests is that all series are non-stationary.
Table 3: Arellano-Bond results for property crime model
Estimate
Variable (Standard Error)
per capita income -0.1220 *
(0.0479)
NHL Franchise 144.198
(148.207)
NBA Franchise 65.872
(207.342)
NFL Franchise -72.159
(111.676)
MLB Franchise -62.795
(220.749)
New NHL Franchise 11.688
(168.393)
New NBA Franchise -33.464
(133.225)
New NFL Franchise -20.874
(75.113)
New MLB Franchise 77.971
(155.470)
Stanley Cup Finals 139.156
(105.910)
NBA Finals 51.952
(42.954)
Super Bowl Team -12.679
(84.402)
World Series Team 20.251
(106.680)
Super Bowl Location -106.195
(82.423)
Olympics Location 445.489 *
(185.293)
World Cup Location -108.053
(151.294)
Arellano-Bond test Z = -2.84
for AR(1) p = 0.005
Arellano-Bond test Z = -0.65
for AR(2) p = 0.513
Instruments (lags of
differenced dep. var.) 2,3
Hansen test for over- [chi square] = 2.09
identification p = 0.553
Note: (1) * indicates the estimate is statistically significant
at a = 0.05.
(2) Year dummies are included in the model but not presented
here. These estimates are available upon request.
Table 4: Arellano-Bond results for violent crime model
Estimate
Variable (Standard Error)
per capita 0.0255 *
income (0.0054)
NHL Franchise 17.008
(19.568)
NBA Franchise 6.669
(16.018)
NFL Franchise 6.559
(16.119)
MLB Franchise -24.286
(37.538)
New NHL -24.894
Franchise (22.984)
New NBA -12.821
Franchise (19.898)
New NFL -2.054
Franchise (15.492)
New MLB 4.979
Franchise (18.267)
Stanley Cup 8.898
Finals (15.490)
NBA Finals -10.196
(10.282)
Super Bowl -1.383
Team (12.463)
World Series -1.264
Team (12.463)
Super Bowl -17.567 *
Location (9.935)
Olympics 0.1892
Location (14.631)
World Cup -20.763
Location (23.185)
Arellano-Bond test for Z = -3.69
AR(1) p = 0.000
Arellano-Bond test for Z = 0.84
AR(2) p = 0.400
Instruments (lags of
differenced dep. var.) 2,3,4,5
Hansen test for over- [chi square] = 5.64
identification p = 0.228
Note: (1) * indicates the estimate is statistically significant
at a = 0.05.
(2) Year dummies are included in the model but not presented
here. These estimates are available upon request.