Out of the Margins: Religion and the Church in Renaissance Italy [*].

PETERSON, DAVID S.

In the last few decades religion and the church have moved from the margins -- or, more precisely, the chronological borders -- of Italian Renaissance studies to their center. Less than half a century ago it was possible for Etienne Delaruelle and his collaborators on the Renaissance volumes of Fliche and Martin's great Histoire de I'Eglise to justify excluding from their survey of the emerging "national" churches of the period any consideration of Italy, "it being always subsumed within the history of the papacy."' If religion had any place in the Renaissance it was, in the words of Carlo Angeleri, as "a problem." [2] The attention of religious and church historians had long been drawn back to the societas christiana of the thirteenth century. or forward to the religious conflicts and reforms of the sixteenth. The intervening fourteenth and fifteenth centuries might well be called the "forgotten centuries" of Italian church history. To medievalists they appeared as a period at best of persisting religious se ntiment, at worst of decline and dissolution. To Reformation historians they seemed an age awaiting (atleast) ecclesiastical and (for some) doctrinal reform. [3] Italy's intricate culture and fragmented political geography discouraged church historians from looking beyond papal Rome to investigate ecclesiastical institutions and local religious life on the rest of the peninsula. Italian nationalists, resentful of the papacy's role in preventing Italian unification in this period, preferred to direct their attention to other epochs entirely. Among foreign scholars, the values that a progressive narrative of European history assigned the Renaissance in the recovery of classical culture and the emergence of the modern secular state made religion seem at best an inertial force on the age, the Renaissance church (papacy) an obstruction.

But the old meta-narrative that envisioned the Renaissance as a secular age sandwiched between an "age of faith" and the religious passions unleashed by the Reformation never really made much sense. Over the last several decades historians have therefore undertaken a fundamental revaluation of the importance of religion and the church in Renaissance Italy's culture and politics that has stimulated an outpouring of studies along three broad and intersecting avenues. These include, first, the analysis of ecclesiastical structures, comprehending the operation of local and diocesan as well as Roman and inter-regional monastic institutions; their responsiveness to lay religious aspirations; and, thus, the problem of church reform. Second, historians have reopened the problem of the church's relationship to political power, including both the papacy's impact on Italian political development, and the influence that local social elites, civic and emerging territorial governments exercised in shaping Italian religiou s life. Finally, scholars have become increasingly aware of the manner in which lay religious sentiments -- as varied as those evident in humanist thought, the growth of religious confraternites, and the ecstasies of women mystics -- all contributed to the evolution of Italian culture in this period and helped shape the politics of church and states alike.

The ways in which historians now approach ecclesiastical institutions, the relations between religion and political power, and lay religious culture in the Renaissance are in many respects conditioned by the manner in which, for centuries, discussions of religion and the Renaissance were kept apart from each other. In the Quattrocento itself humanist historians, inspired by classical models, eschewed concern with religious issues in favor of secular politics. The church came into their narratives only when popes moved on the diplomatic stage. Papal biographers like Platina, for their part, subsumed Italian religious life within the narrower framework of their lives of the popes. To be sure, the religious struggles of the confessional age, and even the antiquarianism and technical scholarship that were features of the Enlightenment that followed, inspired Catholic apologists like Cesare Baronio, Italian eruditi such as Ferdinando Ughelli, and local divines like Florence s Giovanni Lami to compile richly docume nted chronicles and critical collections of monumenta after the fashion of Muratori, Mabillon, and Mansi. These might have provided a foundation for reintegrating the Italian church and religion into accounts of Renaissance politics and culture. [4] Instead, three developments of the late nineteenth century reinforced their separation.

First, in his famous versuch, published in 1860, Jacob Burckhardt by no means ignored religion. But between his celebration of the Italians' bold casting aside of "faith, illusion, and childish prepossession," and his paean to that small "circle of chosen spirits," Pico and Ficino, who had advanced to the spirituality of Lorenzo de' Medici's Platonic academy, the Swiss Protestant found only fatalism, superstition, paganism, and a bewildering attachment to saints and sacraments. [5] Burckhardt thus separated all that he considered worthy of Italian Renaissance culture from its church and religious life. Second, Burckhardt's efforts were in part complemented by church historians themselves. Availing themselves of the opening of the Vatican Archives in 1883, Ludwig Pastor and his equippe began issuing volumes of his monumental History of the Popes in 1886. But as he sifted through the humanists, Pastor distinguished those who had supported the "true" Renaissance, and papal monarchy, from those critics of the pa pacy (and they were many) who instead had embraced the "pagan" Renaissance. [6] Thus, in their different ways, the Protestant Burckhardt and the Catholic Pastor together partitioned much of Renaissance culture from the history of the Italian church and religion, and ensured that subsequent discussions would turn largely on the relations between humanists and the Roman curia. [7]

Finally, the nineteenth century witnessed in the Risorgimento the late birth of Italy as a secular nation state. Though "neo-Guelf" Catholic historians had long identified Italy's cultural progress with the development of the papacy, Italian nationalists, taking their cues from Marsilius of Padua and Machiavelli, now looked back on the Renaissance not as a brilliant cultural achievement, but as the moment at which Italy had failed previously to advance to nationhood. For Francesco De Sanctis, Renaissance religion was "cold and insipid, like an Ave Maria repeated day after day." [8] Pasquale Villari carried his history of Florence down to Dante in the early fourteenth century, then leapt two centuries to the age of Savonarola and Machiavelli at the end of the fifteenth. Those few historians who were willing to consider the intervening period did so to locate the point at which Italy's ruling orders had succumbed to the power of the papacy.

Thus, early in this century, Gaetano Salvemini and Gioacchino Volpe saw in the church-state conflicts of the communal period of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries promising anticipations of the development of a modern, sovereign secular state. But this prospect was soon compromised by the Guelf alliances formed between Italian bankers and the papacy in the late thirteenth century. Looking at the other end of the Renaissance, Federico Chabod offered a model of the political abdication of Italy's ruling class in his study of sixteenth-century Milan. There, frightened by the specter of Lutheranism, a Senate long jealous of the duchy's political independence and juridical autonomy capitulated to the pro-papal policies of the Emperor Charles V. [9] Chabod's contemporary, Delio Cantimori, meanwhile moved from the problem of political abdication to religious repression. Picking up the narrative of the Renaissance "spiritual individual" where Burckhardt had left off, Cantimori traced the spiritual and geographical odyssey of Italy's "heretics" who, from Valla and Pico in the fifteenth century to Faustino Sozzini in the sixteenth, fled first Catholic, then Lutheran repression, only to withdraw (ripiegamento) in the end into an intensely personal, Christocentric, and anti-dogmatic evangelical piety. [10] Luigi Prosdocimi was exceptional in surveying church-state relations in Milan over the intervening fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and in finding there the development of a "harmonious equilibrium" (1941, 17).

In the post-war years, Giorgio Falco's profile of the "holy Roman republic" of the Middle Ages, and Raffaello Morghen's vision of an essential Christian spirituality that infused medieval culture, drew the attention of Italian church historians back to the societas christiana of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Hubert Jedin's proposal that the Counter-Reformation be reappraised (and circumscribed) in relationship to a preceding movement of Catholic Reform, in turn refocused interest on the sixteenth century. [11] Meanwhile, the emigre scholar Hans Baron sharply reinforced the partition between religion and Renaissance culture that characterized the (Burckhardtian) historiography of the intervening Renaissance centuries. His thesis -- deeply influential in Cold War America -- juxtaposed the civic republican values and life in the saeculum embraced by Florentine humanists in their early Quattrocento "crisis," with the medieval world-renouncing ideals of monastic contemplation, and the poverty of spiritual 12

Intellectual historians were the first to cross these boundaries between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, and between religion and civic culture. Eugenio Garin penetrated beneath the humanists' criticism of the clergy, and their discussions of the vivere civile, to articulate an interweaving of religious, political, and cultural concerns that led them to a revaluation of the interior life, and to a common concern with public moral issues such as charity. Paul Oskar Kristeller called attention to the humanists' interest in religious problems, shaped by their contacts with religious orders and their activity in confraternities. Charles Trinkaus excavated an Augustinian anthropology from the writings of Petrarch and his followers that emphasized the humanity of Christ, and the creation of humanity in his image. This yielded a "'deification' of man," and a theology of grace by turns anti-clerical and deeply eucharistic (1976, 688). And Ronald G. Witt portrayed a chameleon Florentine Chancellor Salutati "at th e crossroads" who, after oscillating between his civic and religious convictions, eventually added a Christian dimension to the secular tradition of Italian rhetoric, and elevated patriotism to the center of Christian caritas. Much of the subsequent scholarship on Italian humanism by John W. O'Malley, John F. D'Amico, Salvatore I. Camporeale, Charles L. Stinger and others has underscored its religious and theological character, and the humanists' concern with church reform. [13] Arthur M. Field and James Hankins have provided detailed studies of Florence's Platonic Academy. And Cesare Vasoli has offered eclectic surveys tracing the humanists' interweaving of theological, magical, mystical, and eschatological themes over the course of the fifteenth century.

Social and political historians, meanwhile, began to insert religion into Barons "civic" construct, thus highlighting also the civic dimensions of Italian religious life. Brian S. Pullan countered old Protestant aspersions on Catholic charity by emphasizing the role of Venice's lay-sponsored scuole grandi in the Catholic republic's charitable and religious life, while William J. Bouwsma explored the tensions and interplay between the Renaissance ideals of the Venetian republic and the demands of the respublica christiana. David Herlihy signaled the rapid growth of public hospitals, charitable confraternities, and other manifestations of "civic Christianity" in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Tuscan cities. Marvin B. Becker christened this development a "democratization of the spiritualities" (1974, 185). Gene Brucker underscored the "ubiquity and propinquity" of ecclesiastical institutions in Florentine social and political life (1969). And Donald Weinstein traced the interweaving of civic and eschatologic al ideals in the sermons of Savonarola, thus reintegrating the prophet into his historical context, and demonstrating how profoundly religious expectation had infused Florentine culture and politics throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Meanwhile, Robert Brentano's comparison of an English church of bishops with an Italian church of saints, and Duane J. Osheim's study of episcopal power in the territory of Lucca, were invitations to consider the role of the church in Italy beyond Rome and the great Florentine and Venetian republics.

By the 1970s Italian church historians, challenged by foreign scholars and increasingly dissatisfied with their own presupposti, were approaching a crisi. [14] Quo vadis articles lamented the institutional fixation and apologetic character of much Italian church history, as well, sometimes, as its almost complete neglect of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. [15] At the same time, the investigations of Cantimori's student Carlo Ginzburg into the religious non-conformity of the sect of the Benandanti, and the deviant sixteenth-century Friulian miller Menocchio, combined with Jacques Le Goff's proposal that a fundamental division had emerged between clerical and folkloric culture as far back as Merovingian Gaul, opened up visions of a vast, autonomous stratum of non-Christian popular culture that had subsisted beneath Christian institutions and rulers for centuries. [16] In his thesis on the "re-Christianization" of early modern Europe, Jean Delumeau accordingly revived the thesis of "Renaissance paganism " -- this time directing the compliment not to Renaissance humanists, but to the Italian peasantry. [17] Though historians such as Raoul Manselli had already turned from theology and ecclesiastical institutions to examine the religious life of the laity, the study of "popular piety" was now inserted into rubrics juxtaposing popular and elite, lay and clerical culture which, despite much theoretical and methodological effort, in the end often proved reductive. [18] In this climate of Italian historiographical crisis, and of the fascination with "popular religion" that swept medieval and early modern studies throughout Europe, three books were published in the 1970s that have shaped the study of religion and the church in Renaissance Italy down to the present.

First, in his ground-breaking 1974 panorama of Italian religious history, Ginzburg's fellow Cantimorian, Giovanni Miccoli, had no difficulty reconnecting ecclesiastical to lay religious history. [19] Throughout Italy's history, he argued, the church's power had been so hegemonic that Italy's subaltern laity were never allowed to generate any significant "popular religious alternatives. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the merchant bourgeoisie had allied with the mendicant friars, whose preaching focused their lay audiences' attention so exclusively on matters of private morality that every possibility of social and religious protest was effectively foreclosed. In turn, ruling families like the Medici and their humanist servants, having tied their fortunes to the hierarchy, limited their criticism of the church to banal anti-clericalism. The resulting divorce between public and private morality partitioned matters of religion from the institutional church, vitiating every impulse for fundamental ref orm; at the same time, it encouraged social passivity (ripiegamento), thus precipitating Italy's long swoon into political decadence.

Just a few years later Denys Hay published a disparaging survey for English readers of The Church in Italy in the Fifteenth Century (1977). Hay found the Italian laity Christian but tepidly so, served at the local level by ecclesiastical institutions that varied considerably from region to region. The lower clergy were largely incompetent, those in the senior ranks preoccupied with swapping benefices. Monastic and mendicant institutions had either collapsed or been split by efforts to reform them. At their center was a papal curia which, still vulnerable to the threat of reforming church councils in the aftermath of the papal schism (1378-1417), had quietly renounced the spiritual leadership of Europe and was increasingly Italian in composition, venal in operation, and thus subject to manipulation by other peninsular powers.

Finally, the 1970s closed with the publication of Richard C. Trexler's innovative Public Life in Renaissance Florence (1980). Declaring that "the pagan Renaissance is no more," and that "ritual lives," Trexler offered a portrait of Florentine religious life that eschewed traditional ecclesiastical and intellectual history (1972, 7; 1980, xix). To transcend distinctions between belief and practice, and between religion popular and learned, Trexler approached Florentine religion as a set of "group identifying sets of behavior," rather than as a community of belief (1984, 256). Analyzing the power of religious objects, time, and behavior in a community where holiness was "captured, veiled, framed, and manipulated" (1973, 131), Trexler underscored the centrality of the sacred in the Florentines' pursuit of social and political legitimacy; and he highlighted the clergy's role as mediators, both in the articulation of social and transcendental order, and at the nexus of obligation, patronage, and contract. Since the early 1980s there has ensued an outpouring of convegni and publications on the operation of ecclesiastical institutions, their relations to social and political power, and on the religious culture of Italy in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Beginning with ecclesiastical structures, two major collections of conference proceedings, on baptismal and local parishes (pievi, parrocchie), and on bishops and dioceses in late medieval Italy, were published in 1984 and 1990. [20] Many of the contributions necessarily had an exploratory character, and turned largely on issues of administrative decline through the schism, and efforts at regeneration and reform afterwards. It may be unsurprising to find that bishops' powers were increasingly circumscribed from the thirteenth century onwards by the expansion of papal claims to political power and to rights of fiscal and administrative intervention in the affairs of local churches, the rise of the mendicant religious orders of friars and the inquisition, a nd the growing administrative sophistication of Italian communal governments. But these studies also revealed the remarkable adaptiveness of Italian ecclesiastical institutions at the local level, from the creation of new corporate forms of clerical association to the articulation of the powers of episcopal vicars. Further, they underscored the ongoing practical administrative collaboration between clergy and laity in myriad aspects of daily life, from the care of souls to the maintenance of churches and the formation of parochial societies for public works such as bridge repair that was a staple of social and religious life in rural as well as urban Italy.

The Veneto, where Giuseppe Forchielli and Paolo Sambin long ago established a tradition of conducting archivally-based research, [21] has yielded some of the most detailed analyses of local institutions in the fifteenth century from Giovanni Trolese's studies of Ludovico Barbo and the Benedictine congregation of Santa Giustina to Luigi Pesce's massive archival study of the reform of the diocese of Treviso in the first half of the fifteenth century. Antonio Rigon and Giuseppina De Sandre Gasparini have produced nuanced and meticulous studies of Paduan and Veronese clerical associations, parish structures, and lay confraternites that break down old stereotypes of an ossified ecclesiastical hierarchy, and of rigid distinctions between lay and clerical spheres of life, to reveal a complex web of ever changing (and adapting) local ecclesiastical institutions and religious practices. [22] Together with Grado G. Merlo they have established a new annual series of "Quaderni di Storia Religiosa" (Verona: Cierre). Taki ng their place alongside the Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia, the Archivio Italiano per la Storia della Pieta and Ricerche di Storia Sociale e Religiosa, the Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa, Cristianesimo e Storia edited at the Istituto per le Scienze Religiose of Bologna, and the Annali of the Istituto Storico Italo-germanico at Trent, the "Quaderni" have become a forum for exploring new empirical approaches to medieval and Renaissance Italian ecclesiastical and religious life. This historiography has in turn stimulated new enterprises throughout Italy to approach the archival sources for ecclesiastical history in a systematic fashion evident, for example, in the projects of Umberto Mazzone, Cecilia Nubola, and Angelo Turchini to survey the visitation records of pre-modern Italy. [23]

The reform of the religious orders has also attracted new interest. Francis of Assisi and the origins of mendicant movements in the early thirteenth century continue to be hothouse industries: Jacques Dalarun, Chiara Frugoni, Giovanni Miccoli, and Richard C. Trexler have all provided new biographies of the poverello and accounts of the legends he inspired. David Burr, Gian Luca Potesta, and Andrea Tabarroni have revisited the interweaving of poverty, prophesy, and politics that split the Franciscan order until the condemnation of its Spiritualist wing by Pope John XXII in 1323. And Augustine Thompson has explored the influence that revival preachers, often tenuously connected to ecclesiastical and temporal authority; could exert in the politics of communal peace-making -- provided they stayed above politics! Historians' growing awareness of the continuing influence that the mendicants (and, from the late fourteenth century, their observant wings) exerted on Italian social life and politics has led them to be gin carrying their histories beyond the thirteenth century and down through the fifteenth. [24] Equally important, they are extending their gaze beyond Franciscans and Dominicans to the other mendicant orders, such as the Servites and the Augustinian friars, and even to the histories of the older monastic orders in this period as well (e.g., Dal Pino).

Giles Constable long ago signaled the resurgent popularity of twelfth century spiritual writers in the late Middle Ages. Kaspar Elm underscored the importance of the Augustinian hermits to the development of humanism in the fourteenth century. And the Camaldoli humanist Ambrogio Traversari (1386-1439) and the Benedictine congregation of Santa Giustina in fifteenth century Padua have always served as reminders of the engagement of religious orders with Renaissance culture and society. [25] Elm has recently edited a volume of synthetic essays on the observantine movements of virtually all the religious orders of the late Middle Ages, with considerable emphasis on Italy. [26] Perhaps more remarkable than the mixed record of success of the observantine reforms that they reveal is the staying power of older orders like the Benedictines and their Camaldoli, Vallombrosan and other offshoots, and the rapid rise in popularity in fourteenth-century Italy of twelfth-century French orders like the Cistercians and the Ca rthusians. Duane J. Osheim has challenged Lester K. Little's paradigm of an early thirteenth-century shift from an older, rural form of monastic spirituality to a new, urban mendicant piety by delineating the social engagement of the late-founded Benedictine monastery of San Michele of Guamo in the fourteenth-century Luccan contado. And Cecile Caby has followed the Camaldoli hermits as they emigrated over the Renaissance centuries from the Italian countryside to the cities. The old Franco-Italian model that extrapolates the thirteenth-century shift from rural spirituality to urban mendicant engagement across the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries may have to be revised for Renaissance Italy to account for the fourteenth-century introduction and resurgence of eremitic and contemplative orders and their houses across northern Italy.

Efforts at conciliar reform of the church at its summit continue to stimulate increasingly detailed and variegated research. Scholars have modified their view of the Avignon papacy (1303-1378) that preceded the papal schism (1378-1417), treating it now less as a "Babylonian" aberration and more as a (successful) bureaucratic extension of the centralizing policies of the thirteenth-century papacy. [27] Since Vatican II (1962), constitutional and church historians have been most interested in exploring the conciliar movement that aimed not simply to resolve the crisis of the schism, but also to curb the monarchic powers that popes had acquired over the preceding two centuries, and even to reform the church "in head and members." Building on Brian Tierney's exposition of the medieval foundations of conciliar theory in canon law, Giuseppe Alberigo has followed its evolution by generations through the councils of Pisa (1409), Constance (1414-18) and Basel (1431-47). Aldo Landi has written a lively account of the Florentine deliberations and humanist rhetoric that led up to the council of Pisa, [28] and Walter Brandmuller has followed his immensely detailed study of the council of Pavia-Siena (1423) with another on Constance. In my own work, I have tried to demonstrate both the inter-relations between the conciliar theories developed by canonists like Francesco Zabarella and the republican ideals celebrated by humanists like Leonardo Bruni, and the interplay between such theories and the corporate systems of representative government that were implemented locally by the Florentine clergy in this period. [29] Bianca Betto and Antonio Rigon have studied comparable clerical bodies in Venice and Padua. Phillip H. Stump has examined the deliberations held at Constance on the practical reform of papal taxation and appointments to benefices. Joachim Steiber has written an extensive study of Eugenius IV's politicking with the Empire to undermine the Council of Basel, Aldo Landi has followed the fencing between reluctant popes and proponents of church councils from the end of Basel to the Fifth Lateran Council (1512-1517), and Nelson H. Minnich has produced a series of meticulous studies of what it attempted on the eve of the Reformation. Recent symposia on the councils of Constance and Florence (1439) have highlighted not only their political and ecclesiological significance, but their importance as social and cultural events as well. [30] So dominant have conciliar studies been -- and so daunting are the Vatican's resources for the history of the papacy -- that modern biographies of virtually all the Renaissance popes remain to be written.

By the mid-fifteenth century, with the demise of the conciliar movement at the Council of Basel, the reassertion of the principle of monarchy in church government, and the popes' determination to compensate their forfeiture of influence over the church to rulers north of the Alps by building a powerful state in central Italy, even the most optimistic accounts of church reform in Italy must begin to wind down. [31] It becomes necessary to focus more directly on the problem of the church's relationship to Italy's social elites and various political powers. A major volume of essays by Italian scholars was published in 1986 that surveyed the myriad means, from papal diplomacy and the provision of benefices to the operations of local patronage networks, whereby ecclesiastical, social, and political power have interacted, and often reinforced each other, over the course of Italian history (Chittolini and Miccoli). Some of the liveliest discussion has turned on the political and patronage relations between the Roman curia and the groups that controlled fifteenth-century Italy's courts and regional states. What has looked to foreigners (such as Denys Hay) like the "Italianization" of the papacy in the fifteenth century has seemed instead to some Italian historians like the "Romanization" of Italian peninsular politics. Adriano Prosperi has drawn attention to the manner in which Renaissance princes deployed representatives at the papal curia to secure provision to benefices in their territories for their clients as a means of rewarding them, and thus also of consolidating their own political power and control of their territories. [32] Elaborating Ernst Kantorowicz's notion of "the king's two bodies," Paolo Prodi has argued that from the mid-fifteenth century papal princes so effectively combined the temporal and spiritual power of "the pope's two souls" in the papal state that it became a model for absolutist governments throughout Europe in the early modern period, while it reduced the other Italian states to a "grey zo ne" of limited sovereignty. Roberto Bizzocchi, in turn, proposed in his case study of Florence that with the restoration of a unified papacy in Italy in the early fifteenth century, the republic unilaterally abandoned all pretenses of maintaining a sovereign juridical state. The Medici were thus able to achieve control of the government by using their contacts in Rome to secure benefices for their clients throughout the Florentine territory, eventually making themselves Tuscan princes as well as Roman popes. [33]

These theses hark back to long-standing Italian grievances, but they have not gone unchallenged. [34] Barbara McClung Hallman has certainly demonstrated that by the sixteenth-century Italian cardinals had come to treat church property as their own. But in his study of the papal bureaucracy; Peter Partner cautioned against assuming that Roman venality neatly complemented coherent systems of patronage in the regions of Italy; and recent studies of curial families like the Salviati and the Soderini tend to support him. [35] Marco Pellegrini has confirmed that although there was considerable traffic in benefices between leading Milanese families and the Roman curia, much of it escaped the supervision of the dukes of Milan and the Economato they had created to control it. In the Veneto, Antonio Rigon has suggested that the Venetian system of Senatorial screenings (probae) of candidates for benefices in the Venetian territory certainly favored patrician families and encouraged collaboration with the Roman curia -- but in a manner that may have extended Venetian rather than Roman control of the terra firma (1997). Giuseppina De Sandre Gasparini in turn has questioned how thoroughly such negotiation at the apex of the system changed the practical operation of ecclesiastical institutions at its base (1995). Even in the case of a city as closely tied to the papal curia as Medicean Florence, the recent raft of studies commemorating the prophet Savonarola in the half millenium since his condemnation are a reminder that popular rebellion against collusion between local and curial elites could be sharp and dramatic. [36] Ottavia Niccoli has surveyed the breadth of prophetic expectation in Italy at this time, and Adriana Valerio and Lorenzo Polizzotto have demonstrated the longevity of the Savonarolan movement in Florence: Polizzotto assigns its demise not to the power and coherence of Medicean interests in Rome, but to its own political (and millenarian) self-destructiveness. Gigliola Fragnita has argued that whatever system of condominio may have existed between Rome and the Medici in the fifteenth century, it did not last to the sixteenth-century principate (1994). And Angela De Benedictis has even suggested that in the papal state itself the popes' control of cities like Bologna may not have been as absolute as it once appeared.

Melissa Meriam Bullard, whose study of the Florentine banker Filippo Strozzi provided an early model of Medicean and Roman curial collaboration, has lately wondered whether the emphasis on collusion between ecclesiastical and civil powers does not presuppose an essential identity in their natures that obscures the distinctive character of ecclesiastical power (1994). Surveying Northern Italy, Giorgio Chittolini has emphasized that alongside the increasingly Rome-centered traffic in benefices must be set the bureaucratic and juridical development of a system of territorial states in fifteenth-century Italy in which, to be sure, the church was an important factor but not the only one (1986a, 1986b, 1989). In my studies of the early Quattrocenro Florentine church, I have tried to suggest that in addition to defending ecclesiastical prerogatives, reformers like Archbishop Antoninus (1446-1459) were well aware that the church's real power depended finally on the religious credibility it enjoyed with the laity: th is view was shared by Florence's rulers who, while creating bureaucratic instruments to curb its fiscal and judicial powers, aimed also to leave the Florentine church sufficient autonomy to make it viable as a legitimizing agency. It was the abandonment of these policies that provoked the Savonarolan response. Into the old juridical dichotomy of church-state relations must be factored not only the political interests of social elites, but those of myriad other elements of the laity and of local clergies (Peterson, 1989b, 2000). Understanding the political reach of the papacy into the regional politics of Italy will require studies that connect the curial traffic in benefices, such as those undertaken for Florence and Milan, with analyses of the operation of ecclesiastical institutions at the local level, such as those that have been carried out in the Veneto.

Historians have lately expanded their approaches to political power to encompass the broader (and more fluid) notion of social discipline -- as the most recent anthology puts it -- "of the soul, of the body, and of society" (Prodi, 1994). The operations of the inquisition in Italy have provoked a diversity of views. Taking a cue from Edward Peters, and focusing on Italy, Richard Kieckhefer has suggested that by Max Weber's bureaucratic standards it was not even sufficiently developed in the late Middle Ages to qualify as an institution. Grado G. Merlo, on the other hand, has insisted that the very power of its punitive spectacles made it hegemonic, an essential element in the ecclesiastical structure as a whole. Recently Carol Lansing has suggested that gender needs to be factored into the relations between orthodox and heretical, inquisitors and laity. Preaching, too, has been approached as an agency of social disciplining. Daniel R. Lesnick has argued that rationalistic Dominican preaching in early fourtee nth-century Florence appealed especially to members of the rising (and calculating) merchant bourgeoisie, providing a tool that helped them consolidate hegemonic power over their social inferiors, the popolo, who sought refuge in the more emotional and activist message of the Franciscans. [37] Roberto Rusconi, though alert to the political uses of preaching -- and prophesy -- in Italy's transit "from pulpit to confessional," and to the manner in which they might be used to articulate or repress social and political dissent, has published a series of carefully equilibrated studies, sensitive to context, which take account both of the messages purveyed, and of the manner (following the work of Zelina Zafarana) in which sermons were received and understood. In his recent study of San Bernardino's sermons against witches, sodomy, and Jews, Franco Mormando has cautioned against assuming "too strict an image of uniformity of thought, oratorical style, or public behavior" (7). Peter Francis Howard has emphasized how creatively Bernardino's less charismatic contemporary Antoninus of Florence nevertheless deployed the preacher's traditional scholastic tools to promote social harmony and Christian ethics.

Turning from preaching to confession, Miriam Turrini has revised Thomas Tentler's survey of confessors' manuals in this period, downplaying the consolatory features that he had found in this literature, and emphasizing instead the elaboration of the confessor's role as judge. Maria Giuseppina Muzzarelli, on the other hand, has emphasized the element of compromise between clerics and laity that was a feature of confessional writing. Her interest in public penance has led her from ecclesiastical to civil discipline and the sumptuary legislation regulating women's dress and comportment that grew steadily in Italian governments over this period. [38] Other historians have explored the myriad ways in which civic governments increasingly competed with or overtook ecclesiastical courts in regulating marriage, prostitution, homosexuality, gambling, and other aspects of citizens' lives -- and deaths -- that rulers and communities for a variety of religious, political, and economic motives, and with uneven degrees of s uccess, chose to make matters of public Christian concern. [39]

Not all religious discipline was imposed from "above." A close look at the religious culture of Renaissance Italy suggests that much of it may instead have been "self-inflicted." Giles-Gerard Meersseman's study of the popular diffusion of the thirteenth-century order of penance established the foundation for a rich and still growing literature on lay confraternities, disciplinati (penitential) as well as Marian, laudesi (celebratory) and charitable -- and now, thanks to the recent study by Konrad Eisenbichler, youthful as well as adult -- whose numbers grew steadily from the thirteenth century onwards. Current studies underscore the engagement of women and clergy in confraternities; the formation of Jewish confraternities; the variety of religious, social, charitable, and political roles confraternities played in maintaining, contesting, and reshaping social, political, and religious order; and the longevity of the confraternal movement. [40] Though Ronald F. E. Weissman early on emphasized the importance of confraternites as sodalities for male social networking in Florence, and Daniel Bornstein downplays the role of flagellation in his recent study of the 1399 peace movement of the Bianchi penitents, John Henderson has instead tracked the rise of confraternities of disciplinati as they superseded those of the laudesi in Florence at the turn of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Moreover, Henderson links contemporary ideals of personal penance to the development of public charitable institutions. The possibility that from the early thirteenth century onwards Italians were articulating through their devotional practices a link between personal discipline and social obligation is a more satisfying explanation of the popularity and diffusion of the mendicant movement than strictly class-based or economic analyses, which appear increasingly tenuous.

Hospitals and confraternities were long identified with the rise of lay-sponsored Italian "civic religion." Philip Gavitt located his detailed study of the Florentine orphanage of the Innocenti within the framework of civic pride and changing humanist social values that emerged in early fifteenth-century Florence, and Nicholas Terpstra has used the model of "civic religion" to track the consolidation of patrician power through confraternities in fifteenth-century Bologna. Some scholars have been skeptical of the notion of "civic religion," sensing therein an American afterglow of Baronian idealism. [41] Henderson has emphasized that the basic impetus behind lay charitable giving and municipal supervision of hospitals is to be sought not in the ideals of early Quattrocento civic humanists. They originated much earlier in the thirteenth century: the early Quattrocento merely witnessed a process of administrative rationalization. Charles M. de La Ronciere and James R. Banker have highlighted the development of hospitals and confraternities in the countryside, concurrent with that which took place in "civic" settings. Other studies have pointed out the variety of constituencies served by hospitals, from indigents, orphans, widows, and abused women to the "shamed poor"; the differing degrees of their centralization in the cities and regions of Italy; and the remarkably different balances of ecclesiastical (often, but not always, mendicant) and civic supervision that was exercised over them. [42] Samuel K. Cohn, too, has recently attacked the concept of "civic religion," challenging the primacy of hospitals themselves as objects of lay benefactions. In his serial analysis of Sienese and Tuscan testaments over the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, he has emphasized that lay giving to urban charities did not displace commitments to older monastic or parochial institutions. He does, however, discern a fundamental shift in the values of lay testators in the aftermath of the second wave of the Black Death in 1363: this was not from traditional to "civic" religious values, but away from the "Franciscan" dispersion of property to strategies aimed at the self-memorialization of the testators themselves. [43]

It is important to be reminded that there are frameworks other than the civic within which to approach Italian religious life. Religious experience could be intensely personal (and self-interested), many confraternities operated within sub-urban or extra-urban ambits, and beyond the city, territorial as well as civic governments increasingly asserted a role in shaping the religious lives of their subjects. The religious orders themselves, of course, though the movement of their foundations was from country to city in this period, were also meant to be inter-urban and inter-regional. William M. Bowsky's examinations of the intricacy of parish life in San Lorenzo, Florence, and Robert Brentano's affectionate study of the shadings of local religion in the diocese of Rieti recall again that parish and diocese could still serve as the loci of much Italian religious life. The notion of "civic religion" (particularly in its humanist or Baronian guises) may no longer operate as a "key" that unlocks all essential fea tures of Italian religious life. Its analytical value has, however, lately been reaffirmed by historians interested in how Italians organized their public lives. Since Hans C. Peyer's seminal study of cities and their patron saints, Sofia Boesch Gajano, Chiara Frugoni, and Diana Webb, noting the displacement of episcopally-sponsored by civic cults of saints, have explored their role not only as mediators between the human and the divine, but as focal points in the articulation of social, cultural, and political space and power. [44] Edward Muir and Andre Vauchez have found the civic context essential in addressing the variety of strategies whereby Italy's urban governments used religious ritual and other public manifestations of religious sentiment to construct public consensus and to legitimize their power. [45] And the framework of "civic religion" continues to serve as a means of comparing religious life in Italy with other regions of Europe and the Mediterranean. [46]

Alongside the use of religion to legitimize power and to promote social harmony, its deployment to marginalize some groups, and its embrace by others to assert their presence, has attracted increased attention. Jews are no longer studied simply as financiers, Hebrew teachers, and victims of Christian anti-Semitism -- though they were often that -- but as members of communities which, though never free of the dilemma of negotiating their relations with the dominant religion of Italy, possessed a dynamic culture of their own. [47] The question of whether Jews had a Renaissance is as lively today as that of whether women had one. Although women were juridically located beyond the sacerdotal boundaries of the church, gender studies have recently offered some of the most interesting roads into the religious world of Renaissance Italy, bringing into play women's religious experience per se, their relations with (clerical and lay) men, religious discipline, and the treatment of other marginalized groups. [48] Andre Vauchez and the team of Donald Weinstein and Rudolph M. Bell have documented the remarkable rise to prominence of women mystics, saints, and their cults, in late medieval and Renaissance Italy, both stimulating study of womens' religious experience and providing an additional impetus to the recent surge of interest in hagiography. [49] The rich, archivally-based studies of anchoresses and women's religious communities in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Florence and Umbria by Anna Benvenuti, Giovanna Cassagrande, and others, and Gabriella Zarri's and Anne Jacobsen Schutte's examinations of female piety -- and feigned sanctity -- in the early sixteenth century, raise the question of whether Renaissance women had religious experiences qualitatively different from those of men, and whether these women signal something distinctive about Italian religious life. [50] Elissa B. Weaver and others have unveiled a creative world of convent drama. In excavating female voices and concerns from the writings of (predomi nantly) male confessors, preachers, and devotional writers, historians like Katherine Gill and Karen Scott are demonstrating how (female) audiences could shape the messages of those (men) who might appear to have controlled the media, taking us beyond gender to the even broader issue of how laity and clergy may often have collaborated in the articulation of Italy's religious culture. They should stimulate further interest in the volgare devotional literature of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. [51]

The problem of the relationship between religious choice and institutional control comes to a head in the sixteenth century with Luther's posting of his ninety-five theses in 1517 and the opening of the Council of Trent in 1545. Paolo Prodi, director of the Istituto Iralo-germanico founded at Trent by Hubert Jedin, has signalled his readiness to set aside his mentors old schema of "Catholic Reform" and "Counter-Reformation" in order to explore newer interpretive models that underscore the affinities between Protestant and Catholic development in the movement toward modernity, such as Jean Delumeau's "Christianization" thesis, Wolfgang Reinhard's theory of "confessionalization," and Gerhard Oestreich's on "social disciplining." [52] Elisabeth G. Gleason's recent study of the underlying inefficacy of much of the career of one of Italy's leading curial advocates of reform, the Venetian Gasparo Contarini, certainly makes the notion of a significant "Catholic Reform" in the early sixteenth century look increasingl y wishful. [53] But even if we drop the old paradigm of "Catholic Reform/Counter-Reformation," it is doubtful that trans-European (and trans-denominational) models of "Christianization," "social disciplining" or "confessionalization" alone will yield the whole answer to one of the most baffling -- and specific -- questions of this period: why Italians, who arguably had suffered more abuse from the Renaissance papacy in the fifteenth century than any other people of Europe, should nevertheless have chosen in the sixteenth century to remain Catholic, rather than avail themselves of the opportunity to abandon the papacy and the sacramental clergy by embracing Lutheranism.

Certainly we cannot discount -- as Adriano Prosperi's and John Tedeschi's recent studies of the Roman Inquisition remind us -- the strong measures deployed in the sixteenth century by the Italian patriciate and the papacy to defend their interests. But as John Martin has recently shown -- perhaps unwittingly -- the demise of aristocratic evangelism in sixteenth-century Venice was brought about in the end not simply by the terrors of the inquisition, but by the pressure of popular orthodox Catholicism; and Lorenzo Polizzotto has found that when Savonarola's Piagnoni successors encountered Lutheranism, the majority were appalled, and prepared to return to the fold. [54] Recent studies of the church and religious life in Italy in the preceding centuries have now demonstrated not only the importance of religion in Renaissance culture: they have shown that it was far from being simply "late medieval," "inertial," or merely "persistent." Rather, over the period from Francis of Assisi in the early thirteenth centur y to Savonarola in the late fifteenth, the development of Renaissance culture now appears to have been part of a process in which, in their articulation of myriad new religious institutions, new devotions, sacred spaces, cults, and complex negotiations with authority (ancient and modern), Italians were engaged in the construction (literally as well as figuratively), [55] not of a national church per se, but of a new and distinctively Italianate form of Christianity. Might it not have been precisely this recently articulated form of Italian Christianity that they chose to reaffirm in the sixteenth century, and that the papacy in turn moved aggressively to appropriate, [56] eventually making it Roman Catholicism?

(*.) This survey is a lightly revised version of conference papers delivered at the annual meetings of the American Historical Association and of the Renaissance Society of America held in Chicago and Florence on 7 January and 23 March, 2000. It makes no pretence of bibliographic comprehensiveness: items have been (very selectively) cited because they seem seminal or exemplary, or because they provide further avenues into the literature; many choices reflect the author's Florentine orientation. I particularly wish to thank Robert Bireley Daniel Bornstein, Thomas Brady, Giuseppina De Sandre Gasparini, John Najemy, Duane Osheim, Antonio Rigon, Roberto Rusconi, and Donald Weinstein for their comments and suggestions, and Margaret King for her invitation to publish the piece here. Grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities made possible research at the Newberry Library in Chicago and at Cornell University's Olin Library.

(1.) Delaruelle, 1:xviii. Surveys were provided of the churches of England, France, Spain, and Germany. This lacuna has been filled by La Ronciere, 1990, and Prosperi, 1994, in vols. 6 and 7 of the new Histoire du Christianisme.

(2.) As in the title of his Il problema religioso del rinascimento, 1952.

(3.) Still apposite are the observations of Oakley, 15-21, and Ozment, 1980, 1-21.

(4.) Their achievements are surveyed with varying degrees of appreciation by Bertelli; Bouwsma, 1965, 1968, 556-623; Cochrane, 1981, 34-60, 445-78; Ditchfield; Jedin, 1982; Hay, 1 977a, 101-66; and Vasina. It was in fact Baronio's continuator, Odotico Rinal di, who compiled rhe Anna/es Ecdesiattici covering the years 1198-1565.

(5.) Burckhardr, 1: 143,2: 5 15-16. Againsr the harsh assessment in White, 230-64, may be set the views of Gombrich, 14-25, Gilbert, and Kerrigan and Braden, 2-35.

(6.) Pastor, 1:1-56. Boyle, 1-24 surveys the history of the Vatican Archive.

(7.) Zabughin and Toffanin are in this vein. Pastor visited Burckhardr at Basel in 1895; Kaegi, 3: 647.

(8.) Croce, 2:125-166, wrote a famous critique of the "neo-Guelfs" Troya, Capponi, and Balbo. In his 1870 history of Italian literature, De Sanctis skipped from the late Trecento to the Cinquecento, dismissing the intervening period as "scisso e fiacco," its religious sentiments "insipidi e freddi come un'avemaria ripetuta meccanicamente tutt' i giorni" (1: 302, 375). Ferguson, 195-252, surveys the Italian response to Burckhardt; Tabacco, 1974, 3-47, traces the studies of medieval law that Italian historians preferred in this period.

(9.) Violante, 1983, surveys the historiographical context of Salvemini and Volpe; Spini, that of Chabod.

(10.) Miccoli, 1970, Garin, 1974, and Schutte, 1989, survey his impact. Cantimori readily acknowledged his admiration of Burckhardt's "gran libro, bel libro, gran bel libro" (1959, 312).

(11.) He first proposed his thesis in 1946, and elaborated it in his monumental history of the Council of Trent, 1949-1975. There are some affinities in Brezzi. O'Malley, 2000, 46-71 discusses Jedin's development of the thesis, and its impact.

(12.) On Baron's scholarly bildung see Fubini, 1992, and Najemy; on his influence, Hankins, 1995, Molho, Muir, 1995, and Witt, 1996.

(13.) These include McManamon, McClure, Rice, and Russo.

(14.) The hardest shots came from Cochrane, 1970, 1975, and Hay, 1977b, 1-8.

(15.) For example, Rosa, 1961, and Capitani, 1967. Violante, too, for some time had been calling for an histoire globale of ecdesiastical institutions, and for a move into the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (1962). Prosdocimi opened a conference at Milan's Universita Cattolica del Sacro Cuore in 1971 with a peroration on "The History of Medieval Christianity as an Institution" redolent with the unitary and devotional assumptions of many previous convegniheld at Spoleto and Mendola (1974). There ensued a small series of prises depositions. Tabacco emphasized the need to examine the relationship between ecclesiastical institutions and political power, particularly the use of monasteries by Italy's rural aristocracy to reinforce its power (1977). Rossetti pointed to social influences bearing on the church, particularly those coming from Italy's urban economic elites, who shaped the mendicant movement (1979). Capitani advocated moving beyond law and institutions to grasp the "coscienza del sistema" (1976, 197 7). Violante came to Prosdocimi's rescue by reasserting the primacy of religious goals in the operation of ecclesiastical institutions (1977). The best bibliographic orientations for this period are De Maio and Fumagalli.

(16.) Cardini has written extensively on Tuscan religion, magic, and folkdore (1979, 1993).

(17.) Delumeau, 243-55; cf. Centro Italiano di Studi sull'Alto Medioevo and Rapp, 296-326.

(18.) Surveys include Burke, Davis, and von Greyerz. Van Engen underscored the achievements of an earlier generation of historians of lay religion. For a compact selection of critiques of the "two-tier" view of popular and elite religion and culture by Vauchez, Manselli, De Rosa and others, see the Table ronde discussion pub. in Centre National de la Recherche Scienrifique, 391-409. Trexler set out his views in 1977; Ginzburg issued his famous refius of the construct of "popular religion" in 1979.

(19.) Miccoli, 1974, esp. 793-975. Just a few years later, Penco published a more conventional history of the church in Italy which included informative and frequently cited chapters on the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (1977, 1: 414-580). See now the collection of retrospective essays on Miccoli's work and influence by Merlo, Rigon, et al., and Miccoli's reply, in Bolgiani.

(20.) Erba, et al., 1984; De Sandre Gasparini and Rigon, et al. To these may now be added the anthologies by Rosa, 1992, and Vauchez, 1993. Some of these results are synthesized by La Ronciere, 1993.

(21.) On the development of this "school," see Brentano, 1986; Boyd, 1952, might be located in this tradition as well.

(22.) To these should be added the histories of the dioceses of the Venero in the series "Storia Religiosa del Veneto," such as those edited by Gios and Tramontin, as well as the anthology on the Venetian church edited by Vian. For Ferrara, see Samaritani; for Genoa and Liguria, Polonio and Costa Restagno.

(23.) E.g., Mazzone and Turchini; Nubola and Turchini, 1993; and Coppola and Grandi. Other helpful guides to ecdesiastical sources are Nubola and Turchini, 1999; and AA. VV., 1995. Mascanzoni provides a bibliography on pievi and parishes. The contents of diocesan archives are surveyed in Monachino, et al. Exemplary is the inventory of Fiesole by Raspini, 1962, and the work that has come out of it: AA. VV., 1986; and Borgioli. The registers and parchments of many monastic, parochial, and confraternal archives were collected during the Napoleonic period and the Risorgimento and deposited in what have become the Archivi di Stato of the different provinces of Italy. Florence's Archivio di Stato, for example, contains rich collections on Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse (convents), Compagnie Religiose Soppresse (confraternities), and of Pergamene (parchments: bulls, testaments, etc.) in its Fondo Diplomatico; see Fantozzi Micali and Roselli. Comparable series in other Italian state archives can be located in D'An giolini and Pavone. For the Vatican holdings, see Blouin; particularly helpful for local institutions are the letters in the Registra Vaticana and the Registra Lateranensia, inventoried by Giusti and Gualdo.

(24.) Centro di Studi Francescani, 1985, 1986; and, most recently, the convegno "Ordini religiosi e societa politica in Italia e Germania: secc. xiv e xv (Trento, 8-12 settembre, 1997)." On the Franciscans, see Nimmo; on the Dominicans, Canetti, 1996, and Mostaccio. Among the first to signal the continuing political importance of the mendicants were Rusconi, 1984, and Zarri, 1984. See also the collection of essays by Vauchez, 1990.

(25.) On Traversari and the Camaldoli, see Calati; on S. Giustina, Trolese, 1983, and Collett.

(26.) Elm, 1989. On religious orders in Italy, see also Penco, 1983; on the observantine movement, Fois; on the Augustinian observance, the numerous articles by Walsh, e.g., 1982, 1989.

(27.) On Avignon, see Quaglioni and Wood; on the outbreak of the schism, see Favier.

(28.) See also Williams Lewin.

(29.) Ascheri and Fubini, 1990, have also pointed to the interaction between humanists and canonists.

(30.) Accademia Tudertina; Viti; Chiabo. J. Gill's studies remain very useful.

(31.) Fundamental studies of the papal state are by Esch and Partner, 1958; on papal politics and diplomacy, Partner, 1972, and J. A. F. Thompson.

(32.) Prosperi, 1984, reiterated in 1994. See also Chambers, Fragnito, 1988b.

(33.) Bizzocchi, 1987, 1992. Two other important collections of essays on Florentine church history in this period are Verdon and Henderson, and Benvenuti, et al.

(34.) Pellegrini, 1994, reviews the debate.

(35.) Partner, 1990, chap. 6; Hurtubise and Lowe, respectively.

(36.) Fontes; Garfagnini, 1996 and 1997, and the surveys by Weinstein, 1991, and Eisenbichler, 1999.

(37.) Dameron examines the role of the Florentine bishopric in the social conflicts of this period.

(38.) See also Rainey.

(39.) On marriage, see Kirshner and Molho, 1978, Klapisch-Zuber, and Kuehn; on sexual controls, Ruggiero; on prostitution, Mazzi; on homosexuality, Rocke; on lesbianism, Brown; on gambling, Rizzi and Ortalli; on death and funerals, Strocchia. Helpful surveys are provided by Davidson, Kovesi Killerby, and Lombardi in Dean and Lowe; and by Hughes, 1983. Brucker, 1988, 1991, examines the operation of episcopal courts and the Roman penitentiary.

(40.) Surveys are provided by Terpstra and Black in Terpstra, 2000, 1-30; Pamato in De Sandre Gasparini, et al., 9-51. See also the anthology by Donnelly.

(41.) Donvito, and my own reservations, 1994.

(42.) Surveys include Matthews Grieco, Pinto, Politi, and, for Verona, Varanini. There are specialized studies by Carmichael on the plague; Lombardi, 1988, on poverty and gender; Cohen on asylums for women; Ricci on poveri vergognosi; Sandri on orphanages; and Epstein, on hospital finances.

(43.) Cohn here steps back from the Baron-inspired "civic" construction of Italian religion to revive the Burckhardtian thesis of the Renaissance birth of the individual -- in this case, a religious individual. His analysis nevertheless depends heavily on Baron's portrayal of the radical nature of Franciscan piety. Cohn's serial method of analyzing testaments has been challenged by Bertram, a legal historian.

(44.) See, likewise, Orselli, Golinelli, and Canetti. Benvenuti, 1998b, provides an extensive bibliography in her introduction to the translation of Peyer.

(45.) So, also, have Giappelli and Mantini.

(46.) Vauchez, 1995a, summarizes the case for "civic religion;" the contributions in Gensini and Vauchez, 1995b, are explicitly comparative.

(47.) The studies by Bonfil and Ruderman on Jewish culture, by Toaff on Jewish society, and by Luzzati on Jewish migrations and the actions of the inquisition, are surveyed by Vivanti. Work since Meneghin on anti-Jewish mendicant preachers like Bernardino da Feltre, expulsions of Jews, and the creation of Monti di Pieta to circumvent Jewish moneylenders is reviewed in Menning, 1-10. Hughes, 1986, subtly unfolds the complexities of Christian-Jewish relations.

(48.) E.g., the recent conference on "Donne delle minoranze. Ebraismo e riforme," Reading, 5-7 April 1998.

(49.) Boesch Gajano and Sebastiani, 1984; and with Scaraffla, 1990.

(50.) King, 81-156, and Osheim, 1990, provide helpful surveys. Bornstein, 1996, reviews the historiagraphy on women and medieval religious movements since Grundmann's seminal thesis of 1935. Among numerous anthologies on women and religion in this period, see especially Scaraffia and Zarri; Zarri, 1996; Matter and Coakley; and Bornstein and Rusconi.

(51.) Additional entree is provided by Grendler, 1989, 275-89, and Gehl, 135-77. The production of texts and editions is surveyed by Delcorno, 1975, 1977; Petrocchi; Sapegno; Tartaro. Bec analyzes lay ownership. A rich selection of texts is provided by De Luca; a wonderful view of available sources is Morpurgo's catalogue of the riches of Florence's Bibliotecca Riccardiana.

(52.) Prodi, 1989. To this end, see the anthologies he has edited on social discipline, 1995, and on Trent with Reinhard, 1995. For some different approaches to the council, see Alberigo and Rogger, published by Trent's sister organization at Bologna; Marcocchi, et. al.; and Mozzarelli and Zardin. O'Malley, 2000, 106-117 reviews the historiographical implications of the shift from Jedin's model towards those of Reinhard and Oestreich; Hudon tests them against recent Italian scholarship. A notable application is by Montanari.

(53.) Her book should be read alongside Fragnito, 1988a.

(54.) Martin, 1993, 211-15, though I place more emphasis on these pages than the author may have intended; Polizzotto, 164-67. Prosperi's study of the Roman Inquisition aims to balance consideration of the uses of force and persuasion, but the emphasis is on a Catholicization of Italy achieved by repression (1996, xiii, xv). Tedeschi has emphasized the Inquisition's concern with formal legal justice, although "moral justice was impossible" (1997, 256; 1991). Grendler, 1977, circumscribes the impact of inquisitorial censorship on Italian intellectual development. The basic studies of Protestant inroads into Italy are Firpo, Caponetto, and Simoncelli; see the review by Martin, 1995.

(55.) Goldthwaite, 129-48, surveys the massive investment made by Italians in building and decorating churches over this period.

(56.) The notion of appropriation might help illuminate both the "disciplinamento imperfetto" that Niccoli, 1998, 136, finds characteristic of Tridentine reform, and the "refashioning" that Bireley sees as its essential feature.

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